ti-to 


EX-LIBRIS 

R.ICARP°  DE  R.OBINA 


/ 


I 


i 


SMITHSONIAN  INSTITUTION 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY:  W.  H.  HOLMES,  CHIEF 

BULLETIN  28 


MEXICAN  AND  CENTRAL  AMERICAN  ANTIQUITIES, 
CALENDAR  SYSTEMS,  AND  HISTORY 


EDUARJJ  SELER 
E.  EORSTEMATsTN 
RAXJE  SCHEELIIAS 
CARL  SARRER 
and  E.  R.  DIE  SEED  ORFF 


TRANSLATED  FROM  THE  GERMAN  UNDER  THE  SUPERVISION  OP 


CHARLES  R.  BOWLITCH 


WASHINGTON 

GOVERNMENT    PRINTING  OFFICE 
1904 


TWENTY-FOUR  PAPERS  BY 


mm 


CONTENTS 


Page 

The  Mexican  chronology,  with  special  reference  to  the  Zapotec  calendar,  by 

Eduarcl  Seler   11 

Ancient  Mexican  feather  ornaments,  by  Eduard  Seler   57 

Antiquities  of  Guatemala,  by  Eduard  Seler   75 

Alexander  von  Humboldt's  picture  manuscripts  in  the  Royal  Library  at  Berlin, 

by  Eduard  Seler   123 

The  bat  god  of  the  Maya  race,  by  Eduard  Seler   231 

The  wall  paintings  of  Mitla,  by  Eduard  Seler   243 

The  significance  of  the  Maya  calendar  for  historic  chronology,  by  Eduard  Seler.  325 

The  temple  pyramid  of  Tepoztlan,  by  Eduard  Seler   339 

The  Venus  period  in  the  Borgian  codex  group,  by  Eduard  Seler   353 

•Aids  to  the  deciphering  of  the  Maya  manuscripts,  by  E.  Forstemann   393 

•Maya  chronology,  by  E.  Forstemann   473 

•Time  periods  of  the  Mayas,  by  E.  Forstemann   491 

\*Maya  hieroglyphs,  by  E.  Forstemann   499 

•The  Central  American  calendar,  by  E.  Forstemann   515 

The  Pleiades,  by  E.  Forstemann   521 

•The  Central  American  tonalamatl,  by  E.  Forstemann   525 

•ilecent  Maya  investigations,  by  E.  Forstemann   535 

•  The  inscription  on  the  Cross  of  Palenque,  by  E.  Forstemann.   545 

#The  day  gods  of  the  Mayas,  by  E.  Forstemann   557 

♦  From  the  Temple  of  Inscriptions  at  Palenque,  by  E.  Forstemann   573 

•Three  inscriptions  of  Palenque,  by  K.  Forstemann   581 

Comparative  studies  in  the  field  of  Maya  antiquities,  by  Paul  Schellhas   591 

The  independent  states  of  Yucatan,  by  Carl  Sapper   623 

Two  vases  from  Chama,  by  E.  P.  Dieseldorff,  Eduard  Seler,  and  E.  Forstemann .  635 

3 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2013 


http://archive.org/details/mexicancentralamerOObowd 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


Page 

Plate      I.  Map  of  Yucatan   17 

II,  Mexican  jminting — Humboldt  fragment  I,  part  1   129 

III.  Mexican  painting — Humboldt  fragment  I,  part  2   135 

IV.  Mexican  painting — Humboldt  fragment  I,  part  3   139 

V.  Mexican  painting — Humboldt  fragment  I,  part  4   148 

VI.  Mexican  painting — Humboldt  fragment  I,  part  5   152 

VII.  Mexican  painting — Humboldt  fragment  II   154 

VIII.  Mexican  painting — Humboldt  fragment  III    176 

IX.  Mexican  painting — Humboldt  fragment  IV   185 

X.  Mexican  j^ainting — Humboldt  fragment  V   188 

XI.  Mexican  painting — Humboldt  fragment  VI   190 

XII.  Mexican  painting — Humboldt  fragment  VII   196 

XIII.  Mexican  painting — Humboldt  fragment  VIII   200 

XIV.  Mexican  painting — Humboldt  fragment  IX   208 

XV.  Mexican  painting — Humboldt  fragment  X   210 

XVI.  Mexican  painting — Humboldt  fragment  XI    212 

XVII.  Mexican  painting — Humboldt  fragment  XII   214 

XVIII.  Mexican  painting — Humboldt  fragment  XIII   216 

XIX.  Mexican  painting — Humboldt  fragment  XIV   218 

XX.  Mexican  painting — Humboldt  fragment  XV   221 

XXI.  Mexican  painting — Humboldt  fragment  XVI   227 

XXII.  Plan  of  Mitla  ruins,  Oaxaca   251 

XXIII.  Ground  plan  of  Palace  I,  Mitla   253 

XXIV.  Sketch  of  the  fagades  on  the  north  and  south  sides  of  the  adjoin- 

ing court,  Palace  I,  Mitla   256 

XXV.  One  view  of  Palace  II,  Mitla   258 

XXVI.  A  second  view  of  Palace  II,  Mitla   262 

XXVII.  Front  of  Palace  II,  Mitla   264 

XXVIII.  Hall  of  Columns,  Palace  II,  Mitla   267 

XXIX.  Interior  court  of  Palace  II,  Mitla   269 

XXX.  Interior  of  a  room  of  Palace  II,  Mitla   273 

XXXI.  Relief  designs  from  the  walls  at  Mitla   276 

XXXII.  Relief  designs  from  the  walls  at  Mitla   295 

XXXIII.  Pottery  from  a  tomb  at  Zaachilla   297 

XXXIV.  Pottery  from  a  tomb  at  Zaachilla   301 

XXXV.  Pottery  fragments  from  Zaachilla  and  Cuilapa   303 

XXXVI.  Pottery  fragments  from  Zaachilla  and  Cuilapa   305 

XXXVII.  Wall  paintings  at  Mitla   313 

XXXVIII.  Wall  paintings  at  Mitla   318 

XXXIX.  Wall  paintings  at  Mitla   322 

XL.  Plan  of  the  temple  Pyramid  of  Tepoxtlan   345 

XLI.  The  Tablet  of  the  Cross,  Palenque   547 

5 


6  BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN   ETHNOLOGY  [bull.  28 

Page 

Plate  XLII.  Painted  clay  image  of  the  god  Macuil  Xochitl   549 

XLIII.  Inscription  on  the  Tablet  of  the  Cross,  Palenque   551 

XLIV.  Glyphs  from  the  Temple  of  Inscriptions   554 

XLV.  Dress  as  shown  in  sculptured  figures,  Yucatan   604 

XL VI.  Headdresses  from  the  codices  and  monuments   618 

XLVIL  Mexican  and  Maya  household  utensils   622 

XLVIII.  Design  on  a  vase  from  Chamj'i   639 

XLIX.  Design  on  a  vase  from  Chama   665 

Fig.   1.  Symbols  of  the  cardinal  points,  colors,  etc   28 

2.  Mexican  calendar  wheel  from  Durun   29 

8.  Symbols  from  the  Maya  codices   34 

4.  Day  signs  and  related  glyphs,  from  the  codices   39 

5.  Day  signs  and  related  glyphs,  from  the  Maya  codices   51 

6.  Copy  of  figure  in  Cozcatzin  codex   60 

7.  Mexican  warrior's  dress  and  shield   62 

8.  Disks  from  Mexican  codices   63 

9.  Mexican  shields   65 

10.  Mexican  drums  (ueuetl)   67 

11.  Mexican  figures  showing  human  heads  in  eagle's  mouth   70 

12.  Mexican  feather  ornaments  „   72 

13.  Bowls  from  Guatemala   84 

14.  Potter}^  vessels  from  Guatemala   85 

15.  Pottery  vessels  and  other  articles  from  a  Guatemalan  mound   86 

16.  Pottery  vessels  in  the  form  of  animals'  heads,  Guatemala   89 

17.  Pottery  fragments  from  Guatemala   93 

18.  Pottery  fragments  from  Guatemala   96 

19.  Face-form  vessels  from  Guatemala   98 

20.  Pottery  ornaments  from  Guatemala   100 

21.  Pottery  figures  from  Guatemala   102 

22.  Pottery  vessels  from  Guatemala   104 

23.  Animal-shaped  vessel  from  Guatemala   106 

24.  Ornamented  bowls  from  Guatemala   108 

25.  Pottery  vessels  from  Guatemala     109 

26.  Symbolic  figures  from  Guatemalan  pottery   Ill 

27.  Glyphs  from  Guatemalan  pottery  vessels   113 

28.  Figures  from  Guatemalan  pottery  vessels   114 

29.  Adjunct  glyphs  from  Maya  codices   120 

30.  Headdresses  and  flags  from  Mexican  codices   130 

31.  Variations  of  the  Mexican  seventh  day  symbol   133 

32.  Symbols  of  gold  plates  and  bowls  of  gold  dust  from  Mexican  codices. .  144 

33.  Figures  of  priests,  from  Mendoza  codex  and  Sahagun  manuscript   147 

34.  Symbols  of  cloth  and  precious  stones   149 

35.  Symbols  of  personal  and  place  names  in  Mexican  codices   151 

36.  Symbols  of  place  and  personal  names,  Mexican  codices   153 

37.  Mexican  symbols  of  persons  and  places   159 

38.  Symbols  of  names   169 

39.  Symbols  from  Mexican  codices   172 

40.  Symbols  and  figures  from  Mexican  codices   179 

41.  Mexican  glyphs  from  list  of  names   184 

42.  Figure  from  Mexican  manuscript,  fragment  IV   186 

43.  Mexican  name  glyphs   187 

44.  Mexican  symbols  of  various  objects   197 

45.  Mexican  glyphs  denoting  various  objects   202 


ILLUSTRATIOJSrS  7 

Page 

Fig.  46.  Mexican  symV)ols  for  various  articles   208 

47.  Official  signatures   215 

48.  Symbols  for  certain  persons  and  for  numbers   218 

49.  Mexican  figures  of  the  bat  god   236 

50.  Maya  hieroglyphs  of  the  bat  god   237 

51.  Maya  hieroglyphs  of  the  bat  god   238 

52.  Maya  hieroglyphs  of  the  bat  god   239 

53.  Maya  hieroglyphs  of  the  bat  god   240 

54.  Symbols  of  official  titles  from  Mendoza  codex   259 

55.  Symbols  of  years  and  persons,  from  the  Codex  Telleriano-Remensis. .  262 
.56.  Battle  scene  from  Mexican  painting,  Aubin-Goupil  collection   263 

57.  Mexican  symbols  of  years  and  pueblos   264 

58.  The  five  rain  gods,  from  Borgian  codex   268 

59.  The  twenty  day  signs,  from  Borgian  codex   271 

60.  Drawing  blood  from  the  ears,  and  implements  of  castigation  from 

Mexican  codices   282 

61.  Self-punishment  and  symbols  of  two  kings  from  Mexican  codices   283 

62.  Deity  of  the  morning  star,  Mexican  codex   287 

63.  Figures  of  the  deity  of  the  morning  star,  Mexican  codices   287 

64.  Tepeyollotl  and  Tlacolteotl,  Mexican  deities,  Borgian  codex   291 

65.  Tlaelquani,  Mexican  goddess,  Borgian  codex   291 

66.  Tepeyollotl,  Mexican  deity,  Borgian  codex   292 

67.  Mexican  symbols  and  figures  of  deities,  from  Mendoza  codex  and 

Sahagun  manuscript   295 

68.  Gods  Maciulxochitl  and  Ixtlilton,  Mexican  codices   297 

69.  Relief  fragments  from  Teotitlan  del  Valle,  Zapotec   298 

70.  Relief  fragments  from  Teotitlan  del  V alle,  Zapotec   299 

71.  Mexican  deities,  from  Vienna  codex   303 

72.  Symbols  and  figure  of  deities,  from  Mexican  codices   307 

73.  Supposed  descent  of  Quetzalcouatl  and  house  symbols,  Vienna  codex.  309 

74.  Venus  symbol  and  figures  of  mountains  and  house,  from  Maya  and 

Mexican  codices   310 

75.  Temple  and  sun  symbol,  Borgian  codex   310 

76.  Mexican  deity,  Vienna  codex   311 

77.  Sculptured  slab,  Santa  Lucia  Cosamalhuapa,  Guatemala   312 

78.  Symbols  and  figures  of  Quetzalcouatl,  from  Mexican  codices   315 

79.  Mexican  deities,  after  Duran  and  Sahagun   319 

80.  Procession  and  sacrifice,  from  Sahagun  manuscript  and  Borgian  codex . .  320 

81.  Sacrifice  and  tribute  bearer,  from  Mexican  codices   321 

82.  The  sun  god,  Borgian  codex   323 

83.  Symbols  of  pueblos,  from  Mexican  codices   342 

84.  Temple  pyramid  of  Tepoztlan,  Valley  of  Cuernavaca   345 

85.  View  of  interior  of  Tepoztlan,  after  Se villa   346 

86.  Glyphs  of  Mexican  kings   347 

87.  Tepoztecatl,  the  pulque  god,  from  Mexican  painting  in  Biblioteca 

Nazionale,  Florence  v   349 

88.  Stone  idol,  from  Tepoztlan   350 

89.  Stone  figure,  from  the  Uhde  collection   350 

90.  Stone  figure  of  pulque  god,  Trocadero  Museum   351 

91.  Juego  de  pelota ",  from  Tepoztlan   352 

92.  Mexican  figures  of  the  sun,  moon,  certain  stars,  and  constellations...  356 

93.  God  of  the  morning  star  and  fire  god,  Mexican   360 

94.  Figures  of  the  fire  god  and  other  deities,  from  the  Mexican  codices..  363 


8  BUREAU   OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY  [bull.  28 

Page 

Fig.   95.  Figures  of  supposed  deities,  Mexican  codices   368 

96.  Mexican  deities  and  Maya  hieroglyphs   369 

97.  Deity  figures  from  the  Mexican  codices   372 

98.  Figures  and  glyphs  of  Ah-bolon  tzacab,  Maya  codices   377 

99.  Figures  and  symbols  of  Maya  and  Mexican  deities   378 

100.  Symbolic  figures,  from  the  Maya  and  Mexican  codices   381 

101.  Glyphs  and  deity  figures,  from  the  Maya  codices   383 

102.  Glyphs  and  deity  figures,  from  the  Maya  codices   388 

103.  Glyphs  of  the  month  Kayab,  and  turtle  figures,  from  Maya  codiees 

and  inscriptions   424 

104.  Glyphs  and  figures,  from  the  Maya  codices   425 

105.  Glyphs  of  animals  and  month  Mol,  from  Maya  codices   428 

107.  Glyphs  from  the  Maya  codices   441 

108.  Glyphs  from  the  Dresden  codex   448 

109.  Glyphs  from  the  Dresden  codex   469 

110.  Glyphs  from  the  Dresden  codex   503 

111.  Glyphs  from  the  Dresden  codex   505 

112.  Day  signs  from  the  Maya  codices   518 

113.  Glyphs  from  the  Palenque  inscriptions   585 

114.  Glyphs  from  the  Dresden  codex   598 

115.  Glyphs  from  the  Dresden  codex   599 

116.  Figures  sh(jwing  tattooing  and  facial  decoration   600 

117.  Representations  of  sandals,  from  Dresden  codex  and  inscriptions  . . .  603 

118.  Representation  of  sandals  and  leg  ornaments  . . .  .*   604 

119.  Leg  and  wrist  ornaments   605 

120.  Dress  of  the  lower  part  of  the  body  of  females   606 

121.  Dress  of  the  lower  body,  from  codices  and  sculptures   608 

122.  Dress  of  females,  from  Dresden  codex  and  monuments   609 

123.  Mantles  from  Maya  codices   610 

124.  Figures  showing  dress,  feather  work,  and  necklaces   612 

125.  Necklaces,  ear  ornaments,  and  so-called  elephant  trunk    614 

126.  Ear  ornaments  and  collars   616 

127.  Ear  ornament  and  symbol   616 

128.  Headdresses  from  Maya  codices  and  monuments   618 

129.  A  weaver's  shuttle,  from  Yucatan   621 

130.  Glyphs  from  Maya  codices  and  inscriptions   644 

131.  Figures  of  warriors,  from  the  Mendoza  codex   653 

132.  ]Messengers  and  traders  attacked,  from  Mendoza  codex   653 

133.  Travelers  and  whip,  from  Columbino  codex  and  Chama  vase   654 

134.  Figures  from  codices  showing  beards,  and  glyphs  from  vase   659 


INTRODUCTION 


For  a  number  of  years  English-speaking-  students  of  aboriginal 
American  history  have  given  much  attention  to  the  archeology  and 
especially  to  the  glyphic  writing  of  the  semicivilized  peoples  of 
middle  America.  Researches  relating  to  the  latter  subject  are  of 
exceptional  importance,  not  only  because  of  their  bearing  on  native 
history,  but  on  account  of  their  application  to  the  problems  of  the 
origin  and  development  of  writing  in  general.  Investigations  regard- 
ing the  American  glyphic  system  have  been  greatly  stimulated  in 
recent  years  by  kindred  researches  in  various  parts  of  the  world,  and 
more  especially  by  the  remarkable  results  achieved  by  Egyptologists, 
who,  through  the  discovery  of  the  Rosetta  stone,  have  been  able  to 
present  to  the  world  historic  treasures  of  the  greatest  value.  Although 
there  is  no  prospect  that  an  American  "  Rosetta  stone"  will  be  found, 
since  only  one  well-advanced  system  of  writing  had  developed  in  the 
New  World,  the  present  investigations  along  this  line  are  well  worth 
the  attention  of  the  American  Government. 

Among  the  scholars  engaged  in  the  study  of  the  native  American 
writing  is  Mr  Charles  P.  Bowditch,  of  Boston,  who  is  earnestly  seek- 
ing to  promote  researches  in  this  direction.  He  found  that  American 
students  who  essayed  to  enter  this  field  were  greatly  embarrassed  by 
the  fact  that  much  of  the  literature  bearing  on  the  subject  was  pub- 
lished in  foreign  languages,  and  often  in  forms  that  placed  it  be3^ond 
their  reach.  Access  to  this  literature  is  essential  to  the  success  of 
English-speaking  students  of  the  gl3'phs,  and  Mr  Bowditch  resolved 
to  undertake  the  translation  and  publication  of  a  number  of  the  more 
important  papers.  He  advised  with  Major  Powell  with  respect  to  pub- 
lication, and  it  was  arranged  that  the  translations,  when  completed, 
should  be  brought  out  by  the  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology.  The 
manuscript  translations  were  furnished  in  1900,  but  were  not  edited 
or  finally  presented  for  publication  until  1903.  They  are  now  issued 
in  the  present  bulletin,  without  modification,  save  that  the  illustrations 
are  somewhat  differently  assembled.  It  is  considered  advisable  to 
present  the  papers  as  nearly  in  their  original  form  as  translations  per- 
mit, in  order  to  faithfully  record  the  state  of  the  researches  at  the 
period  of  their  original  publication. 

9 


10 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull,  28 


The  translations  were  made,  under  the  direction  and  at  the  expense 
of  Mr  Bowditch,  by  Miss  Sehiia  Wesselhoeft,  with  the  assistance  of 
Miss  A.  M.  Parker.  Supervision  of  the  publication  was  entrusted  to 
Dr  Cyrus  Thomas,  of  the  Bureau,  whose  familiarity  with  the  arche- 
ology and  especially  with  the  gl3^phic  writing  of  middle  America  has 
been  of  much  value  in  the  revision  of  the  proofs. 

Dr  Eduard  Seler,  author  of  a  number  of  papers  herein  republished, 
was  engaged  in  exploration  in  Central  America  and  Mexico  while 
his  memoirs  were  b^ing  put  in  type,  hence  it  was  not  possible  to 
submit  the  proofs  to  him  at  the  time.  Having  returned  recently  to 
Berlin,  however,  Doctor  Seler,  has  prepared  brief  notes  and  has  made 
necessary  corrections  and  important  additions.  These  appear  at  the 
close  of  the  volume. 

In  1886  the  Director  of  the  Bureau  was  authorized  to  begin  the 
publication  of  a  series  of  bulletins  in  octavo  form  and  in  paper  covers, 
designed  for  the  expeditious  printing  of  minor  papers  relating  to 
American  ethnology.  Between  1886  and  1900  twent3^-four  bulletins 
appeared,  and  in  1900  provision  was  made  for  the  publication  of  suc- 
ceeding numbers  in  IsCrge  octavo  form,  and  uniform  in  binding  with 
the  annual  reports.  Nos.  25,  26,  and  27  were  issued  in  this  style.  In 
1903,  in  the  interest  of  econonn^,  Congress  authorized  the  return  to 
the  octavo  form,  in  which  the  present  number  is  issued. 


THE  MEXICAN  CHRONOLOGY 

WITH  SPECIAL  REFERENCE  TO  THE  ZAPOTEC  CALENDAR 

BY 


11 


THE  MEXICAN  CHRONOLOGY 


WITH  SPECIAL  REFERENCE  TO  THE  ZAPOTEC  CALENDAR « 


By  Eduard  Seler 


The  peculiarities  of  the  S3^stem  of  chronology  in  use  among  the 
various  civilized  nations  of  ancient  Mexico  and  as  far  as  Nicaragua  are 
well  known.  We  know  that  it  was  based  on  a  period  of  20  days,  which 
were  known  by  the  names  of  various  tangible  objects,  half  of  them  the 
names  of  animals,  and  which  were  hieroglyphically  designated  by  pic- 
tures of  these  animals  or  objects.  Twenty  signs  were  taken  on  account 
of  the  vigesimal  S3^stem  of  numeration,  which  all  these  races  used.  The 
calculation  of  the  days,  however,  at  least  in  the  prevailing  chronolog}^ 
was  not  carried  on  according  to  this  vigesimal  system,  but  the  numerals 
1  to  13  were  combined  with  these  twenty  signs,  so  that  each  of  the  sue-' 
cessive  days  was  distinguished  by  a  sign  and  a  numeral  in  such  a  way 
that  when  the  numeral  1,  combined  with  the  first  sign,  served  to  desig- 
nate the  first  day,  the  fourteenth  day  took  the  fourteenth  sign,  but  with 
the  numeral  1  again.  Thus,  a  period  of  13  X  20,  or  260,  da3^s  was  obtained 
as  a  higher  chronologic  unit.  For  onl}^  after  the  lapse  of  this  period 
of  time  did  a  day  again  obtain  the  same  numeral  and  the  same  sign. 

In  the  following  table  (Table  I)  the  twenty  signs  are  designated  by 
Roman,  the  thirteen  numerals  by  Arabic,  numerals. 

Table  I  (first  half) 


1 

I 

8 

I 

2 

I 

9 

I 

3 

I 

10 

I 

4 

•  I 

2 

11 

9 

II 

3 

II 

10 

II 

4 

II 

11 

II 

5 

II 

3 

III 

10 

III 

4 

III 

11 

III 

5 

III 

12 

III 

6 

III 

4 

IV 

11 

IV 

5 

IV 

12 

IV 

6 

IV 

13 

IV 

V 

5 

V 

12 

V 

6 

V 

13 

V 

7 

V 

1 

V 

8 

V 

6 

VI 

13 

VI 

7 

VI 

1 

VI 

8 

VI 

2 

VI 

9 

VI 

7 

VII 

1 

VII 

8 

VII 

2 

VII 

9 

VII 

3 

VII 

10 

VII 

8 

VIII 

2 

VIII 

9 

VIII 

3 

VIII 

10 

VIII 

4 

VIII 

11 

VIII 

9 

IX 

3 

IX 

10 

IX 

4 

IX 

11 

IX 

5 

IX 

12 

IX 

10 

X 

4 

X 

11 

X 

5 

X 

12 

X 

6 

X 

13 

X 

11 

XI 

5 

XI 

12 

XI 

6 

XI 

13 

XI 

7 

XI 

1 

XI 

12 

XII 

6 

XII 

13 

XII 

7 

XII 

1 

XII 

8 

XII 

2 

XII 

13 

XIII 

7 

XIII 

1 

XIII 

8 

XIII 

2 

XIII 

9 

XIII 

3 

XIII 

1 

XIV 

8 

XIV 

2 

XIV 

9 

XIV 

3 

XIV 

10 

XIV 

4 

XIV 

2 

XV 

9 

XV 

3 

XV 

10 

XV 

4 

XV 

11 

XV 

5 

XV 

3 

XVI 

10 

XVI 

4 

XVI 

11 

XVI 

5 

XVI 

12 

XVI 

6 

XVI 

4 

XVII 

11 

XVII 

5 

XVII 

12 

XVII 

6 

XVII 

13 

XVII 

7 

XVII 

5 

XVIII 

12 

XVIII 

6 

XVIII 

13 

XVIII 

7 

XVIII 

1 

XVIII 

8 

XVIII 

6 

XIX 

13 

XIX 

7 

XIX 

1 

XIX 

8 

XIX 

2 

XIX 

9 

XIX 

7 

XX 

1 

XX 

8 

XX 

XX 

9 

XX 

3 

XX 

10 

xx" 

aZeitschrift  fiir  Ethnologie,  Berlin,  1891. 


13 


14  BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY  [bull.  28 


Table  I  (second  half) 


11 

I 

5 

I 

12 

I 

6 

I 

13 

I 

7 

I 

1  I 

12 

II 

6 

II 

13 

II 

7 

II 

1 

II 

8 

II 

And  so  on. 

13 

III 

7 

III 

1 

III 

8 

III 

2 

III 

9 

III 

1 

IV 

8 

IV 

2 

IV 

9 

IV 

3 

IV 

10 

IV 

2 

V 

9 

V 

3 

V 

10 

V 

4 

V 

11 

V 

3 

VI 

10 

VI 

4 

VI 

11 

VI 

5 

VI 

12 

VI 

4 

VII 

11 

VII 

5 

VII 

12 

VII 

6 

VII 

13 

VII 

5 

VIII 

12 

VIII 

6 

VIII 

13 

VIII 

7 

VIII 

1 

VIII 

6 

IX 

13 

IX 

7 

IX 

1 

IX 

8 

IX 

2 

IX 

7 

X 

1 

X 

8 

X 

2 

X 

9 

X 

3 

X 

8 

XI 

2 

XI 

9 

XI 

3 

XI 

10 

XI 

4 

XI 

9 

XII 

3 

XII 

10 

XII 

4 

XII 

11 

XII 

5 

XII 

10 

XIII 

4 

XIII 

11 

XIII 

5 

XIII 

12 

XIII 

6 

XIII 

11 

XIV 

5 

XIV 

12 

XIV 

6 

XIV 

13 

XIV 

XIV 

12 

XV 

(5 

XV 

13 

XV 

7 

XV 

1 

XV 

8 

XV 

13 

XVI 

XVI 

1 

XVI 

8 

XVI 

2 

XVI 

9 

XVI 

1 

XVII 

8 

XVII 

2 

XVII 

9 

XVII 

3 

XVII 

10 

XVII 

2 

XVIII 

9 

XVIII 

3 

XVIII 

10 

XVIII 

4 

XVIII 

11 

XVIII 

3 

XIX 

10 

XIX 

4 

XIX 

11 

XIX 

5 

XIX 

12 

XIX 

4 

XX 

11 

XX 

5 

XX 

12 

XX 

6 

XX 

13 

XX 

This  period  of  260  days,  the  tonalamatl  (''book  of  days"),  in 
Mexican,  ch'ol  k'ih  ('* reckoning-  of  days''),  or  k'am  uuh  (''book  of 
fates"),  in  Guatemalleoan,  was  on  the  contrary  called  by  the  Mayas  in 
Guatemala,  it  seems — ^though  the  general  opinion  is  different — kin 
katun  ("the  order  of  days"),  and  was  made  to  agree  with  the  rest  of 
the  system  of  chronology  in  various  ways. 

The  nations  of  ancient  Mexico  reckoned  365  days  to  their  3^ear. 
This  appears  from  the  nature  of  their  designation  of  the  year  and 
from  the  number  of  years  which  they  combined  into  a  larger  period. 
Since  365  =  (28X13)  +  1  and  also  (18X20)  +  5,  it  follows  that  when,  for 
instance,  a  year  began  with  a  da}^  which  took  the  numeral  1  and  the 
sign  I,  then  the  initial  da}^  of  the  following  year  must  necessarily  have 
been  called  by  the  numeral  2  and  sign  VI,  that  of  the  third  year  by 
numeral  3  and  sign  XI,  of  the  fourth  year  by  numeral  4  and  sign 
XVI;  while  the  initial  da}'  of  the  fifth  year  would  take  the  numeral  5 
and  go  back  to  sign  I.  We  have  thus  the  following  series  of  begin- 
nings of  years: 


SELER]  THE   MEXICAN   CHRONOLOGY  15 


Table  II 


1 

I 

1 

VI 

1 

XI 

1 

XVI 

1  I 

2 

VI 

2 

XI 

2 

XVI 

2 

I 

And  so 

3 

XI 

3 

XVI 

3 

I 

3 

VI 

on, as  at 

4 

XVI 

4 

I 

4 

VI 

4 

XI 

the  be- 

5 

I 

5 

VI 

5 

XI 

5 

XVI 

ginning. 

6 

VI 

6 

XI 

6 

XVI 

6 

I 

7 

XI 

7 

XVI 

7 

I 

7 

VI 

8 

XVI 

8 

I 

8 

VI 

8 

XI 

9 

I 

9 

VI 

9 

XI 

9 

XVI 

10 

VI 

10 

XI 

10 

XVI 

10 

I 

11 

XI 

11 

XVI 

11 

I 

11 

VI 

12 

XVI 

12 

I 

12 

VI 

12 

XI 

13 

I 

13 

vi 

13 

XI 

13 

XVI 

We  see  that,  if  we  presuppose  a  3^ear  of  365  days,  onl}^  four  of  the 
twent}^  day  signs  fall  on  initial  days — four  signs  which  are  five  signs 
distant  from  each  other. 

And  we  see  that  if  we  accept  the  theory  of  a  year  of  365  da3^s  a 
period  of  52  years  necessarily  ensues.  For  since  365  —  5  X  73,  and  73 
is  a  prime  number,  it  can  only  occur  after  260-^5,  or  52,  3^ears,  that  the 
same  number  and  the  same  sign  of  the  tonalamatl  will  fall  on  the  initial 
day  of  the  year.  Now  we  know  by  the  unanimous  statements  of  his- 
torians and  documents  that  the  Mexican  nations  designated  their  years 
after  the  fashion  shown  by  the  above  tables  of  initial  days  of  the  year, 
and  it  is  authoritatively  stated  of  certain  races  that  these  names  of  the 
years  were  taken  from  the  names  of  their  initial  days.  On  the  other 
hand,  we  know  that  all  the  ancient  nations  of  Mexico  knew  a  period  of 
52  years  and  reckoned  by  it.  We  must  therefore  conclude  that  the 
year  of  365  days  was  indeed  accepted  in  Mexico,  as  was  stated  above, 
and  therefore  that  the  computation  of  time  fell  behind  the  actual 
length  of  the  year  by  6  hours,  9  minutes,  and  10  seconds  in  the  inter- 
calary year  and  by  5  hours,  -1:8  minutes,  and  48  seconds  in  the  ordinary 
year. 

This  simple  and  clear,  and,  when  we  consider  the  degree  of  civilization 
of  the  ancient  Mexicans,  by  no  means  very  remarkable  fact,  has  up 
to  the  present  time  been  obstinately  overlooked  by  the  authors  who  have 
written  upon  Mexican  chronology.  There  are  three  circumstances 
in  particular  which  interfere  with  a  correct  conception  of  the  state  of 
affairs — first,  certain  assumptions  in  respect  to  the  last  five  days  of 
the  year;  then,  the  assertions  of  historians  in  regard  to  interpolations 
which  are  supposed  to  have  taken  place  at  certain  regularly  recurring 
periods;  and,  lastly,  the  variability  of  the  beginning  of  the  year  among 
various  races  and  also,  as  it  seems,  at  various  times,  which  has  hitherto 


16 


BUREAU   OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


rendered  impossible  any  authentic,  concordance  of  fixed  historically 
ceitified  dates  of  the  Mexican  calendar  with  our  chronology. 

The  chronologic  unit,  20  days,  is  contained  eighteen  times  in  365 
days.  Each  of  these  eighteen  twenties — falsely  called  ''months"  by 
the  Spanish — was  dedicated  to  a  special  deit}^  and  gave  rise  to  a  special 
lestival,  which  was  connected  with  the  season  of  the  year,  the  work  to 
be  done  at  that  season,  and  with  that  which  was  expected  of  the  season, 
live  days  were  left  over,  to  which,  as  superfluous,  a  certain  sinister 
meaning  was  ascribed.  The  Mexicans  called  them  nemontemi  or 
nen-ontemi,  that  is,  "the  superfluous,  supplementary  days'',  with 
the  secondar}^  significance,  ''the  useless  days,  which  were  consecrated 
to  no  deity,  useful  for  no  civic  business" — acam  pouhqui,  "which 
neither  fell  to  any  nor  were  dedicated  to  any,  which  were  held  in  no 
esteem",  as  appears  from  the  Aztec  text  of  book  2,  chapter  37,  of  the 
historical  work  by  Father  Sahagun,  in  which  they  are  explained  in 
these  words:  Estos  cinco  dias  a  ningun  dios  estan  dedicados,  y  por  eso 
les  llamavan  nemontemi,  que  quiere  decir  por  demas  ("  These  five 
da3^s  are  dedicated  to  no  god,  and  hence  they  are  called  nemontemi, 
which  is  to  say  superfluous  ").  They  were  held  to  be  harmful  days 
(baldios  y  aciagos).  For  with  the  word  nen,  "  that  which  exceeds", 
was  also  connected  the  idea  of  "superfluous",  "unfit",  "useless". 
No  action  of  any  importance  whatever,  nor  any  which  transcended 
the  circle  of  the  most  necessary  oflices  of  life,  was  undertaken. 
The  house  was  not  swept,  no  cause  was  tried,  and  the  imfortunate 
person  who  was  born  on  one  of  these  days,  "is  destined  to  no 
happiness;  miserable  and  wretched  and  poor  shall  he  live  upon  the 
earth"  (quihiotinemiz  ompa  onquiztinemiz  yn  tlalticpac).  But  these 
days  had,  especially,  a  prophetic  power  for  the  whole  year  (ayac 
teauaya,  ayac  manaya,  auh  yn  aca  oncan  teaua,  quilmach  cenquicui) 
"  No  one  quarreled,  no  one  got  into  any  dispute,  for  whoever  quarreled 
on  these  days,  it  was  believed,  would  always  continue  to  do  so  ",  we 
read  in  Sahagun's  Aztec  text.  And  still  more  explicit  is  another 
passage,  which  Sahagun  gives  in  the  following  words:  Guardabanse 
en  estos  dias  fatales,  de  dormir  entre  dia,  ni  de  renir  unos  con  otros, 
ni  de  tropezar,  ni  de  caer,  porque  decian  que  si  alguna  cosa  de  estas 
les  acontecia  que  siempre  les  habia  de  acontecer  adelante  ("They  were 
careful  during  these  fatal  days  not  to  fall  asleep  during  the  day,  not 
to  quarrel  together,  not  to  trip  or  to  fall,  because  they  said  that  if  any 
of  these  things  befell  them,  they  would  continue  to  befall  them  thence 
forevermore"). 

We  find  the  same  notion  in  Yucatan.  On  these  days  men  left  the 
house  as  seldom  as  possible,  did  not  wash  or  comb  themselves,  and 
took  special  care  not  to  undertake  any  menial  or  diflScult  task,  doubt- 
less because  they  lived  in  the  conviction  that  the}^  would  be  forced  to 
keep  on  doing  it  through  the  whole  ensuing  year.    The  Mexicans  were 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


BULLETIN  28    PLATE  I 


MAP  OF  YUCATAN 


seler] 


THE  MEXICAN  CHRONOLOGY 


17 


more  passive  in  regard  to  these  da3\s,  inasmuch  as  they  merely  took 
care  to  avoid  conjuring  up  mischief  for  the  coming-  year,  while  the 
Mayas  did  things  more  thoroughly.  During  these  days,  so  portentous 
for  the  entire  year,  they  banished  the  evil  which  might  threaten  them. 
They  prepared  a  clay  image  of  the  demon  of  evil,  Uuayaj^ab,  that  is, 
u-ua3^ab-haab  ("by  whom  the  year  is  poisoned"),  confronted  it  with 
the  deity  who  had  supreme  power  during  the  year  in  question,  and 
then  carried  it  out  of  the  village  in  the  direction  of  that  cardinal  point 
to  which  the  new  year  belonged. 

Of  these  five  days  writers  commonly  say  "  they  were  not  counted." 
And  we  take  this  to  mean  that  the  ordinary  designation  of  the  days  by 
numerals  and  signs  was  not  applied  to  these  days.  It  is  true  that 
Sahagun's  Aztec  text  affords  ground  for  this  supposition,  for  it  says 
of  the  nemontemi:  Yn  aoctle  yn  toca  tonalli,  yn  aocmo  ompouih,  yn 
aocmo  om  pouhque  ("The  days  no  longer  have  names;  they  are  no 
longer  counted").  And  farther  on:  Ca  atle  y tonal,  ca  atle  ytoca 
.  .  .  ca  nel  amo  ompouhque  atle  ypouallo  ("They  have  no  signs, 
no  names  .  .  .  for  in  truth  they  are  not  counted").  Duran  states 
even  more  clearly:  Los  cinco  dias  que  sobraban,  tenian  los  esta 
nacion  .por  dias  aciagos,  sin  cuenta  ni  provecho;  asi  los  dejaban  en 
bianco,  sin  ponerles  figura  ni  cuenta,  y  asi  los  llamaban  nemontemi, 
que  quiere  decir  dias  demasiados  y  sin  provecho  ("The  five  days  that 
remained  this  nation  held  to  be  unfortunate  days,  of  no  account  or 
advantage;  so  they  left  them  blank,  without  giving  them  figure  or 
account,  and  so  called  them  nemontemi,  which  means  days  superfluous 
and  of  no  advantage").  In  Yucatan  these  days  were  also  directly 
designated  as  xma  kaba  kin  ("days  without  names").  And  what 
Duran  states  is  illustrated  in  Landa;  in  the  calendar  recorded  by  him, 
the  five  superfluous  days  are  left  blank,  without  number  or  sign.  Are 
we  therefore  actually  to  suppose  that  these  days  interrupted  the  con- 
tinuous tonalamatl  calculation  ?  1  think  not.  The  acam  pouhqui  and 
aocmo  ompouhque  do  not  state  that  these  days  are  dropped  out  of  the 
reckoning,  but,  as  Sahagun  also  quite  correctly  explains,  that  no  feast 
was  celebrated  .upon  them;  that  they  were  held  improper  and  worth- 
less for  civic  action.  Compare  acan  ompoui,  cosa  insuticiente  y  falta, 
6  persona  de  quien  no  se  hace  caso  ("insufficient  and  faulty  thing,  or 
person  held  of  no  account").  (Molina.)  We  must  also  attach  the 
same  meaning  to  the  phrase  atle  ytoca  and  the  Maya  designation  xma 
kaba  kin.  And  if  these  days  were  left  blank,  according  to  Duran  and 
Landa,  this  only  signified  that  men  avoided  mentioning  these  unlucky 
days  in  any  way.  They  were  counted  in  silence.  Otherwise  Landa, 
for  instance,  could  not  state  that  the  successive  years  began  with  the 
dominical  letters  Kan,  Muluc,  Ix,  Cauac,  that  is,  with  signs  IV,  IX, 
XIV,  XIX;  but  we  should  have  to  assume,  as,  indeed,  old  Gama  does, 
7238— No.  28— 05-  2 


18  BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY  [bull.  28 


thoug-h  doubtless  incorrectly,  that  all  years  beg-an  with  the  same  num- 
eral and  the  same  sign. 

It  seems,  on  the  contrary,  to  be  correct,  as  Gama  (Dos  Piedras,  page 
75)  states,  that  the  five  days  nemontemi  were  destitute  of  acom- 
panados,  that  is,  that  the  constantly  repeated  series  of  the  nine 
so-called  senores  de  la  noche  ("lords  of  the  night"),  which  were 
continuousl}^  counted  along  with  the  signs  for  the  days,  were  onh^ 
extended  to  the  three  hundred  and  sixtieth  day  of  the  year.  Gama's 
chief  sources  for  his  assertions  in  regard  to  the  old  chronology  are  the 
notes  written  in  the  Mexican  language  by  Don  Cristobal  del  Castillo, 
an  Indian  of  the  aristocratic  Tetzcocan  race,  who  died  in  1606  at  the  age 
of  80.  His  notes  are  also  undoubtedly  the  source  from  which  Gama  took 
the  calendar  which  he  prints  on  pages  62  to  75  of  his  book,  and  this 
therefore  has  the  authority  of  unbroken  tradition  in  its  favor.  This 
calendar  begins  the  year  with  ce  Cipactli,  that  is,  II,  and  further 
counts  the  nemontemi  with  numerals  and  signs  (10 1, 11 II,  12  III,  13 IV, 
1  V).  But  the  series  of  nine  senores  de  la  noche  breaks  off  with  the 
three  hundred  and  sixtieth  day  of  the  3^ear.  Orozco  y  Berra  makes 
the  interesting  suggestion  that  the  object  of  this  double  computation 
was  to  distinguish  the  days  of  the  year  which,  by  the  tonalamatl  reckon- 
ing, would  take  the  same  numeral  and  sign,  by  omitting  the  "acom- 
panado".  In  fact,  if  the  first  day  of  the  year,  which  Gama  places  on 
the  9th  of  January,  were  distinguished  by  11,  then  the  two  hundred 
and  sixty -first  day  of  the  3^ear,  that  is,  September  26,  would  receive 
the  same  name.  But  if  the  first  day  (II,  or  January  9)  were  accom- 
panied by  the  first  of  the  "acompanados"  (Xiuhtecutli  Tletl),  the  last 
day  (II,  or  September  26)  would  take  the  ninth  (Quiauitl-Tlaloc),  for 
260-4-9  =  28  and  8  over.  If  Gama's  statement  that  the  nemontemi  are 
destitute  of  acompanados  be  correct,  then  the  successive  years  would 
alwa3^s  begin  with  the  same  acompanado.  And  if  we  take  the  first 
of  them,  the  fire  god,  as  that  of  the  initial  day,  we  may  perhaps 
have  in  this  circumstance  the  simple  explanation  of  the  most  com- 
mon of  the  various  names  of  the  fire  god,  that  is,  Xiuhtecutli  ('^Lord 
of  the  year"). 

With  the  nemontemi  are  connected  the  oldest  statements  in  i-egard 
to  interpolations,  which  are  said  to  have  been  made  at  stated  periods 
by  the  Mexicans,  in  ord'er  to  bring  their  year  of  365  days  into  har- 
mony with  the  actual  length  of  the  solar  3^ ear.  Father  Sahagun  says 
in  the  heading  to  the  nineteenth  chapter  of  his  second  book:  Hay 
conjetura  que  cuando  ahujeraban  las  orejas  a  los  ninos  y  ninas,  que  era 
de  cuatro  en  cuatro  ailos,  echaban  seis  dias  de  nemontemi,  y  es  lo 
mismo  del  bisiesto,  que  nosotros  hacemos  de  cuatro  en  cuatro  anos 
("There  is  a  conjecture  that  when  they  pierced  the  ears  of  the  boys  and 
girls,  which  was  every  four  years,  the}^  rejected  six  days  as  nemontemi, 
and  it  is  the  same  as  the  leap  year  which  we  make  every  four  years"). 


seler] 


THE  MEXICAN  CHRONOLOGY 


19 


And  in  another  place:  Otra  rtesta  hacian  de  cuatro  en  cuatro  anos  a 
honra  del  fuego,  en  la  qual  ahujeraban  las  orejas  a  todos  los  niiios,  y 
la  llamaban  pillauanaliztli,  y  en  esta  fiesta  es  verosimil  y  hay  conjeturas 
que  hacian  su  bisiesto,  contando  seis  dias  de  nemontemi  ("They  cele- 
brated another  festival  every  four  years  in  honor  of  tire,  in  which 
the}^  pierce  the  ears  of  all  the  children,  and  they  called  it  pillauanaliztli, 
and  in  this  festival  it  is  probable  and  there  are  conjectures  that  they 
made  their  leap  year,  counting  six  days  as  nemontemi").  Observe, 
the  Father  sa3^s:  Es  verosimil  3"  ha}^  conjeturas  (''It  is  probable 
and  it  is  conjectured").  He  does  not  say  that  he  has  heard  it,  and, 
indeed,  there  is  not  a  word  about  it  in  the  passages  in  question  of  the 
Aztec  text.  Father  Sahagun's  conjecture  is  repeated  as  an  actual  fact 
by  later  authors.  The  learned  Dominican  Father  Burgoa  gives  it  as 
such  in  regard  to  the  Mixteca  and  the  inhabitants  of  Tehuantepec 
(Geografica  Descripcion,  quoted  by  Orozco  y  Berra,  volume  2,  page 
136),  without  furnishing  any  evidence  for  his  assertion.  On  the 
other  hand,  other  ancient  authors  directly  contradict  this  supposition. 
Father  Motolinia,  who  was  one  of  the  first  missionaries  to  the  country, 
saj^s:  Los  indios  naturales  de  esta  Nueva  Espana,  al  tiempo  que  esta 
tierra  se  gano  y  entraron  en  el  la  los  Espanoles,  comenzaban  su  ano  en 
principios  de  Marzo;  mas  por  no  alcanzar  bisiesto,  van  variando  su 
ano  por  todos  los  meses  ("The  native  Indians  of  this  New  Spain, 
at  the  time  when  this  land  was  gained  and  the  Spaniards  entered  into 
it,  commenced  their  3^ear  at  the  beginning  of  March;  but  not  under- 
standing leap  year  they  keep  changing  their  year  through  all  the 
months").  Father  Tonpiemada  is  of  the  same  opinion.  And  the 
author  of  the  Chronica  de  la  S.  Provincia  del  Santissimo  Nombre 
de  Jesus  de  Guatemala  of  the  year  1683  remarks:  Porque  como  ni 
los  Mexicanos  ni  estos  (los  Guatemaltecas)  alcanzaron  el  bisiesto  .  .  . 
se  apartaban  y  diferenciaban  de  nuestro  calendario,  y  asi  ni  estos  ni 
los  Mexicanos  comenzaban  siempre  su  ano  a  primero  de  nuestro 
Febrero  sino  que  cada  cuatro  anos  se  atrasaban  un  dia  .  .  .  ("Because 
since  neither  the  Mexicans  nor  these  (the  Guatemalans)  understood  leap 
year  .  .  .  they  differed  from  our  calendar,  and  so  neither  they  nor 
the-  Mexicans  commenced  their  year  always  at  the  first  of  our  Febru- 
ary, but  every  four  3^ears  they  were  behind  one  day  .  .  .  ").  Indeed, 
had  such  an  intercalation  actually  occurred,  the  period  of  52  years  and 
the  consequent  further  designation  of  the  days  in  it  would  be  an 
absurdity;  or,  at  least,  this  intercalation  must  have  been  noted  as  an 
important  factor  in  every  enumeration  extending  over  the  period  of 
four  3"ears.  But  I  have  not  hitherto  been  able  to  tind  any  trace  of  it 
either  in  the  Aztec  or  the  Maya  manuscripts. 

Knowing  the  difiicult3^  of  establishing  any  agreement  in  this  way 
between  the  old  Indian  chronology  and  the  more  correct  European 
computation  of  time,  later  writers  have  suggested  that  an  entire  week 


20 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


of  13  days  was  interpolated  at  the  end  of  the  xiuhmolpilli,  the  period 
of  52  years.  This  theor}^  is  probably  to  be  ascribed  to  the  learned 
Jesuit  Don  Carlos  Sigi'ienza  y  Gongora,  who  lived  in  the  second  half 
of  the  seventeenth  century.  The  work  of  this  author,  Ciclografia 
Mexicana,  is  apparently  lost,  but  Genielli  Carreri  and  Clavigero  refer 
to  it.  Sigiienza  had  important  documents  at  his  disposal,  papers  and 
picture  manuscripts,  which  belonged  to  Don  Juan  de  Alva  Ixtlilxochitl, 
a  descendant  of  the  royal  Tetzcocan  family,  and  he  was  a  trained 
astronomer.  His  conjecture  is  all  the  more  acceptable  also  because  it 
leaves  the  arrangement  of  the  da3^s  in  the  period  of  52  years  untouched. 
In  spite  of  this  I  think  that  his  assertions  rest  upon  groundless  con- 
jectures. Nowhere  in  the  older  authors  do  we  learn  that  a  festival  of 
13  days'  duration  was  held  at  the  end  of  the  period  of  52  j^ears.  They 
always  refer  to  one  night  only,  the  turning  point  of  the  century,  dur- 
ing which  the  people  awaited  the  flaming  up  of  the  new  fire  upon 
Uixachtepec  with  fear  and  trembling.  In  the  picture  manuscripts  we 
find  periods  of  time  set  down  which  extend  over  the  period  of  52  years, 
and  where  the  arrangement  of  the  days  is  carried  over  without  a  jump 
from  one  period  to  the  other  (see,  for  instance,  pages  46  to  50  of  the 
Dresden  manuscript,  the  well-known  pages  from  which  E.  Forstemann 
proved  the  series  of  dates  to  be  236,  90,  250,  and  8  days  apart).  On 
them  are  recorded,  beginning  with  the  day  1  Ahau,  the  thirteenth  of  the 
month  Mac,  13  X  2,920  days,  or  a  period  of  13  X  8,  that  is,  2  X  52,  or  104, 
years,  in  dates  separated  by  regular  distances,  without  a  hiatus  of  any 
kind  between  one  and  the  other  of  the  two  cycles  of  52  years.  Still 
greater  periods  of  time  are  noted  down  upon  the  last  leaves  of  the 
Dresden  manuscript  by  continuous,  uninterrupted  dates  accompanied 
b}^  check  numbers. 

But  the  advocates  of  intercalation  also  appeal  to  manuscripts. 
Clavigero  (volume  2,  page  62)  says:  Questi  tredici  giorni  erano 
gl'intercalari,  segnati  nelle  lor  dijunture  con  punti  turchini;  non  gli 
contavano  nel  secolo  gia  compito,  neppur  nel  seguente,  ne  continu- 
avano  in  esse  i  periodi  di  giorni,  che  andavano  sempre  numerando  dal 
primo  sino  alio  ultimo  giorno  del  secolo  ("  These  thirteen  days  were 
the  intercalary  ones,  designated  in  printing  them  by  blue  dots;  they 
were  not  counted  in  the  century  already  completed,  nor  in  the  follow- 
ing one  either,  nor  were  the  periods  of  days  continued  in  them  which 
were  continuously  numbered  from  the  first  to  the  last  day  of  the 
century").  Clavigero  himself  has  not  seen  these  manuscripts,  but 
refers  to  Don  Carlos  Sigiienza.  The  materials  which  Sigiienza  pos- 
sessed seem  for  the  most  part  to  have  passed  into  the  possession  of 
Boturini.  In  consequence  of  their  seizure  b}^  vice-regal  authority  the}^ 
disappeared  from  the  scene.  A  part  of  them  are  in  the  Aubin  collec- 
tion, whose  present  owner  is  M  Eugene  Goupil,  of  Paris.  I  do  not 
think  that  there  are  any  papers  among  them  which  justify  Clavigero's 


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THE  MEXICAN  CHRONOLOGY 


21 


assertion.  And  yet  1  have  seen  blue  numeral  signs  in  a  Maya  manu- 
script, which  might  be  interpreted  in  the  sense  of  a  correction  or 
possibly  also  of  an  interpolation.  On  pages  23  and  24  of  the  Perez 
codex,  the  Mexican  manuscript  of  the  Hibliotheque  Nationale  at  Paris 
are  thirteen  colunms  of  5  days  each,  which  must  be  read  from  right 
to  left  and  from  above  downward,  as  the  addition  and  as  the  position 
of  the  hieroglyphs  show,  which,  unlike  the  mode  of  writing  employed 
elsewhere  in  the  Maya  manuscripts,  is  face  backward  (to  the  left). 
The  separate  dates  in  the  series  each  differ  l)y  28  days  and  the  last  date 
in  the  first  (top)  row  differs  from  the  tirst  date  in  the  second  row  by  28 
days  also.  There  are  in  all  5  X  13  X  28,  or  7  X  260  days,  that  is,  the 
space  of  7  tonalaniatl.  The  numerals  belonging"  to  the  dates  of  the 
days  are,  as  usual,  written  in  red,  but  above  or  below  each  column  of 
figures  another  figure  is  written  in  blue,  which  would  denote  a  date 
some  20  da3\s  further  on.  This  is  evidently  a  correction,  but  scarcely 
one  which  can  be  taken  for  a  sort  of  intercalation.  It  is  a  correction 
which  states  what  ffgures  belong  to  the  dates  when  the  beginning  of 
the  whole  series  is  pushed  forward  by  a  unit  of  20  days. 

Leon  y  Gama  varies  Sigiienza's  theory  of  intercalation  by  stating 
(Dos  Piedras,  pages  52  and  53)  that  the  Mexicans  interpolated  25  days 
at  the  close  of  a  double  cycle  of  101  years,  or  12^  days  at  the  end  of  a 
52-year  cycle,  and  according  to  this  the  days  of  the  one  cycle  began  in 
the  morning,  those  of  the  other  in  the  evening.  But  this  is  mere  spec- 
ulation. Finally,  the  theory  of  the  Jesuit  Fabrega,  with  which  A. 
von  Humboldt  agrees  (Vue  des  Cordilleres,  volume  2,  page  81),  that 
the  Mexicans  suppressed  7  days  at  the  close  of  a  great  period  of  20 
cycles,  or  1,040  years,  and  thus  reduced  their  year  to  almost  the  exact 
length  of  the  tropical  year,  rests  upon  an  actual  error.  The  passage  in 
question  from  the  Borgian  codex  (pages  62  to  66)  by  no  means  treats  of 
so  long  a  space  of  time.  The  simple  series  of  twenty  day  signs  is  repre- 
sented by  beginning  with  Malinalli,  or  XII,  on  page  66  and  ending  on 
page  62  with  Ozomatli,  or  XI.  The  signs  were  undoubtedly  originally 
intended  to  be  distributed  around  four  sides  of  a  square  with  the  last 
(Ozomatli)  in  the  middle. 

If,  as  I  believe,  the  theory  of  intercalation  is  to  be  rejected,  the 
question  arises  all  the  more  forcibly.  How  did  the  Mexicans  contrive 
to  make  their  S3^stem  of  chronology  agree  with  the  actual  time?  Must 
they  not  have  speedily  observed  that  their  annual  feasts,  which  fell  in 
portions  of  the  year  determined  by  the  course  of  the  sun,  the  alterna- 
tion of  wet  and  dry  weather,  winter  sleep  and  perfection  of  vegetation, 
were  noticeably  advanced  in  the  course  of  successive  years  ?  Doubtless 
they  did  observe  it,  but  they  could  hardly  have  known  how  to  remedy 
it.  And  doubtless  the  confused  and  contradictory  statements  given 
by  the  Indians  themselves  in  regard  to  the  time  of  their  new  year  and 
the  true  time  of  the  various  festivals  were  due  to  this  uncertainty,  to 


22 


BUREAU   OF   AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


the  lack  of  intercalations.  Es  de  notar  ("It  is  to  be  noted"),  says 
Sahagun  at  the  close  of  his  seventh  book,  que  discrepan  mucho  en 
diversos  lugares  del  principio  del  ano;  en  unas  partes  me  dijeron  que 
comenzaba  a  tantos  de  Enero;  en  otras  que  a  primero  de  Febrero;  en 
otras  que  a  principios  de  Marzo.  En  el  Tlaltelolco  junte  muchos  viejos, 
los  mas  diestros  que  yo  pude  aver,  y  juntamente  con  los  mas  habiles 
de  los  colegiales  se  alterco  esta  materia  por  muchos  dias,  y  todos  ellos 
concluyeron,  diciendo,  que  comenzaba  el  ano  el  segundo  dia  de  Febrero 
("that  the  beginning  of  the  year  diflers  greatl3Mn  d-itferent  places;  in 
some  parts  they  told  me  that  it  began  on  such  a  day  in  Januar}^;  in 
others  on  the  1st  of  Februar^^;  in  others  at  the  beginning  of  March. 
In  Tlaltelolco  1  as8em])led  many  old  men,  the  most  skillful  possible,  and 
together  with  the  most  learned  scholars  they  disputed  as  to  this  matter 
for  man}^  days,  and  they  all  concluded  by  saying  that  the  3^ear  began 
on  the  second  day  of  February  "). 

The  festivals  connected  with  the  course  of  the  seasons,  with  their 
elaborate  ceremonies,  had  undoul)tedly  been  observed  from  the  earliest 
ages  and  were  similarly  celebrated  over  large  portions  of  the  country. 
The  fixing  of  the  beginning  of  the  year  was  closely  connected  with 
these  festivals,  and  was  also,  as  may  positively  be  asserted,  originally 
the  same  over  large  portions  of  the  coiuitry.  The  earlier,  however, 
that  a  tribe  gave  up  vaguel}^  determining  these  festivals  according  to 
the  course  of  the  sun  and  the  condition  of  the  crops  and  the  priests 
began  to  keep  iiccount  of  them  by  means  of  the  continuous  tonalamatl 
computation,  the  more  nmst  the  beginning  of  the  year  and  the  festi- 
vals, or  the  relation  of  the  latter  to  the  beginning  of  the  year,  have 
been  displaced  for  that  tribe. 

There  is  reason  to  believe  that  what  the  Indian  conference  called 
together  at  Tlaltelolco  by  Sahagun  finally  determined,  namely,  that 
the  3^ear  began  with  the  Quauitleua,  the  feast  of  the  rain  god  (Tlaloque), 
and  on  the  2d  of  February,  according  to  Christian  computation, 
very  nearly  corresponded  to  the  original  custom;  for  in  far  distant 
Yucatan,  inhabited  by  a  different  civilized  nation,  we  find  an  approach 
to  this  idea  in  Landa's  statement  that  the  Mayas  celebrated  in  honor 
of  the  rain  gods  (Chac),  the  feast  Ocna  ("Entrance  into  the  house"), 
or,  as  Landa  translates  it,  "Renewal  of  the  temple",  in  one  of  the 
so-called  months  (really  units  of  20  days)  Chen  and  Yax;  that  is,  about 
the  month  of  January,  on  a  day  which  the  priests  expressl}^  deter- 
mined, doubtless  according  to  the  chronology  kept  b}^  them.  Mira- 
ban  los  pronosticos  de  los  Bacabes  ("They  beheld  the  prophecies  of 
the  Bacabs");  that  is,  the3^  decided  according  to  the  deity  who  ruled 
over  the  year  whether  the  3^ear  would  be  good  or  bad.  Y  demas 
desto  renovavan  los  idolos  de  barro  y  sus  braseros,  y  si  era  menester, 
hacian  de  nuevo  la  casa  6  renovabanla,  y  ponian  en  la  pared  la  memoria 
destas  cosas  con  sus  caracteresX"And  besides  this  they  renewed  their 


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THE   MEXICAN  CHRONOLOGY 


23 


idols  of  clay  and  their  braziers,  and  if  necessary  they  rebuilt  the  house  or 
renovated  it,  and  placed  upon  the  wall  the  memory  of  these  things  in 
their  proper  characters");  that  is,  they  established  the  character  which 
the  year  was  to  have  and  renewed  their  objects  of  worship  and  house- 
hold utensils — ceremonies  whose  original  meaning  can  only  have  been 
that  the  beginning  of  the  year  was  set  at  this  time.  In  fact,  the  Zotzil 
of  Chiapas,  whose  people  were  near  kin  to  the  Mayas,  seem  also  to 
have  begun  the  year  with  the  month  Chen,  which  the}^  called  Tzun, 
that  is,  ''beginning"  (see  Pineda,  quoted  by  Orozco  y  Berra,  volume 
2,  page  142).  I  may  remark  by  the  way  that,  just  as  we  find  the 
New  Year's  feast  of  the  Mexicans  among  the  Mayas,  so,  too,  the  man- 
ner in  which  half  a  year  later,  in  the  month  of  July,  the  Mayas 
observed  their  real  New  Year  by  solemnly  conducting  the  spirit  of 
evil  out  of  the  village  finds  an  analogy  among  the  Mexicans  in  the 
broom  festival  (Ochpaniztli),  observed  in  August. 

The  decision  of  the  Indian  conference  at  Tlaltelolco — that  the  lirst 
day,  Quauitleua,  fell  at  the  beginning  of  February — must  therefore  also 
be  regarded  as  corresponding  quite  closely  to  the  actual  custom,  because 
if  it  did  so  the  various  festivals  were  suited  to  the  seasons  in  which 
they  fell.  The  sixth  feast,  Etzalqualiztli,  which  refers  to  the  setting 
in  of  the  rainy  season,  fell  on  May  13.  Don  Cristobal  del  Castillo, 
who  drew  his  information  from  Tetzcocan  sources,  and  whom  Gama 
follows,  begins  the  year  with  the  feast  Tititl,  which  lay  two  twenties 
back,  but  sets  the  beginning  of  the  year  full  24  days  earlier,  so  that  by 
his  reckoning  the  feast  Etzalqualiztli,  belonging  to  the  opening  of  the 
rainy  season,  falls  on  the  29th  of  May.  The  interpreter  of  the  Codex 
Vaticanus  A  in  one  place  accepts  the  15th,  in  another  the  24th  of  Feb- 
ruary, as  the  beginning  of  the  year.  According  to  this  Etzalqualiztli 
would  fall  on  May  26  or  June  4.  Clavigero's  opinion  that  the  26th  of 
February  and  Duran's  that  the  1st  of  March  was  the  beginning  of  the 
year  do  not  differ  very  widely  from  what  is  indicated  by  the  nature  of 
the  seasons.  Etzalqualiztli,  the  setting  in  of  the  rainy  season,  would 
fall  on  the  6th  or  9th  of  June.  We  should  thus  have  for  the  latter 
event,  specially  important  in  the  life  of  the  civilized  peoples  of 
Mexico,  a  range  of  about  the  length  of  one  of  our  months,  which 
fully  corresponds  with  the  natural  conditions.  If,  linally,  Tlaxcaltec 
sources  make  the  3^ear  begin  with  Atemoztli,  a  feast  occurring  some 
three  twenties  before  Quauitleua,  this  gives  us  as  the  latest  term  which 
we  find  appointed  for  Quauitleua  the  last  of  December  as  the  beginning 
of  the  year — a  theory  which  again  changes  the  beginning  of  the  year 
to  what  was  a  significant  time  as  well  to  the  Mexicans  as  the  Mayas: 
the  middle  of  the  dry  season.  But  the  very  fact  that  the  nemontemi, 
the  final  and  supplementar}^  days  of  the  year,  were  set  now  before 
Quauitleua,  now  before  Tititl,  now  before  Atemoztli,  or  elsewhere,  as 
before  Tlacaxipeualiztli,  as  according  to  the  Guatemalan  Cronica  Fran- 


24 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


ciscana  of  1683,  was  usual  among-  the  Cakchikels,  proves  that  festivals 
were  displaced  among  the  Mexicans,  that  their  years  were  actually  too 
short,  and  that  they  were  constantly  falling  into  confusion  in  their 
calendar  of  feasts. 

But  if  among  the  Mexicans  festivals  were  constantly  displaced  in 
consequence  of  their  inability  to  express  the  real  length  of  the  year  in 
their  system  of  chronology,  on  the  other  hand  the  tonalamatl  computa- 
tion offered  a  strong  framework,  which,  elaborated  by  the  expert  hands 
of  priests,  left  not  a  moment's  doubt  as  to  the  space  of  time  which 
divided  a  given  day  from  another.  At  one  point  only  is  the  uncer- 
tainty of  Mexican  chronology  apparent  here;  that  is  in  regard  to  the 
first  day  of  their  3^ear  and  to  the  titles  which  were  assigned  to  the 
different  years,  corresponding  to  their  initial  days.  If,  as  I  said 
above,  it  necessarily  follows  from  the  system  of  the  tonalamatl  and  the 
acceptance  of  a  year  of  365  days  that  of  the  twenty  da}^  signs  onl}^ 
four  fall  on  the  opening  days  of  the  year,  which  four  were  each  four 
sig-ns  apart,  one  from  the  other  (that  is,  there  were  four  intermediate 
signs),  and  if  we  further  find  that  the  years  were  usually  designated  by 
four  day  signs  standing  four  signs  apart,  it  is  then  the  most  natural 
inference  that  it  was  from  the  initial  davs  of  the  year  that  these  years 
themselves  were  named.  But  this  does  not  seem,  or  at  least  not  uni- 
versall}^  to  have  been  the  case. 

Among  the  Mexicans  the  years  were  designated  hy  the  signs  Acatl 
(reed),  Tecpatl  (ffint),  Calli  (house),  Tochtli  (rabbit);  that  is,  XIll, 
XVIII,  III,  and  VIII,  of  the  twenty  day  signs.  To  these  correspond 
exactl}^  the  Chiapanec,  Been,  Chinax,  Votan,  Lambat,  while  in  Yuca- 
tan the  signs  Kan,  Muluc,  Ix,  Cauac — that  is,  lY,  IX,  XIV,  and  XIX 
of  the  day  signs— were  used  for  successive  years.  The  four  signs, 
Acatl,  Tecpatl,  Calli,  Tochtli,  were  registered  upon  the  four  arms  of 
a  cross  with  hooks,  in  the  style  shown  in  figure  2.  By  following  a 
circle  in  the  direction  opposite  to  that  in  which  the  hands  of  a  clock 
move  we  pass  from  1  Acatl  past  2  Tecpatl,  3  Calli,  4  Tochtli,  to  5 
Acatl,  etc.,  until  we  come  to  13  Tochtli.  As  this  registration  suggests, 
the  years  i*ecorded  on  one  arm  of  the  cross  with  hooks  were  alwa3^s 
referred  to  a  particular  quarter  of  the  heavens;  the  Acatl  years  to  the 
east,  Tecpatl  to  the  north,  Calli  to  the  west,  and  the  Tochtli  years  to 
the  south.  Computation  within  the  cycle  began  in  the  east  with  the 
Acatl  years,  not  with  1  Acatl,  but,  singularly  enough,  with  2  Acatl, 
so  that  the  cycle  closed  with  1  Tochtli.  The  present  period  of  the 
world  began,  so  the  Mexicans  believed,  in  the  year  1  Tochtli.  The 
earth  was  created  in  this  period,  or  rather  the  heavens,  which  fell  at 
the  close  of  the  last  prehistoric  period  of  the  world,  were  again  lifted 
up.  Not  until  this  was  completed  could  fire  be  again  produced  and 
the  first  cycle  of  62  years  be  thus  begun.  This  is  expressly  stated  in 
the  Fuenleal  codex  of  the  Historia  de  los  Mexicanos  por  sus  Pinturas. 


seler] 


THE  MEXICAN  CHRONOLOGY 


25 


Therefore  2  Acatl  is  the  opening  year  of  the  first  and  of  all  following 
C3^cles.  As  such  it  is  also  designated  in  all  picture  manuscripts  of 
historical  nature  by  the  lire  drill.  The  statement  of  the  interpreter 
of  the  Codex  Telleriano-Remensis,  part  4,  page  24,  on  which  Orozco  y 
Berra  lays  so  nuich  stress,  that  the  beginning  of  the  cycle  was  first 
changed  from  1  Tochtli  to  2  Acatl  in  the  year  1 506,  under Motecuhzoma, 
on  account  of  the  famine  which  regularly  occurred  in  previous  years, 
is  merely  an  attempt  to  explain  the  remarka])le  fact  that  the  cy^cle 
begins  with  the  numeral  2  in  a  euhemeristic  way.  But  Clavigero^s 
assertion  that  the  cycle  began  with  1  Tochtli  is  simply  an  error.  It 
contradicts  the  accounts  of  ancient  authorities  and  all  tliat  documents 
tell  us. 

With  what  days  did  the  3^ears  begin?  Duran  and  Cristobal  del 
Castillo  say  that  the  year  began  with  Cipactli,  the  first  of  the  twenty 
signs  for  the  days.  And  if  this  is  to  be  accepted  as  the  initial  da}^  of 
one  year,  then  the  others  would  begin  with  Miquiztli,  Ozomatli,  Cozca- 
quauhtli,  VI,  XI,  and  XVI  of  the  signs  for  the  days.  This  is  Cla\  i- 
gero's  theory.  He  begins  the  years  Tochtli,  Acatl,  Tecpatl,  Calli, 
corresponding  with  Cipactli,  Miquiztli,  Ozomatli,  Cozcaquauhtli.  I, 
myself,  formerly  believed  that  the  years  Acatl,  Tecpatl,  Calli,  Tochtli 
were  to  be  coupled  with  the  d'dys  Cipactli,  Miquiztli,  Ozomatli,  and 
Cozcaquauhtli  as  initial  days,  relying  upon  page  12  of  the  Borgian 
codex  which  agrees  with  Codex  Vaticanus  B,  page  28,  where  we  see 
represented  by  five  Tlaloc  figures  the  five  cardinal  points  and  their 
significance  in  the  life  and  housekeeping  of  men,  and  among  the  first 
four  of  them  the  signs  for  the  four  years  coordinated  in  the  above 
manner  with  the  signs  of  the  aforesaid  four  days.  But  I  have  recently 
become  puzzled  again,  since  the  above-mentioned  pages  of  the  manu- 
scripts very  readily  admit  of  another  explanation.  For  not  only  were 
the  years  of  the  cycle  apportioned  among  the  four  cardinal  points,  but 
so  also  were  the  four  divisions  of  the  tonalamatl,  beginning  with  1 
Cipactli.  The  initial  da3^s  of  the  four  quarters  were  plainly  designated 
in  the  Zapotec  calendar— which,  as  we  shall  see,  perhaps  represents 
one  of  the  most  primitive  forms  of  this  chronologic  system — as  the 
Cocijo  or  pitao,  that  is,  ''the  holders  of  time",  ''the  rain  gods",  or 
"the  great  ones",  "the  gods".  In  these  names  we  find,  then,  a  direct 
reference  to  the  Tlaloc  figures,  which  we  see  depicted  in  the  Borgian 
codex,  page  12,  and  Codex.  Vaticanus  B,  page  28,  as  representatives  of 
the  cardinal  points.  And  the  day  signs  set  down  under  the  latter 
signify  those  very  initial  days  of  the  tonalamatl  divisions  and  the  initial 
years  of  the  C3^cle  divisions  which  were  supposed  to  be  coordinated 
with  the  cardinal  points. 

The  wisdom  of  the  Mexican  priest  chroniclers  spent  itself  in  elabo- 
rating the  tonalamatl  from  its  arithmetico-theoretic  and  augural  side. 
There  is  not — aside  from  a  passage  in  the  Maya  manuscript,  of  which 


26 


BUKEAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


I  shall  speak  further  on — a  single  place  in  the  entire  mass  of  picture 
manuscripts  belonging-  to  the  pre-Spanish  time  where  the  successive 
years  are  enumerated  with  their  initial  days.  This  fact  alone  should 
make  us  suspicious  in  regard  to  the  assertions  of  Duran  and  Cristobal 
del  Castillo.  For  Cipactli,  the  first  day  of  the  tonalamatl,  and  the 
following  signs  are  generally  used  in  the  manuscripts  somewhat  as  aie 
our  numerals  1  to  20.  Bishop  Landa  also  states  directly  of  the  Maya 
calendar,  that  the  first  day  of  the  year  and  the  first  day  of  the  tonala- 
matl had  absolutel}^  nothing  to  do  with  each  other.  If  we  take  into 
consideration  the  confusion,  which,  as  I  have  explained  above,  pre- 
vailed in  Mexico  in  regard  to  the  beginning  of  the  year,  we  can  not 
avoid  the  impression  that  the  opening  days  of  the  year  were  also  dis- 
placed in  the  course  of  time,  and  thus  couid  not  always  keep  the  same 
names.  If  we  once  admit  this,  then  the  fact  that  it  became  necessary 
to  call  the  successive  3^ears  by  the  names  of  the  days  Acatl,  Tecpatl, 
Calli,  Tochtli,  acquires  increased  meaning.  We  can  not  well  refuse 
to  assume  that  at  the  time  when  and  in  the  phice  where  it  first 
occurred  to  the  learned  that  only  four  of  the  twenty  signs  for  the 
da3^s  fall  upon  the  initial  days  of  the  3^ears,  it  was  just  these  very  days, 
Acatl,  Tec^patl,  Calli,  Tochtli,  with  which  the  year  then  and  in  that 
place  began,  or  at  least,  that  these  days,  for  whatsoever  reasons,  then 
and  in  that  place  were  chosen  for  the  opening  days  of  the  year.  I 
find  an  indirect  proof  that  this  was  indeed  the  case  in  the  fact  that 
ancdent  accounts  from  two  remote  and  widely  separated  localities,  from 
Meztitlan,  on  the  boundaries  of  Huaxteca,  and  from  Nicaragua,  make 
the  series  of  twenty  da}^  signs  begin  with  Acatl.  In  the  Dresden 
manuscript  the  years  do  not  begin  with  Kan,  Muluc,  Ix,  Cauac,  the 
fourth,  ninth,  fourteenth,  and  nineteenth  day  signs,  with  which,  at 
a  later  period,  to  judge  from  Landa  and  the  books  of  Chilan  Balam, 
the  Ma3^as  began  their  years,  but  with  Been,  Ezanab,  Akbal,  and 
Lamat,  that  is,  the  thirteenth,  eighteenth,  third,  and  eighth  signs, 
which  answer  to  the  Mexican  Acatl,  Tecpatl,  Calli,  Tochtli. 

In  a  paper  presented  before  the  International  Americanist  Congress 
at  Bei-lin  E.  Forstemann,  to  whom  we  owe  so  man}'  discoveries,  espe- 
cially in  regard  to  the  mathematics  of  the  Dresden  manuscript,  furnished 
proof  that  the  many  high  numbers  which  are  to  be  found,  particularly  in 
the  second  part  of  the  Dresden  manuscript,  take  for  granted  that  the  day 
4  Ahau  (4  XX),  the  eighth  of  the  month  Cumku  (the  last  of  the  eighteen 
annual  festivals),  is  to  be  regarded  as  a  zero  mark,  inasmuch  as,  if  we 
count  on  from  this  day  for  the  number  of  days  which  the  figure  stand- 
ing above  gives  us,  we  obtain  a  different  date,  which — again  exactly 
indicated  by  numeral  and  sign  and  statement  of  what  day  of  which 
month — is  noted  beside  it.  Now  Mr  Forstemann  saw  very  plainly  that 
this  zero  mark,  4  Ahau,  8  Cumku,  with  which  the  other  dates  in  the 
manuscript,  with  a  very  few  exceptions,  agree,  clearly  can  not  be 


SEI.KRj 


THE  MEXICAN  CHRONOLOGY 


27 


made  to  harmonize  with  Landa's  theory  of  the  })eginnino-  of  the  year. 
He  therefore  says  that  8  Cumku  is  to  })e  understood  as  the  eve  of  a 
festival",  the  day  which  is  followed  b}^  the  eighth  day  of  the  month 
Cumku.  The  ingeniousness  of  this  explanation  certainly  satisfied  Mr 
Forstemann  less  than  an3^one.  1  hold  that  8  Cumku  can  not  well  be 
anything  else  than  the  eighth  day  of  the  month  Cumku.  And  if  a  da\' 
4  Ahau  (IXX)  was  the  eighth  day  of  the  month  Cumku,  then  the  first 
day  of  that  month  must  be  a  day  10  Been  (10  XIII)  and  the  year  must 
also  have  begun  with  Been,  the  thirteenth  day  sign,  the  Mexican  sign 
Acatl.  According  to  this,  therefore,  the  signs  of  the  first  days  of  the 
years  were  not  the  fourth,  ninth,  fourteenth,  nineteenth  day  signs 
(Kan,  Muluc,  Ix,  Cauac),  ])ut  the  thirteenth,  eighteenth,  third,  eighth 
day  signs,  Been,  Ezanab,  Akbal,  Lamat,  or  in  Mexican,  Acatl,  Tecpatl, 
Calli,  Tochtli.  That  this  is  actually  the  case  in  the  Dresden  maimscript 
is  also  confirmed  elsewhere. 

Not  unlike  the  Mexicans  in  their  custom  stated  above,  the  Mayas  also 
assigned  the  successive  years  of  the  cycle  to  the  four  cardinal  points.  The 
books  of  Chilan  Balam,  a  copy  of  which,  prepared  by  the  late  lamented 
Doctor  Berendt,  I  had  occasion  to  use  in  Doctor  Brinton's  library,  unani- 
mously ascribe  the  Kan  years  to  the  east,  the  Muluc  years  to  the  north, 
the  Ix  years  to  the  west,  and  the  Cauac  years  to  the  south.  To  be 
sure,  Landa  contradicts  this.  Still  the  same  relation  follows  from  his 
assertions.  For  the  Kan  years,  which  he  assigns  to  the  south,  were 
the  3^ears  in  the  days  preceding  which,  according  to  his  statements, 
the  spirit  of  evil  dominating  the  Kan  years  was  brought  into  the  vil- 
lage from  a  southerly  direction,  and  then  borne  out  of  the  village  on 
the  eastern  side,  that  is,  in  the  direction  probably  significant  of  the  new 
year.  And  so,  too,  with  the  other  years:  The  Chac-uuayayab  of  the 
Muluc  years  is  taken  out  toward  the  north,  the  Zac-uuayayab  of  thelx 
years  toward  the  west,  and  the  P^k-uuayayal)  of  the  Cauac  years  toward 
the  south." 

Now,  what  3^ears  and  what  cardinal  points  are  connected  in  the  manu- 
scripts? 'There  is  no  lack  of  hieroglyphs  for  the  four  and  the  five  cardi- 
nal points,  respectively,  in  the  manuscripts.  We  know  distinctly  that 
a  to  d  in  figure  1  represent  the  four  cardinal  points,  and  that  e  to  (/  are 
probably  variants  of  a  hieroglyph  for  the  fifth  cardinal  point,  the  direc- 
tion upward  from  below,  or  downward  from  above.  It  was,  however, 
still  doubtful  how  a  to  figure  1,  are  to  be  referred  to  the  four  cardinal 
points.  Schultz-Sellack  (Zeitschrif  t  f  iir  Ethnologic,  volume  9,  page  221, 
1879)  and  Leon  de  Rosny  were  of  the  opinion  that  a  to  d,  respectively, 
denote  the  east,  north,  west,  and  south.  Cyrus  Thomas,  in  his  Study  of 
the  Manuscript  Troano,  exchanges  a  and  c  and  asserts  that  the  former 
represents  the  west,  the  latter  the  east.  In  his  recent  work,  published 
in  the  Third  Annual  Report  of  the  Bureau  of  Ethnology,  he  reverses 
the  entire  order  and  states  that  a  to  d,  figure  1,  correspond  respectively 


28 


BUKEAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


to  the  west,  south,  east,  and  north.  But  the  argument  which  leads 
him  to  this  assertion  is  obviousl}^  incorrect.  It  is  true  that  the  Mexi- 
cans generally  arranged  the  sequence  of  the  cardinal  points  in  the 
direction  opposite  to  the  course  of  the  hands  of  a  clock,  as  is  shown  in 
figure  '2.  But  as  for  the  double  page  41  and  42  of  the  Cortes  codex,  on 
which  Cvrus  Thomas  rests  his  assertion,  the  glyphs  of  the  cardinal 
points  a  to  d  there  inscribed  within  the  quadrants  do  not  refer,  as 


t  U  V  w 

Fig.  1.   Symbols  of  the  cardinal  points,  colors,  etc. 


Professor  Thomas  states,  to  the  dates  written  in  the  left-hand  corner  of 
the  quadrants  (1  Ix,  1  Cauac,  1  Kan,  1  Muluc),  but  to  the  whole  series 
of  days  which  are  denoted  in  the  said  quadrants,  partly  by  their  glyphs, 
and  partly  by  the  dots  connecting  the  glyphs. 

In  the  quadrant  containing  the  cardinal  point  of  figure  1,  are 
recorded  the  days  from  1  Imix  (1  I)  to  13  Chicchan  (13  V),  that  is,  the 
•whole  first  quarter  of  the  tonalamatl,  the  days  beginning  at  the  innei 
left-hand  corner  and  following  one  another  over  the  outer  left-hand 


seler] 


THE  MEXICAN  CHRONOLOGY 


29 


corner  and  the  outer  right-hand  corner  as  far  as  the  inner  right-hand 
corner;  and  in  the  same  manner  in  the  quadrant  following  in  the 
direction  opposite  to  the  course  of  the  hands  of  a  clock,  in  which  the 
cardinal  point  figure  1,  is  written,  are  recorded  the  days  which 
form  the  second  quarter  of  the  tonalamatl;  and  again  in  the  third 
quadrant,  which  contains  the  glyph  figure  1,  is  the  third  quarter; 
and  in  the  last  quadrant,  with  the  glyph  figure  1,  the  last  quarter 
of  the  tonalamatl.  Since  we  know  that  the  four  quarters  of  the 
tonalamatl,  beginning  with  1  I.  1  VI.  1  XI,  and  1  XVI,  were  respec- 


Li 

zs 

t— 

To 

To' 

To 

To 

1^ 

^  1 

o 

go 

r 

r 

?  1 

F'  1 

r 

Fig.  2.   Mexican  calendar  wheel  form. 


tively  ascribed  to  the  east,  north,  west,  and  south,  this  double  page 
from  the  Cortes  codex  is  the  strongest  proof  that  Schultz-Sellack  and 
Leon  de  Rosny  were  right  in  referring  the  hieroglyphs  a  to  d,  figure  1, 
respectively  to  the  east,  north,  west,  and  south. 

In  a  and  figure  1,  is  contained,  in  their  lower  half,  an  element  which 
is  contained  in  the  month  name  Yaxkin  (k  and  Z,  figure  1)  and  undoubt- 
edly denotes  the  sun  (kin),  the  disk  sending  out  rays  of  light  to  the 
four  cardinal  points.  In  k  and  I  this  element  is  combined  with 
another,  which  also  occurs  in  the  glyph  of  the  month  name  Yax 


30 


BUREAU   OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


same  figure),  and  which,  as  comparison  with  other  glyphs  shows, 
denotes  "green  tree"  (yax).  In  a,  figure  1,  the  element  kin  i>s 
combined  with  the  glyph  of  the  twentieth  day  sign,  which  is  in 
Maya  called  Ahau.  Ahau,  abbreviated  ah,  means  ''the  lord",  ''the 
king".  The  word  is  connected  with  a  verb  ah,  which  means  "to  rise 
up",  ''to  awake",  "to  rise";  ahal-ik,  "the  wind  rises";  ahal-cab, 
"the  world  wakes"  (the  day  breaks);  ahi  cab,  "from  the  beginning 
of  the  world".  This  gh^ph  should  therefore  be  read  ahal-kin,  "the 
sun  rises,"  and  this  is  equivalent  to  likin,  the  true  Maya  expression 
for  the  cardinal  point  of  the  east. 

In  c,  figure  1,  on  the  other  hand,  the  element  kin  is  combined  with 
another,  which  serves  as  the  glyph  of  the  seventh  da}^  sign,  in  Maya 
called  Manik,  which  corresponds  to  the  Mexican  mazatl,  "deer". 
The  element  represents  a  hand  with  the  four  fingers  curved  toward 
the  thumb.  I  have  already  explained  this  in  my  essay  on  the  Character 
of  the  Aztec  and  Maya  manuscripts  (Zeitschrift  fur  Ethnologic,  volume 
20,  page  65),  but  at  that  time  I  was  uncertain  as  to  its  true  signifi- 
cance. It  is  sign  language  for  "to  eat".  When  we  traveled  in 
lluaxteca,  a  district  inhabited  in  old  times  and  down  to  the  present 
da}^  by  a  nation  whose  language  shows  them  to  be  nearly  akin  to  the 
Mayas  of  Yucatan,  the  invitation  to  eat,  Vamos  a  comer,  was  invari- 
ably accompanied  by  a  gesture  in  which  the  hand,  bent  in  the  style  of 
the  glyph  Manik,  was  repeatedly  carried  to  the  mouth.  This  symbol 
was  taken  as  the  glyph  for  Manik,  "deer",  because  the  deer  was 
regarded  as  "meat"  Kar  f^oj^/r,  "that  which  is  eaten".  In  Maya 
"to  bite",  "to  eat",  and  "to  be  bitten",  "to  be  eaten",  is  chi.  The 
glyph  c  would  accordingly  be  read  chikin,  and  this  is  well  known  to 
be  the  Ma^-a  word  for  the  cardinal  point  west. 

The  other  two  glyphs  of  the  cardinal  points,  h  and  figure  1,  are 
not  phoneticall}^  constructed.  In  d  we  have  the  same  element  that 
we  have  already  seen  in  ^,  X",  and  the  glyphs  Yax  and  Yaxkin,  and 
which,  as  I  stated,  denote  "tree".  We  see  it  here  surrounded  by 
figures  which  are  to  be  explained  as  smoke  or  fire.  Therefore  d^ 
figure  1,  must  be  the  region  of  fire,  the  south.  Glyph  h  shows  us  a 
head  and  a  jaw,  the  two  not  infrequently  combined  as  if  the  head  were 
being  drawn  into  the  jaw  {I  and  Z",  figure  3).  Occasionally  an  eye, 
looking  toward  the  head,  occurs  as  a  variant  of  the  jaw  (see  figure  3, 
in  the  manuscript  Troano  codex,  page  24*^).  Finally,  the  hieroglyph 
figure  3,  occurs  (manuscript  Troano  codex,  page  20*c)  for  the 
hieroglyph  ^,  figure  1;  instead  of  the  head  drawn  into  the  jaw  we 
have  a  head  held  or  lifted  up  by  an  open  hand.  The  symbolism  is 
clear.  It  is  the  live  devouring  earth  mouth,  the  underworld,  which, 
as  we  know,  was  located  by  the  Mexicans  in  the  north.  In  Aztec  the 
north  is  called  mictlampa  ("the  direction  of  the  realm  of  the  dead"). 

Analysis  of  the  hieroglyphs  thus  leads  to  the  same  result  as  that 


skler] 


THK  MEXICAN  CHRONOLOGY 


31 


which  our  study  of  the  Cortes  codex,  pages  41,  42,  sugcrested,  that 
the  hieroglyphs  a  to  c/,  figure  1,  are  indeed  to  be  coordinated  in  the  way 
already  stated  by  Schultz-Sellack — that  is,  that  a  to  respectively, 
denote  the  east,  north,  west,  and  south. 

Here  we  do  indeed  encounter  a  difiiculty  which  must  be  overcome 
before  we  can  with  any  confidence  profit  by  the  knowledge  thus  far 
acquired.  Schellhas  has  already  (Zeitschrif  t  f  iir  Ethnologic,  volume  18, 
page  77)  drawn  attention  to  the  hieroglyphic  elements  t  to  figure  1, 
which  are  coordinated  with  the  cardinal  points  in  such  a  way  that, 
according  to  the  cardinal  point,  they  form  the  variable  constituent  of 
a  hieroglyph  otherwise  similarly  constituted.  Thus,  in  the  Dresden 
manuscript,  pages  30J  and  31^  and  pages  29c  and  30c,  the  hieroglyphs 
n  to  ^,  figure  1,  are  invariably  combined  with  one  of  the  hieroglyphs 
of  the  four  cardinal  points.  And  so,  too,  on  pages  30c  and  31c  we  see 
the  same  elements  of  t  to  w  (always  changing  with  the  cardinal  points) 
forming  part  of  another  hieroglyph  otherwise  not  clear.  Finally,  the 
same  elements  are  (Dresden  manuscript,  pages  31Z»  to  31^)  added  to 
the  principal  glyph  of  Chac  itself  and  combined  with  the  same  cardinal 
points.  I  have  already  suggested  in  my  earlier  work  (Zeitschrift  fiir 
Ethnologic,  volume  20,  page  1)  that  these  hieroglyphic  elements  chang- 
ing with  the  cardinal  points  are  meant  to  denote  colors.  We  know 
that  the  Mexicans,  like  the  Mayas  and  many  other  American  nations, 
ascribed  certain  colors  to  the  cardinal  points,  and  that  the  objects  or 
beings  whose  various  forms  were  supposed  to  reside  at  the  different 
cardinal  points  were  distinguished  by  the  color  appropriate  to  the 
cardinal  point  in  question. 

Thus  in  Landa,  in  speaking  of  the  xma  kaba  kin  ceremonies,  accord- 
ing to  the  3'ear — that  is,  according  to  the  respective  cardinal  point — 
a  3^ellow,  red,  white,  and  black  Bacab,  a  yellow,  red,  white,  and 
black  Uuayayab,  a  yellow,  red,  white,  and  black  Acantun  is  men- 
tioned. But  if  this  be  the  case,  then  the  element  of  7^',  figure  1,  must 
denote  the  color  ek,  "black".  For  in  both  the  above-mentioned 
passages  of  the  Dresden  manuscript  the  rain  god  (Chac)  is  repre- 
sented in  black  color  below  the  glyph  provided  with  this  element 
(while  he  is  left  white  elsewhere).  The  element  v  (same  figure),  on 
the  contrary,  is  most  probably  to  be  described  as  expressing  the  color 
zac,  "white",  for  it  forms  the  characteristic  element  in  the  glyph 
of  the  month  name  Zac,  li.  The  element  u  may  be  taken  to  express 
chac,  "red",  for  it  forms  the  characteristic  element  in  the  glyph  of 
a  goddess,  m,  a  companion  of  Chac,  who  is  represented  in  the  Dresden 
codex,  pages  67a  and  74,  in  red  color  and  with  tiger  claws.  Finally, 
the  glyph  t  (same  figure),  seems  as  if  it  must  be  intended  for  kan, 
"3^ellow".  This  is  proved  by  the  similarity  of  the  element  to  the 
figures  by  which  gold,  the  yellow  metal,  is  represented  in  Mexican 


32 


BUREAU   OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


glyphs;  also  by  the  fact  that,  in  conjunction  with  the  element  ''tree", 
it  is  used  to  denote  honey  and  honey  wine  {?i  and  figure  3),  and 
that  it  appears  vicariously  for  kin,  "sun",  and  is  sometimes  replaced 
by  the  hieroglyphic  expression  for  the  latter.  According  to  this, 
indeed,  we  should  have  the  four  colors,  yellow,  red,  white,  and  black, 
in  t  to  ?/;,  figure  1,  and  in  the  same  order  of  succession  as  they  are 
given  by  Landa  for  the  four  cardinal  points. 

But  these  elements,  which  I  call  kan,  chac,  zac,  and  ek,  are  not,  in  the 
above-mentioned  passages,  as  we  should  suppose,  assigned  to  the  east, 
north,  w^est,  and  south,  but,  in  the  same  way  as  Landa — though,  as 
^ve  must  assume,  incorrectly — refers  the  variously  colored  Bacabs  and 
their  years  to  the  cardinal  points,  they  are  assigned  to  the  south,  east, 
north,  and  west.  I  must  confess  that  this  fact  disturbed  me  for  a  long 
time,  until  it  gradually  became  clear  to  me  that  in  this  instance  other 
ideas  were  decisive  in  referring  the  rain  god,  Chac,  to  the  cardinal  points, 
and  hence  other  colors  were  necessarily  chosen  to  express  that  refer- 
ence than  those  chosen  for  the  Bacabs  prevailing  in  the  different  years. 
Wherever  the  Bacabs  themselves  and  the  different  years  and  the  cere- 
monies performed  before  the  beginning  thereof  are  represented  in  the 
Dresden  manuscript,  especially  on  the  familiar  pages  25  to  28,  there  the 
elements  of  figures  t  to  ?/;  are  not  coordinated  with  d,,  a,  J,  but  with 
((^  c,  d  (figure  1) — that  is,  actually  with  the  east,  north,  west,  and  south. 
This  can  not,  indeed,  be  noted  on  all  four  pages,  the  upper  parts  of  25  and 
27  being  unfortunately  too  far  destroyed.  But  we  can  still  see  that 
on  all  four  pages  in  a  certain  place  on  the  upper  part  there  was  a  per- 
vading hierogl3^ph,  which  contained  the  elements  of  t  to  m  as  a  varia- 
ble constituent  part.  The  same  is  retained  on  two  pages,  26  and  28 
(see  r  and  -s-,  figure  1),  and  there  we  actually  see  that  the  elements  of  u 
and  w — that  is,  as  I  assume,  red  (chac)  and  black  (ek) — are  allotted  to 
the  north  and  south.  That  yellow  (kan,  {)  and  white  (zac,  '?')'are  also 
correspondingly  arranged  is,  I  think,  as  good  as  certain.  And  these 
assumptions  are  confirmed  by  corresponding  passages  in  the  Troano 
codex.  There  the  various  Chacs  are  represented,  pages  30  and  29^, 
beginning  with  that  of  the  west,  c.  And  the  elements  ek,  kan,  chac, 
zac  answer  to  the  directions  of  c,  d^  a,  h.  On  pages  31  and  306?,  on 
the  contrary,  the  various  Bacabs  are  represented,  beginning  with  that  of 
the  east  (chac  and  hobnil).  And  here,  as  comparison  with  the  Cortes 
codex,  pages  41  and  42,  show  the  elements  kan,  ek,  zac,  chac  correspond 
to  the  directions  of  d,  c,  1) — that  is,  east,  south,  west,  north.  Thus, 
that  which  I  think  1  have  discovered  in  regard  to  color  nomenclature 
agrees  with  the  old  Schultz-Sellack  idea  that  a  to  d  represent  hiero- 
glyphically  the  cardinal  points — east,  north,  west,  south,  or  likin, 
xaman,  chikin,  nohol. 

Now  if  we  turn  with  this,  as  1  believe,  certain  knowledge  to  pages 
25  to  28  of  the  Dresden  manuscript,  on  which  the  various  year's  are  rep- 


seler] 


THE  MEXICAN  CHRONOLOGY 


33 


resented  and  the  ceremonies  performed  before  the  beo"inniii<>-  of  them, 
in  the  xma  kaba  kin,  I  have  still  another  exception  to  make.  There 
is  an  error  in  these  pages.  In  the  lowest  row  of  hieroglyphs,  the  very 
one  which  contains  the  hieroglyphs  of  the  various  cardinal  points, 
north  and  south,  xaman  and  nohol,  d  and  Z>,  are  transposed.  It  is  o))vi- 
ous  that  this  is  an  error.  Nowhere  else  in  this  manuscript  do  we  find 
the  order  of  succession  «,  c7,  c,  1).  Only  in  the  carelessly  drawn  Codex 
Troano-Cortes  do  we  meet  with  a  couple  of  inversions  of  the  true  order. 
80  we  find  in  Troano  codex,  page  36,  where,  however,  there  seems  also 
to  be  an  error,  for  the  series  goes  on  afterwards  in  the  proper  direction. 
And  so,  too,  in  Troano  codex,  pages  30  and  31,  we  have  a  reversal  of  the 
order,  as  the  succession  of  the  colors  kan,  ek,  zac,  and  chac  shows.  But 
these  are  exceptions.  As  a  general  thing  the  order  of  succession  of  the 
years  follows  the  correct  order  also  in  the  Troano  codex.  If  we  make 
these  corrections  in  pages  25  to  28  of  the  Dresden  manuscript,  we  have 
on  these  pages,  as  is  fit,  beginning  with  the  east,  the  years  answering  to 
the  east,  north,  west,  and  south — that  is,  therefore,  according  to  the 
books  of  Chilan-Balam,  the  Kan,  Muluc,  Ix,  Cauac  years.  But  we 
look  in  vain  for  the  signs  for  these  years  on  those  pages.  On  the  front 
of  those  pages,  on  the  other  hand,  two  successive  day  signs  are  repeated 
thirteen  times,  which  can  hardly  be  anything  but  the  last  day  of  the 
old  and  the  first  day  of  the  new^  year.  We  have  on  page  25  Eb  (XII) 
and  Been  (XIII);  on  page  26,  Caban  (XVII)  and  Ezanab  (XVIII);  on 
page  27,  Ik  (II)  and  Akbal  (III),  and  on  page  28,  Manik  (VII)  and  Lamat 
(VIII).  It  therefore  follows,  according  to  the  Dresden  manuscript, 
that  the  years  corresponding  to  the  east,  north,  west,  and  south — that 
is,  the  later  Kan,  Muluc,  Ix,  and  Cauac  years — must  have  begun  with 
the  days  Been,  Ezanab,  Akbal,  and  Lamat;  that  is,  with  the  Mexican 
characters  Acatl,  Tecpatl,  Calli,  and  Tochtli.  This  is  precisely  what 
we  learn  from  the  date  ^  Ahau,  8  Cumku,  and  the  other  dates  com- 
bined from  figures,  signs,  and  statements  in  regard  to  months. 

In  one  of  ni}^  first  works,  in  which  I  stated  the  result  of  my  Maya 
studies  (Zeitschrift  fiir  Ethnologic,  volume  19,  Verhandlungen,  pages 
22-1  to  231),  I  attempted  to  identify  the  deities  represented  on  pages 
25  to  28  of  the  Dresden  manuscript  with  the  deities  mentioned  by 
Landa  in  connection  with  the  Xma  kaba  kin  ceremonies.  1  think  my 
inferences  at  that  time  were  perfectly  correct.  But  because  I  did  not 
read  the  hieroglyphs  of  the  cardinal  points  aright,  and  because  I  had 
no  knowledge  of  the  circumstance  set  forth  above,  namely,  that  the 
Kan,  Muluc,  Ix,  and  Cauac  3^ears  begin  with  the  da3^s  Been,  Ezanab, 
Akbal,  and  Lamat,  I  was  forced  to  make  the  somewhat  bold  conjecture 
that  the  names  given  by  Landa  were  probably  to  be  applied  to  the  fig- 
ures in  the  Dresden  manuscript,  but  not  in  the  order  Kan,  Muluc,  Ix, 
and  Cauac,  as  Landa  reckoned  the  3^ears,  but  in  the  order  Ix,  Cauac, 
Kan,  and  Muluc,  as  they  appear  in  the  Dresden  manuscript.  This 
7238— No.  28—05  3 


84 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


conjecture  is  now  wholly  superfluous.  The  Dresden  manuscript  does, 
indeed,  reckon  the  years  precisely  as  Landa  does,  that  is,  beginning 
with  the  east,  but  the  years  which  Landa  designates  by  the  dominical 
letters,  Kan,  Muluc,  Ix,  Cauac,  are  here  specified  by  the  initial 
days  Been,  Ezanab,  Akbal,  and  Lamat.  The  chief  figure  on  the  first 
page  is  a  god  with  a  remarkable  branching  nose,  whose  principal 
hieroglyph  is  a,  figure  3,  a  hieroglyph  which  otherwise  serves  to 
designate  the  lightning  animal,  the  heavenly  dog  darting  from  the 
clouds.  Instead  of  the  latter,  (^(same  figure),  that  is,  the  head  of  Cha(5, 
appears  as  the  principal  hierogl3q3h  in  the  Dresden  codex,  page  3. 
It  is  therefore  obvious  that  this  god  is  a  god  of.  rain  and  thunder. 
Landa  mentions  in  the  Kan  year  Bolon  Zacab,  a  name  which  is  not 


that  they  are  said  to  be  rich  in  rain. 

On  the  second  page  (26)  of  the  Dresden  manuscript  the  chief  figure 
is  a  god  who  has  the  sign  kin  written  on  his  eyebrow,  and  whose 
chief  hieroglyph,  J,  figure  3,  likewise  contains  the  sign  kin.  This 
agrees  with  Landa's  statement,  who,  in  the  Muluc  years,  mentions 
Kinchahau,  the  "Lord  with  the  sun  face".  On  the  third  page  the 
old  god  is  represented,  whose  chief  hieroglyph  is  c,  figure  3.  This 
again  agrees  with  Landa,  who  mentions  the  god  Itzamna  in  the  Ix 
years.  And  on  the  last  page  (28)  of  the  Dresden  manuscript  a  death 
god  is  designated  by  the  hieroglyph  the  face  with  gaping  jaws; 
elsewhere  written  also  in  the  form  of  glyph  A.  This,  too,  agrees  with 
Landa,  who  calls  the  Uac  mi  tun  ahau  of  the  Cauac  years  "  Lord  of 
six  hells".    I  can  not  go  into  further  details  concerning  these  deities 


selerJ 


THE  MEXICAN  CHRONOLOGY 


35 


here,  and  refer  the  reader  to  my  work  quoted  above.  The  two  glyphs, 
which  I  have  given  in  the  plate  accompanying  this  work  (/'  and 
figure  3),  are  characteristic  companion  gl3'phs,/'of  Kinchahau  and  (j 
of  Itzamna.  The  former  gives  the  idea  of  clouds  or  heaven,  lightning, 
and  fire;  the  latter  may  be  translated  as  Ahtok,  ^'Lord  of  the  stone 
knife". 

Now,  how  are  we  to  understand  this  difference  l:)etween  the  Dresden 
manuscript  and  Landa's  assertions  in  regard  to  the  first  day  of  the 
year?  Are  we  to  assume  that  Landa  was  mistaken  in  making  the 
Kan,  Muluc,  Ix,  and  Cauac  years  begin  also  wuth  the  days  Kan, 
Muluc,  Ix,  and  Cauac?  Or  shall  we  assume  that  at  some  particular 
period  later  than  that  of  the  composition  of  the  Dresden  manuscript  a 
correction  was  made,  in  consequence  of  which  the  first  days  of  the 
3^ears  ascribed  to  the  east,  north,  west,  and  south  no  longer  fell  upon 
the  signs  Been,  Ezanab,  Akbal,  and  Lamat,  but  on  the  signs  Kan, 
Muluc,  Ix,  and  Cauac?  I  incline  to  the  latter  view,  and  remark  that 
according  to  this  the  Troano  and  Cortes  codices,  which  are  only  the  two 
halves  of  one  and  the  same  codex,  would  belong  to  the  later  period. 
For  on  pages  23  to  20  of  the  Troano  codex,  whose  meaning  corresponds 
with  that  of  pages  25  to  28  of  the  Dresden  manuscript,  on  the  front  of 
the  pages,  not  the  initial  da3\s  Been,  Ezanab,  Akbal,  and  Lamat,  but 
likewise,  thirteen  times  repeated,  the  da3^s  Cauac,  Kan,  Muluc,  and  Ix 
are  found. 

In  spite  of  this  variability  of  the  beginning  of  the  j^ear  the  Maya 
races  obtained  a  fixed  chronology  by  reckoning,  not  the  years,  but  the 
da3^s,  from  a  zero  point.  Thus  the  tonalamatl  reckoning  afforded  a 
firm  basis,  which  prevented  any  error. 

Among  the  Cakchikels  the  zero  point  was  furnished  b3^  a  particu- 
lar historic  event,  the  destruction  of  the  seditious  race  of  the  Tukuchee, 
which  occurred  on  the  day  11  Ah  (11  XIII).  By  counting  from  this 
zero  vigesimally — that  is,  by  20x20  da3^s — they  obtained  periods 
which  all  began  with  the  day  Ah  (XIII,  or  the  Mexican  Acatl),  which 
successively  took  the  numbers  11,  8,  5.  2,  12,  9,  6,  3,  13,  10,  7,  -1,  1, 
and  then  again  11.  Such  a  period  was  called  a  huna,  and  twenty 
such  periods  a  may  (see  my  communication  in  the  Zeitschrift  fiir  Eth- 
nologic, volume  21,  Verhandlungen,  page  475). 

Among  the  Ma3^as  the  starting  point  w^as  undoubtedly  the  zero  point 
tl  Ahau  8  Cumku  pointed  out  in  the  Dresden  manuscript  by  Forste- 
mann— that  is,  a  da3^  which  bore  the  numeral  4  and  the  sign  Ahau  (XX, 
or  the  Mexican  Xochitl),  and  was  the  8th  of  the  month  Cumku,  the 
last  of  the  eighteen  months  of  the  year.  But  from  this  zero  point  the 
reckoning  was  not  consistently  vigesimal,  but,  as  also  follows  from  the 
computation  in  the  Dresden  manuscript  set  forth  by  Forstemann, 
periods  of  20x360  da3's.  These  periods,  since  their  number  is  divis- 
ible by  20,  had  alwa3^s  to  take  the  same  sign  Ahau  (XX,  or  the  Mexi- 


36 


BUREAU  OF   AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


can  Xochitl).  But  as  the  figure  13  only  goes  into  7,200  witli  a  remain- 
der of  11,  the  figure  of  the  first  day  of  the  period  had  to  be  two  less 
than  that  of  the  first  day  of  the  previous  period.  In  a  word,  the 
initial  days  of  the  successive  periods  of  7,200  days  are  4  Ahau,  2  Ahau, 
13  Ahau,  11  Ahau,  9  Ahau,  7  Ahau,  5  Ahau,  3  Ahau,  1  Ahau,  12 
Ahau,  10  Ahau,  8  Ahau,  6  Ahau,  and  then  again  4  Ahau.  Such  a 
period  was  called  katun.  It  is  still  an  open  question  upon  what  circum- 
stances it  depended  that  just  such  a  period  of  20  X  360  days  was  chosen. 
But,  at  any  rate,  this  is  the  true  length  of  the  so-called  ahau  katun 
periods,  whose  computation  is  clearly  stated  in  the  Dresden  manu- 
script, but  whose  meaning  has  been  very  much  misunderstood  even 
down  to  the  present  time. 

In  later  times,  when  the  connection  with  old  traditions,  if  it  had  not 
entirely  disappeared,  had  3^et  been  impaired  in  many  ways,  the  katun 
was  taken,  not  as  20  X  360  days,  but  as  20  years.  And  thence  it  became 
evident  that  the  periods  could  not  begin  in  the  way  indicated,  with 
I  Ahau,  2  Ahau,  13  Ahau,  etc.,  for  the  number  13  goes  into  7,300  with 
a  remainder  of  7.  Hence  the  initial  days  of  the  successive  periods  of 
20  3'ears  (reckoning  365  days  to  a  year)  must  by  turns  begin  with 
4  Ahau,  11  Ahau,  5  Ahau,  etc.  In  order  to  meet  this  difficulty  the 
theory  was  evolved  that  the  katun  consisted,  not  of  20  years,  but  of  24 
years,  for  24x365,  or  8,760,  is  also  divisible  by  20,  and  the  number  13 
goes  into  it  with  a  remainder  of  11,  as  it  does  into  the  true  katun,  the 
period  of  20x360  days.  And  hence  arose  the  dispute,  in  which  nuich 
ink  and  paper  have  been  w'asted,  as  to  whether  the  katun  consisted  of 
20  or  24  years.  As  a  fact,  it  contained  neither  20  nor  24  years  (the 
old  chroniclers  did  not  take  years  directly  into  their  calculation),  but 
it  contained  20x360  days. 

Now  that  the  relation  of  the  tonalamatl  to  the  other  chronology  has 
been  made  clear,  I  will  once  more  turn  back  to  the  tonalamatl  itself. 
In  my  work  on  the  character  of  the  Aztec  and  Maya  manuscripts 
(Zeitschrift  f iir  Ethnologic,  volume  10,  page  1  et  seq.)  I  tried  to  prove 
that  even  the  apparently  quite  dissimilar  and  differently  named  20 
day  signs  of  the  Mayas  could  be  brought  into  conformity  with  the 
linguistically  and  hieroglyphically  distinct  signs  of  the  Mexicans. 
But  I  then  overlooked  one  calendar,  because  it  was  not  then  acces- 
sible, or  at  least  not  intelligible,  to  me,  namely,  the  Zapotec,  which 
is  recorded  in  the  grammar  of  Father  Juan  de  Cordova,  which  was — 
unfortunately^,  as  it  seems,  very  incorrectly  and  inexactl}^ — 'republished 
a  few  3^ ears  ago  hy  Doctor  Leon. 

I  have  alread3^  mentioned  that  the  Zapotec  calendar  is  of  an  extremely 
ancient  t3^pe.  This  is  shown  on  the  one  hand  by  the  ancient  form  of 
the  words,  which  are  hardly  explicable  by  the  language  spoken  at 
present  or  that  recorded  soon  after  the  Conquest;  also  by  the  fact 
that  the  relation  of  the  signs  to  the  thirteen  figures  has  become  to 


beler] 


THE  MEXICAN  CHRONOLOGY 


37 


some  extent  incrusted  upon  the  form  of  the  words  used  to  denote  the 
days.  We  can  therefore  detach  a  prefix  from  all  of  the  names  of  the 
word,  which  is  very  nearly  the  same  for  all  the  signs  connected  with 
the  same  number.  There  are  a  few  exceptions,  which  were  perhaps 
due  to  an  oversight  or  an  erroneous  conception  on  the  part  of  the 
deserving  monk  w^ho  preserved  this  calendar  for  us  or  possibly  are 
merely  to  be  ascribed  to  the  careless  reprint.  We  have  the  following 
prefixes  in  the  words  combined  with  the  various  num])ers: 

1  chaga,  or  tobi,  the  prefix  quia,  quie. 

2  cato,  or  topa,  the  ])refix  pe,  pi,  pela. 

3  cayo,  or  chona,  the  prefix  peo,  peola. 

4  taa,  or  tapa,  the  prefix  cala. 

5  caayo,  or  gaayo,  the  prefix  pe,  pela. 

6  xopa,  the  prefix  qua,  quala. 

7  caache,  the  prefix  pilla. 

8  xona,  the  prefix  ne,  iii,  nela. 

9  eaa,  or  gaa,  tlie  prefix  pe,  pi,  pela. 

10  chij,  the  ])refix  pilla. 

11  ('hijbitol)i,  tlie  prefix  ne,  ni,  nela.« 

12  chijbitopa,  or  chijbicato,  the  prefix  pifia,  pino,  pinij. 

13  chijfio,  the  prefix  peee,  pici,  qiiici. 

Yet  only  a  few  of  these  various  prefixes  seem  to  contain  any  distinct 
meaning.  Primarily  the  prefix  quia,  quie,  which  belongs  to  the  signs 
connected  with  the  number  1,  which,  as  we  know,  took  a  special  posi- 
tion, was  regarded  as  the  ruler  of  the  whole  following  thirteen.  Juan 
de  Cordova  says  that  these  units  of  thirteen  or  their  initial  days  were 
called  cocij,  tobi  cocij,  como  decimos  nosotros,  un  mes,  un  tiempo  ("as 
we  say,  a  month,  a  time").  But  the  four  signs  which  preside  over 
the  first,  sixth,  eleventh,  sixteenth  13  day  periods,  that  is,  the  four 
divisions  of  the  tonalamatl,  were  called  cocijo,  or  pitao,  that  is,  "the 
great".  The}^  were  regarded  as  gods  and  were  honored  with  sacrifices 
and  bloodletting.  Indeed,  we  find  in  the  dictionar}^,  for  instance, 
tiempo  encogido,  en  que  no  se  puede  trabajar  ("special  time  in  which 
no  man  can  work") — cocij  cogaa;  tiempo  de  mieses,  frutas  6  de  siego 
6  de  algo  ("season  of  harvests,  fruits,  or  grain") — cocij  collapa,  cocij 
layna,  cocij;  tiempo  enfermo  6  de  pestilencia  ("sickly  season,  time  of 
pestilence") — coo  yoocho,  piye  yoocho,  cocij  yoocho.  But  the  original 
meaning  of  cocij  can  hardly  have  been  "time".  The  prefix  co  denotes 
a  nomen  agentis,  and  in  a  certain  way  corresponds  to  the  Mexican 
prefix  tla.  Cocii  means  "  when  we  have  taken",  hence  something  like 
the  Mexican  tlapoualli,  and,  like  that,  it  denotes  a  unit  of  20  days; 
cocii,  "20  days  in  the  past"— that  is,  20  days  ago  to-day;  huecii  or 
cacii,  "20  days  in  the  future",  or  "in  20  days";  cacii-cacii,  "every  20 
•days".  If,  therefore,  the  Father  be  correct  in  his  statement,  the  appli- 
cation of  the  word  cocii  to  a  unit  of  thirteen  days  can  only  have  been 


a  This  is  the  most  common  prefix,  although  the  exceptions  liere  are  more  frequent,  and  the  confu- 
sion particularly  great. 


38 


BUREAU   OF   AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


a  transferred  or  an  incorrect  one.  Cocijo,  on  the  contrary,  is  in  the 
dictionar}^  translated  by  dios  de  las  lliivias  ("god  of  the  rains"),  and 
by  rayo;  totia  peni  quij  cocijo  by  sacrilicar  hombre  6  nino  por  la 
pluvia  ("to  sacrifice  a  man  or  a  child  for  rain");  tace  cocijo,  by  caer 
rayo  del  cielo.  In  other  words,  cocijo  is  the  rain  god  Tlaloc,  who 
has  his  place  here  in  the  tonalamatl  because  the  four  divisions  of  the 
tonalamatl  belong  to  the  four  cardinal  points,  and  the  rain  god  is  at 
home  in  the  four  cardinal  points  and  differs  according  to  the  respective 
cardinal  point,  as  is  plainly  shown  on  the  above-mentioned  pages  of  the 
Borgian  codex,  page  12,  and  the  Codex  Vaticanus  B,  page  28.  If  we 
now  inquire  what  the  prefix  quia,  quie,  might  mean  in  speech,  we  find 
"to  strike",  "stone",  "rain",  "crime  or  punishment",  "to  color", 
"flower";  the  first  four,  however,  are  to  be  distinguished  from  the 
latter  by  special  pronunciations  of  the  i.  If  we  substitute  for  "rain" 
"thunderstorm"',  Avhich  is  usually  about  the  same  thing  in  these 
regions,  then  the  first  four  meanings  are  readily  evolved,  one  from 
the  other,  and  if  we  take  this  as  the  meaning  of  the  prefix  quia,  quie, 
we  must  translate  quia-chilla,  for  instance,  as  "the  crocodile  Tlaloc", 
the  Tlaloc  who  bejirs  the  crocodile  as  his  sign,  oi-  ce  Cipactli  (1  1). 

Of  the  other  prefixes  only  the  last  two  seem  to  have  any  special 
meaning,  which  perhaps  proceeds  from  the  special  augural  value  of  the 
numerals  12  and  18.  Piici  means  "the  omen  ",  usually,  it  is  true,  the 
evil  omen.  Pino  might  be  a  secondary  form  of  chino,  for  p  and  ch 
frequently  stand  one  for  the  other  in  Zapotec  word  forms.  Chino, 
chijnno  means  "full",  "luck",  "blessing",  "riches",  "thirteen", 
"fifteen".  But  these  are  all  meanings  which  can  hardly  be  brought 
into  relation  w^ith  the  numeral  12,  to  which  the  prefix  pino  refers.  The 
other  prefixes  seem  to  be  only  variations  of  the  well-known  prefixes 
pe,  pi,  CO,  hua,  ])y  which  people  in  action  and  living  })eings  are  desig- 
nated.   The  s3dlable  la  is  demonstrative. 

If  we  set  aside  these  prefixes,  changing  with  the  numeral  attached 
to  them,  we  obtain  the  word  chilla  or  chijlla  for  the  first  day  sign.  1 
find  the  three  principal  meanings  for  this  in  the  dictionary  to  be:  first, 
"bean  dice",  pichijlla,  frisolillos  6  havas  con  que  echan  las  suertes  los 
sortilegos  ("beans  with  which  sorcerers  tell  fortunes");  then,  "a 
mountain  ridge '\  pichijlla,  lechijlla,  chijUatani,  loma  6  cordillera  de 
sierra;  also,  "the  crocodile",  peho  pichijlla,  pichijlla-peoo,  peyoo, 
cocodrillo,  lagarto  grande  de  agua,  ("crocodile,  great  water  lizard")  and 
"swordfish",  pella-pichijlla-tao  espadarte  pescado;  finally,  chilla- 
tao  ("the  great  chilla"),  is  also  given  as  one  of  the  names  of  the 
highest  being.  Here  the  meaning  "  crocodile"  seems  to  me  to  be  the 
original  and  suitable  one.  For  the  way  in  which  the  first  day  sign  is 
drawn  in  Mexican  and  Zapotec  picture  writings,  as  «,  figure  4,  obviously 
indicates  the  head  of  the  crocodile,  with  the  upper  jaw  moving  inde- 
pendently, opening  upward,  which  is  a  characteristic  feature  of  this 


SELER] 


THE  MEXICAN  CHRONOLOGY 


39 


creature.  The  interpretations  of  Sahagun  and  Duran  for  cipactli, 
" swordtish "  and  "snake's  head are  therefore  to  be  rejected,  although 
the  former  is  certainl}^  contained  in  the  Zapotec  word.  The  Indians 
of  the  high  valleys  of  Mexic^o,  the  informants  of  both  those  histo- 
rians, were  not  familiar  with  the  original  of  the  true  cipactli,  either 
from  personal  observation  or  through  reliable  traditions.  The  other 
meanings,  ''mountain  range",  "  range  of  peaks",  and  again,  "sword- 


a  b  c  d  e  f 


«    _  y  z  aa  bb 


Fig.  4.   Day  signs  and  related  glyphs  from  the  codices. 

fish",  are  easil}^  derivable  from  the  first  meaning  "  crocodile".  But  it 
is  more  difficult  to  find  any  transition  to  the  meaning  "lot  beans". 
Yet  one  does,  I  think,  exist.  The  tonalamatl  beginning  with  cipactli 
was  the  epitome  of  all  augural  skill.  It  is  not  too  bold  to  accept  the 
theory  that  the  name  was  therefore  transferred  also  to  the  tool  of 
the  augurs,  the  bean,  which  the  soothsayers  employed  in  conjunction 
with  the  tonalamatl.  Among  the  Mayas,  the  lot  bean  was  called  am. 
During  the  festival  in  the  month  Zip  magicians  and  physicians  had 


40  BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN   ETHNOLOGY  [bull. 28 

this  painted  blue,  that  is,  consecrated.  Now,  it  does  not  seem  to  me 
improbable  that  the  words  imix,  imox,  by  which  the  Mayas  and  the 
Tzental-Zotzil  called  the  first  day  sign,  should  be  connected  with  this 
word  am.  I  should  even  like  to  trace  the  Mexican  word  amoxtli, 
"book",  otherwise  very  hard  to  be  explained  etymologically,  back 
to  these  Maya  roots.  The  Maya  hieroglyph  Imix  (/>,  figure  4)  is  very 
frequently  associated  with  the  hieroglyph  Kan,  and  we  often  see  this 
group  among  the  gifts  offered  to  the  gods,  as  at  c.  It  may  perhaps 
signify  ''beans  and  corn". 

With  the  second  day  sign,  not  one,  but  two  different  words  remain 
after  the  removal  of  the  prefix — the  two  words  quij  and  laa,  which 
both,  however,  mean  the  same  thing,  not  "wind",  as  we  might 
suppose  from  the  Mexican  second  day  sign,  Ehecatl,  but  "glow"  or 
"fire".  This  is  an  exceptionally  noteworthy  fact,  for  it  explains  the 
part  which  we  see  the  second  day  sign  play  in  the  Maya  manuscript. 
In  Maya  and  kindred  languages  the  second  day  sign  invariably  bears 
the  name  Ik,  properly  speaking  i'k,  that  is,  "wind".  But  wherever 
it  occurs  in  pictures  or  hieroglyphs  it  gives  the  idea  of  flame  or  fire. 
So  it  does  in  ^/,  figure  4,  from  the  Dresden  codex,  page  25,  where  we  see 
it  in  the  center  of  the  flame  flashing  up  from  the  fire  vessel;  in  figure 
4,  where  it  is  borne  on  a  staff;  and  in  the  hieroglyph  of  the  sun  god, 
Z»,  figui'e  3,  which  is  composed  of  the  picture  of  the  sun,  an  element 
which  signifies  "winged",  the  sign  Been,  which  signifies  the  woven 
mat  and  the  woven  straw  roof,  and  the  sign  Ik,  which  in  this  combi- 
nation can  only  signify  the  fire  applied  to  the  roof.  In  Cogolludo, 
the  word  Kakupacat,  "fiery  glance",  is  given  as  the  name  of  a  god 
of  war  and  of  ])attle,  and  it  is  said  of  him:  Fingian  que  traia  en  las 
})atalhis  una  I'odela  de  f  uego,  con  que  se  abroquelaba  ("  He  was  supposed 
to  carry  a  wheel  of  fire  in  battle,  with  which  he  defended  himself"). 
Now,  in  the  Troano  codex,  page  24,  and  in  the  Dresden  codex,  page  69, 
the  black  Chac  is  represented  with  spear  and  shield,  and  the  latter  (/*, 
figure  4)  has  the  sign  Ik  upon  its  surface.  No  doubt  this  is  the  fiery 
shield,  and  the  black  Chac  is  Kakupacat,  related  to  Cit-chac-coh,  in  whose 
honor  warriors  danced  the  Avar  dance  (holcan  okot)  in  the  month  Pax. 
This  union  of  wind  and  fire,  which  thus  presents  itself  in  the  Zapotec 
name  and  the  Maya  image  of  the  second  day  sign,  is  also  probably 
the  best  explanation  of  the  dual  nature  which  seems  to  belong  to  the 
wind  god  Quetzalcoatl,  who  now  appears  simplj^  as  a  wind  god,  and 
again  seems  to  show  the  true  characteristics  of  the  old  god  of  fire  and 
light. 

In  the  third  day  sign,  after  removing  the  prefixe:  that  vary  with  the 
numeral  attached,  we  obtain  the  forms  guela,  ela,  and  ala  or  laala. 
Here  guela  and  ela  are  well-known,  much-used  words  for  "night"; 
queela  or  gueela,  "night";  te-ela," by  night";  te-chij  te-ela,  " by  day 
and  by  night";  xilo-ela  colo-ela,  "midnight".    The  form  ala  or  laala 


seler] 


THE  MEXICAN  CHRONOLOaY 


41 


seeniH  to  have  been  no  lon^'er  in  use  when  Juan  de  Cordova  took  up 
the  language.  We  shall  also  find  further  on  that  the  vowel  a  is 
preferred  to  the  later  e  in  the  names  of  the  day  signs.  In  calling 
the  third  day  sign  by  the  name  of  the  night,  "the  dark  house  of  the 
earth",  varying  from  the  Aztec  calli,  "house",  the  Zapotec  calendar 
agrees  with  that  of  the  various  f)ranches  of  the  Maya  family. 

In  the  fourth  day  sign  we  obtain,  after  removing  the  prehx,  the 
forms  gueche,  quiche,  ache,  achi,  ichi.  The  sign  corresponds  with  the 
Mexican  Cuetzpalin,  ''lizard".  Picture  writings  show  us  a  lizard-like 
animal  with  a  tail,  usually  painted  blue,  and  translators  state  that  the 
sign  signifies  "abundance  of  water".  Now  it  is  really  hard  to  under- 
stand why  the  lizard,  which  is  usually  found  on  stones  and  walls 
heated  by  the  sun,  should  be  taken  as  the  symbol  of  abundant  water. 
The  Zapotec  word  forms  seem  to  solve  this  difficulty,  for  they  are  to 
be  translated  by  "frog"  or  "toad".  The  dictionary  gives  peche, 
peeche,  beeche:  todo  genero  de  rana  6  sapo.  Here  pe  only  occurs 
as  a  prefix,  which  we  find  in  almost  all  animal  names  in  the  form  pe 
or  pi.  And  that  eche  is  equivalent  to  the  ache,  achi,  ichi  of  the 
calendar  is  proved  by  comparison  with  the  fourteenth  da}^  sign,  where 
are  found  the  same  forms,  gueche,  ache,  eche,  used  for  the  jaguar,  which 
is  described  in  the  dictionary  as  peche-tao,  "the  great  peche".  But, 
just  as  in  the  first  day  sign  the  Zapotec  word  suggested  to  us  a  pos- 
sibility of  harmonizing  the  apparently  incongruous  Mexican  and  Maya 
glyphs  and  their  designations,  so  here  in  the  fourth  day  sign  this 
seems  also  to  be  the  case.  Peche  in  Zapotec  means  literally  maize 
kernel,  not  the  simple  ripe  kernel,  but  the  kernel  roasted  and,  in  con- 
sequence of  the  roasting,  popped.  We  know  that  these  grains  of  corn, 
which  the  Mexicans  called  momochtli,  played  a  great  part  in  of}erings 
to  the  gods.  It  is  even  stated  every  time  how  many  such  grains  of 
corn  were  used  for  the  drink  which  was  oflf'ered  to  the  procession  of  par- 
ticipating priests  and  chieftains  in  Yucatan  during  the  xma  kaba  kin 
ceremonies.  The  Maya  name  for  the  fourth  day  sign  is  Kan,  which 
probably  goes  back  to  kan  or  kanan,  cosa  abundante  6  preciosa  ("an 
abundant  or  precious  thing").  I  have  given  the  most  characteristic 
forms  of  the  hieroglyph  in  c,  </,  and  A,  figure  4.  They  contain  in  the 
upper  portion  either  the  teeth  (as  on  the  mouth  of  the  vessel  in  c^,  figure 
4,  and  in  the  glyphs  of  /,  and  figure  3,  and  J,  figure  1,  pages  30 
and  36)  or  the  eye,  both  of  which,  as  I  have  already  explained  above  in 
regard  to  the  hieroglyphs  of  J,  figure  1,  and  and  figure  3,  convey 
the  idea  of  the  opening  of  the  chasm.  In  the  lower  part  of  the  Kan 
hieroglyphs,  below  the  waving  diagonal  line,  we  have  also  a  pair  of 
teeth,  which,  like  the  teeth  in  the  upper  part,  are  left  white  if  the 
hieroglyph  is  done  in  colors.  They  are  also  most  naturally  to  be  con- 
ceived of  as  indicating  a  chasm.  If  we  add  to  this  that  the  hieroglyph 
when  it  is  colored  is  invariably  painted  yellow,  that  is,  the  color  of  the 


42 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


outside  of  the  kernel  of  corn,  we  must  admit  that  tlie  hieroglyph  Kan 
does  indeed  correspond  to  the  ideas  which  the  popped  corn  suggests. 
And,  indeed,  the  part  which  the  hieroglyph  plays  in  the  pictures  of  the 
Maya  manuscripts  is  of  such  a  nature  that  all  authors  have  hitherto 
spontaneously  agreed  in  explaining  the  glyph  Kan  as  "maize."  I 
myself  formerly  took  the  corncob,  which  we  sometimes  see  represented 
with  teeth  and  eyes,  to  be  Kan,  because  I  did  not  think  of  popped  corn; 
but  I  can  now  let  this  explanation  drop,  because  the  word  peche  and 
the  ideas  connected  with  it  afford  a  satisfactory  solution  of  the  peculiar 
characteristics  of  the  hieroglyph. 

For  the  fifth  day  sign  the  Zapotec  calendar  gives  the  roots  zee, 
zij,  which,  again,  are  not,  as  we  might  suppose  from  the  Aztec  name 
for  the  fifth  day  sign  (Coatl),  to  ])e  translated  "snake"  (snake  in 
Zapotec  is  pella  or  bela),  l)ut  which  seem  to  mean  something  abstract, 
namely,  "misfortune"',  "evil",  "trouble",  "misery".  In  one  place 
in  the  calendar,  and  that  precisely  in  the  first  13-day  period,  the 
word  ciguij  is  used  instead  of  zee,  zii;  and  that  means  "deceiver", 
"layer  of  snares,  who  brings  one  into  trouble".  If  we  consider  these 
variants,  we  can,  as  I  believe,  ascribe  a  more  pregnant  meaning  to  zii, 
one  that  is  contained  in  the  word  pijci  (pijze,  peezi),  undoubtedly 
derived  from  this  root,  whicli  is,  "  harmful- portent".  Thus  we  arrive 
by  a  roundabout  wa}^  at  the  same  conception  which  the  Aztec  name 
for  the  fifth  day  sign  suggests  to  us,  namely,  the  word  "snake".  For 
it  was  this  that  the  Zapotecs  held  to  be  the  first  and  most  serious  of 
all  evil  portents:  Tenian  estos  Zapotecas  muchas  cosas  por  agiieros, 
a  las  quales  si  encontraban  6  v^enian  a  sus  casas  6  junto  aellas,  se  tenian 
por  agorados  dellas.  El  primero  y  mas  principal  era  la  culebra,  que 
se  llama  pella,  y  como  ay  nuichas  maneras  dellas,  de  la  manera  que  era 
ella,  assi  era  el  agiiero,  esto  deslindava  el  sortilegio  ("These  Zapo- 
tecs held  many  things  to  be  omens,  and  if  they  met  these  things  or  if 
these  things  entered  or  approached  their  homes  they  held  it  to  be  an 
evil  omen — that  they  would  bring  them  misfortune.  The  first  and 
chief  was  the  viper,  which  is  called  pella,  and  as  there  are  many  sorts 
of  them,  according  to  the  sort,  so  was  the  omen;  this  outlined  the 
enchantment").  (Juan  de  Cordova,  Arte,  page  214,  1886.)  In  my 
paper  on  the  character  of  the  Aztec  and  Maya  manuscripts  (Zeit- 
schrift  fiir  Ethnologic,  volume  20,  page  61)  I  show  that  the  Maya 
glyph  for  the  fifth  day  sign  (/,  figure  4)  is  derived  from  certain  pecu- 
liarities of  the  snake  and  undoubtedly  denotes  the  snake.  But  the 
meaning  of  the  word  by  which  the  Mayas  designated  that  day,  namely, 
Chicchan,  was  not  quite  clear  to  me.  I  have  now  no  doubt  that  it  means 
chic-chaan,  that  is,  tomado  senal,  tomado  agiiero  ("signal-bearer, 
portent-})earer"). 

For  the  sixth  day  sign  the  Zapotec  calendar  gives  the  word  form 
lana  or  laana.  Of  the  various  msanings  which  the  dictionary  sug- 
gests for  this  root  the  one  which  I  should  think  the  most  natural,  if 


seler] 


THE  MEXICAN  CHRONOLOGY 


43 


there  were  no  other  points  of  comparison  to  be  considered,  would  ))e 
"the  hare"  (pela-pillaana,  liebre  animal;  too-quixe-pillaana,  sen  pella 
pillaana,  red  para  liebres,  "  net  for  hares''),  the  more  so  since  we  have 
already  encountered  frogs  and  snakes,  and  in  the  list  of  day-  signs  yot 
to  come  are  to  meet  with  the  deer  and  rabbit,  and,  as  Juan  de  Cordova 
expressly  says  in  his  remarks  on  the  calendar:  Y  para  cada  treze  dias 
destos  tenian  apl'icada  una  figura  de  animal,  s.  aguila,  mono,  culebra, 
lagarto,  uenado,  liebre  ("And  to  every  thirteen  days  the  figure  of  an 
animal  was  assigned — eagle,  monkey,  snake,  lizard,  deer,  hare").  But 
in  opposition  to  this  is  the  fact  that  both  in  the  Mexican  calendar 
and  in  that  of  the  Maya  races  we  find  the  picture  of  death  in  this 
place,  and  that,  except  only  among  the  Tzental-Zotzil,  this  day  sign 
is  also  designated  b}^  the  name  of  "death."  Since  in  the  other  signs 
we  invariably  find  some  direct  or  indirect  agreement  among  these 
three  calendars,  we  nuist  look  about  to  see  whether  we  can  not 
find  some  transition  in  the  case  of  this  sign  also  from  the  word 
given  in  the  Zapotec  calendar  to  the  meaning  given  in  the  other 
calendars.  We  might  first  consider  that  pillaana,  "hare'\  is  invari- 
ably associated  in  the  dictionary  with  pela,  "flesh",  something  as 
when  we  speak  of  the  hare  as  "game";  and  that  lana  is  also  "fresh, 
raw  meat";  hualana  nalana,  cosa  que  hiede  a  carne  6  carnaza  ("a  thing 
which  smells  like  flesh  or  hide");  tillaa  nalana,  heder  algo  a  carnaza 
("anything  to  smell  like  hide").  We  might  therefore  think  of  the 
freshly  killed  game.  But  lana  also  means  "veiled",  "concealed", 
"dark",  "secret".  And  1  believe  we  should  take  this  meaning  here, 
the  more  so  as  from  this  meaning  the  remarkable  name  Tox,  which  the 
sixth  day  sign  bears  in  the  Tzental-Zotzil  calendar,  seems  to  find  an 
explanation.  1  have  already,  in  my  earlier  work,  connected  this  name 
with  Coslahun  tox,  mentioned  by  Bishop  Nunez  de  la  Vega  among 
the  Tzental-Zotzil:  El  demonio  segun  los  Indios  dicen  con  trece  potes- 
tades  le  tienen  pintado  en  silla  y  con  astas  en  la  cabeza  como  de  car- 
nero  ("The  demon,  whom  the  Indians  say  has  thirteen  powers;  they 
paint  him  seated  and  with  horns  on  his  head  like  a  ram").  But  I  had 
not  then  the  true  conception  of  this  demon. 

Coslahun  tox  is  undoubtedly  Oxlahun-tox,  and  this  in  Maya  would 
be  Oxlahun  tax,  as  the  Maya  month  Mac  is  Moc  in  Tzental-Zotzil. 
But  Oxlahun  tax  means  the  "thirteen  plains'',  and  is  apparentl}' 
nothing  else  than  the  oxlahun  taz  (" the  thirteen  beds  or  strata") — 
that  is,  the  oxlahun  taz  muyal  ("the  thirteen  layers  of  clouds"),  which 
are  invoked  in  the  blessing  of  the  fields  (tich,  misa  milpera),  noted 
by  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  in  the  Hacienda  of  Xconchakan.  In 
other  words,  the  demon  Coslahun  tox  is  nothing  else  than  the  cloud 
spirit  Moan,"  in  whose  glyph  (k^  figure  4)  we  find  the  thirteen  la3^ers  or 


"Seler,  Charakter  der  Aztekischen  xmd  der  Maya-Handschriften  (Zeituchrift  fiir  Ethnologie,  v.  20, 
p.  91). 


44 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


covering's  indicated,  and  whose  picture  (Z,  rn)  might  readily  create  in 
the  Bishop's  mind  the  conception  that  the  demon  was  represented  with 
horns,  all  the  more  so  because  the  monks  were  apt  to  see  devils  every- 
where in  the  figures  of  aboriginal  mythology  and  to  imagine  the  devils 
very  realistically  with  horns.  We  should  therefore  translate  the 
Tzental-Zotzil  name  tox  by  ''covering",  ''veil",  "strata",  "cloud 
covering".  And  then  it  is  a  striking  coincidence  that  we  also  find  the 
Zapotec  ^vord  for  the  sixth  day  sign  used,  alone  or  in  combination 
with  pee  or  zaa,  for  "cloud".  Compare  pee-lana-tao-peye  or  pee-zaa- 
lana-tao-nagace,  nube  negra  y  oscura  (literally,  "great  fog  cloud", 
"great  black  cloud"),  zaa-quiepaa,  pee-zaa,  zee-lana-tao-yati,  nube 
blanca.  From  the  idea  of  "covered",  "dark",  might  readily  be 
evolved  that  of  death,  b}^  whose  name  the  sixth  day  sign  is  denoted  in 
the  other  calendars.  Indeed,  Moan,  the  cloud  spirit,  also  appears  in  the 
Maya  manuscript,  invariably  accompanied  with  the  symbol  of  death. 

It  is  as  easy  to  decipher  the  seventh  day  sign  as  it  was  hard  to  read 
the  sixth.  By  removing  the  prefix  we  get  the  name  china,  and  this 
is  exactly  the  Mexican  mazati,  "deer'\  given  in  the  Mexican  calen- 
dar, and  the  queh,  quieh,  given  in  the  Guatemalan  calendar,  as  the 
seventh  day  sign.  In  my  earlier  work  I  strove  to  show  that  the 
Maya  glyph  for  the  seventh  day  sign  also  agrees  with  this.  The  real 
meaning  is,  as  1  stated  on  page  32,  "to  eat",  "food",  "meat".  The 
Maya  word  manik  is  possibly  may-nik  ("cloven  hoof"). 

For  the  eighth  day  sign,  which  answers  to  the  Mexican  Tochtli, 
"rabbit,"  we  obtain,  after  removing  the  prefix,  the  word  lapa.  Now, 
there  is  no  such  word  as  lapa,  "rabbit";  but  the  designations  which 
are  used  for  "rabbit"  lead  to  the  same  idea  which  is  contained  in 
lapa.  Lapa  means  "to  divide",  "to  break  in  pieces",  and  the  rab- 
bit is  peela  or  piteeza,  both  of  which  words  mean  "the  divided", 
"that  which  is  cut  up  (carved)".  That  the  idea  of  something  divided, 
cut  up,  underlies  the  name  of  this  day  sign  is  also  proved  by  the  Maya 
hieroglyph  for  the  same  {n^  figure  4),  in  which  the  idea  of  divided, 
cut  up,  is  clearly  indicated.  Perhaps  the  expressions  Lam  bat  and 
Lamat,  which  are  used  in  Tzental-Zotzil  and  in  Maya  for  this  day 
sign,  and  which  can  hardly  be  explained  from  the  well-known  Maya 
roots,  may  also  be  traced  back  to  this  underlying  Zapotec  lapa. 

The  ninth  day  sign  is  in  Mexican  atl,  "water".  The  Zapotec  cal- 
endar gives  the  words  niza  and  queza.  The  former  is  the  familiar 
and  generally  used  Zapotec  word  for  "water".  Various  derivatives 
show  that  queza  is  only  a  variant  of  niza — pequeya,  peni(^a,  or  pinica, 
milano  ave;  quie-cache-ni^a,  quie — que^;a,  marmol,  piedra  marmolena 
("marble,  marble  stone").  Both  are  probably  derived  from  ezaa 
("to  come  down"). 

For  the  tenth  day  sign  the  Zapotec  calendar  gives  the  word  tella; 
the  Mexican  has  Itzcuintli,  "dog".    The  Maya  expressions  for  this 


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THE  MEXICAN  CHRONOLOGY 


45 


day  sign  aro  obscure,  ))ut  1  proved  in  my  earlier  work  that  the  ^lyplis 
o  and  (J  (same  figure)  stood  for  ''doo-'\  The  dou"  phiys  an  important 
part  in  Maya  manuscripts.  He  is  the  liohtnino-  ])east,  who  darts  from 
heaven  with  a  torch  in  his  hand  (see  Dresden  codex,  page  4()/>).  And 
the  death-bringing  significance  of  the  dog  is  also  set  forth  in  glyph 
in  which  we  find  the  vertebral  column  of  a  skeleton,  as  also  in  /',  the 
hieroglyph  of  the  month  Kan-kin,  the  yellow,  that  is,  the  scorching 
sun  high  in  the  zenith.  The  dog  shares  this  role  of  lightning  beast  in 
the  manuscripts  with  two  other  creatures.  One  represents  a  beast  of 
prey,  unspotted,  with  long  tail,  a  rather  long  head,  and  the  sign  Akbal 
over  the  e3^e,  which  is  denoted  in  the  Dresden  codex,  page  36«,  l)y  the 
principal  hieroglyph  of  the  tiger  and  also  by  a  g^^ph,  w^hich  is  com- 
posed of  the  day  sign  Kan  and  the  glyph  kan,  ''yellow",  and  therefore 
probably  denotes  the  yellow  beast.  I  think  that  it  is  meant  for  the 
lion  or  jaguar  (coh),  which  is  also,  for  instance,  in  Zapotec,  described 
as  "the  yellow  beast  of  prey"  (peche-yache).  The  other  creature  has 
a  head  with  a  proboscislike,  elongated  snout,  ^,  and  hoofs  on  its  feet; 
it  is  gl3^phically  described  by  this  same  head  and  also  by  glyph  ti, 
which  is  composed  of  an  ax,  a  feather,  and  the  abbreviation  of  a  head, 
or  the  sign  uinal  ("a  whole  man")^^  1  take  this  creature  to  be  tzimin, 
("a  tapir").  We  know  that  Central  American  nations  connected  the 
tapir  closely  with  the  deities  of  the  four  cardinal  points.  We  are  told 
of  the  Itzaex  at  Peten  that  they  worshiped  an  idol  "  de  figura  de 
cavallo  (of  the  figure  of  a  horse)",  which  ))ore  the  name  Tzimin-Chac, 
Caballo  del  Trueno  6  Rayo  ("horse  of  the  thunder  or  lightning")  and 
was  regarded  by  them  as  the  god  of  thunder  and  lightning. 

Nunez  de  la  Vega  says  of  the  great  god  Votan  at  Chiapas:  Que  en 
Huehueta,  que  es  pue])lo  Soconusco,  estuvo,  y  que  alii  puso  dantas 
y  un  tesoro  grande  en  una  casalobrega,  que  fabrico  a  soplos.  ("That 
he  was  at  Huehueta,  which  is  a  village  of  Soconusco,  and  that  there  he 
placed  tapirs  and  a  great  treasure  in  an  obscure  house  which  he  erected 
in  an  instant.")  Certainly,  the  conception  of  the  tapirs  supporting  the 
heavens  and  the  words  for  it  have  penetrated  even  into  Mexico.  The 
six  tzitzimime  ilhuicatzitzquique,  angeles  de  aire  sostenedores  del  cielo 
que  eran,  segun  decian  dioses  de  los  aires  que  traian  las  lluvias,  aguas, 
truenos,  relampagos  y  rayos  y  habian  de  estar  a  la  redonda  de  Uitzilo- 
pochtli  ("angels  of  the  air,  upholders  of  the  heavens;  they  were,  as 
we  are  told,  gods  of  the  air,  who  brought  the  rain,  waters,  thunder, 
lightning,  and  sunbeams,  and  must  have  been  in  the  neighborhood  of 
Uitzilopochtli"),  which  Tezozomoc  mentions,  are  nothing  else  but  the 
plural  forms  of  tzimin,  "tapir",  constructed  according  to  the  rules  of 
the  Mexican  tongue.  From  it,  indeed,  inversely,  a  singular  form, 
tzitzimitl,  which  is  the  title  of  a  particular  warrior's  dress  combined 


"Seler,  Ueber  die  Bedeutung  des  Zahlzeiehens  20  in  der  Maya-Schrift  (Zeitschrift  fiir  Ethnologie, 
V.  19,  Verhandlungen,  pp.  238,  239). 


46 


BUREAU   OF   AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


with  a  skull  mask,  is  derived.  And  if  the  rain  god  Chae  is  distin- 
guished in  the  Maya  manuscript  b}^  a  peculiar!}^  long  nose,  curving 
over  the  mouth  (see  the  hieroglyph  in  figure  3,  page  36),  and  if  in 
the  other  form  of  the  rain  god,  to  which,  as  it  seems,  the  name  Bolon 
Zacal)  belongs,  the  nose  widens  out  and  sends  out  shoots,  I  believe 
that  the  tapir,  which  was  employed  identically  with  Chac,  the  rain  god, 
furnished  the  model  for  this  also. 

The  tapir  is  called  in  Zapotec  peche-xolo,  and  the  native  hairless 
dog  peco-xolo.  Dog  and  tapir,  then,  the  two  animals  darting  from 
heaven,  who  carr}^  lightning  and  thunderbolts  in  their  hands,  are 
brought  together  here  in  the  common  designation  xolo.  This  word 
Xolo  itself  is  the  familiar  name  of  a  demon,  the  demon  Xolotl,  who 
rules  over  the  sixteenth  week  (Ce  Cozcaquauhtli),  and  the  seventeenth 
day  sign  (Olin),  and  who  is  represented  directly  as  a  dog  (Codex 
Vatican  us  B,  pages  4  and  77)  or  at  least  with  the  cropped  ears  of  a  dog 
(Borgian  codex,  page  50,  and  Codex  Vaticanus  B,  page  33),  and  who  is 
distinguished  as  the  deity  of  air  and  of  the  four  directions  of  the  wind 
by  QuetzalcoatFs  breast  ornament,  and  b}"  the  fact  thiit  the  four  colors, 
symbols  of  the  four  cardinal  points,  and  the  sign  naui  olin  ("the  four 
movements''),  are  represented  close  beside  him.  There  is  therefore  no 
doubt  that  this  demon  is  to  be  considered  as  equivalent  to  the  beast 
darting  from  heaven  of  the  Ma\  a  manuscript.  The  spirit  Xolotl  is  usu- 
ally described  by  translators  as  the  '^god  of  abortions".  He  is  actu- 
ally also  depicted  in  the  Borgian  codex,  page  27,  as  crooked-limbed  and 
blear-eyed.  And  in  Mexico  all  sorts  of  mongrel  figures,  which  were 
regarded  as  abortions,  were  described  by  the  word  Xolotl. 

If  we  now  return  to  the  word  tela,  by  which  the  tenth  day  sign  is 
denoted  in  the  Zapotec  calendar,  it  appears  that  we  can  find  no  mean- 
ing for  it  if  we  simpl}^  employ  the  word  "dog",  corresponding  to  the 
Mexican  itzcuintli,  but  that  the  word  at  once  becomes  intelligible  if 
we  think  of  the  dog  darting  from  heaven,  as  represented  in  the  Maya 
manuscript.  For  tela  is  tee-lao,  boca  abajo,  ''with  the  head  down", 
hence  answering  to  the-  Mexican  Tzontemoc.  The  contracted  form 
tela  occurs  in  Zapotec  in  various  derivatives,  such  as  ti-tela-nii,  used 
of  the  kicking  out  behind  of  animals;  tinnij-natela,  "to  hold  perverse 
speech";  totela,  "to  shake  the  dice  from  the  cup  (with  its  mouth 
downward)";  quela-natela-lachi,  "confusion  (when  everything  is  upside 
down  and  topsy-turvy  in  our  minds)." 

For  the  eleventh  day  sign  the  Zapotec  calendar,  after  removing  the 
prefix,  gives  the  form  loo  or  (in  1  XI)  goloo.  This  answers  to  the 
Mexican  Ozomatli,  "ape",  for  the  vocabulary  gives  pillao,  pilleo,  pilloo 
gonna,  mona  animiil  (gonna  is  only  the  feminine  designation).  I  have 
shown  in  ni}^  former  work  that  the  other  calendars,  as  well  as  the 
Maya  glyphs  of  tliis  day  sign,  agree  with  this  meaning. 

For  th^  twelfth  day  sign  the  Zapotec  calendar  gives  the  form  pija. 


seler] 


THE  MEXICAN  CHR()NOL(X4Y 


47 


But  when  it  is  combined  with  the  numeral  1,  where  we  should  expect 
to  tind  quia  pija  or  (juiepija,  (pii  cuija  is  g-iven.  It  seems  as  if  there 
must  be  some  mistake  here,  and  that  we  should  read  it  quie  pija  or  quie 
chija.  Pii,  chii  means  "to  be  turned '\  Thus  pija  coi'responds  exactly 
to  the  name  (Malinalli)  which  the  day  sign  bears  in  the  Mexican  cal- 
endar. But  the  name  and  the  delineation  of  this  sign  are  different  in 
the  Maya  calendar.  The  name  is  ee  or  eb — that  is,  "a  row  of  teeth", 
"a  row  of  peaks".  It  is  translated  in  the  (xuatemalan  chronicle,  as 
in  the  Mexican  Malinalli,  by  escobilla  ("brush").  This  translation  is 
undoubtedly  correct.  The  escobilla  is  a  broomlike  or  brushlike  instru- 
ment, made  of  plant  libers  bound  together,  which  is  still  very  gener- 
ally used  b}^  the  Indian  women  to  clean  their  clothes  and  comb  their 
hair  (in  Zapotec  peego).  The  brush  is  therefore  the  symbol  of  purifica- 
tion and  the  instrument  of  women.  It  is  the  attribute  of  the  mighty 
goddess  Teteoinnan,  or  Toci,  the  ancient  earth  goddess,  in  whose  honor 
the  "broom  feast"  (Ochpaniztli) — that  is,  the  feast  of  purification,  or 
atonement  for  sin — was  celebrated  in  the  middle  of  the  summer.  The 
Ma3'a  hieroglyph  for  the  twelfth  da}"  sign  (see  a  figure  5)  shows  us 
the  face  of  the  ancient  goddess,  and  behind  it,  as  a  distinguishing  mark, 
the  escobilla. 

For  the  thirteenth  day  sign  we  find  the  word  fornjs  ([uij,  ij,  and 
laa.  Quij  means  "the  reed",  corresponding  to  the  name  Acatl,  which 
this  day  sign  bears  in  the  Mexican  calendar  and  Avith  which  the  Guate- 
malan title  ah  seems  to  agree.  The  Maya  word  been  is  obscure;  but  I 
have  proved  in  my  former  work  that  the  glyph  Been  refers  to  the  same 
idea  of  the  reed  or,  perhaps  more  accurately,  to  the  woven  reed  roof, 
the  woven  reed  mat.  I  do  not  find  the  meaning  "reed"  given  in  the 
dictionar}^  for  the  word  laa.  As,  however,  in  considering  the  second 
day  sign  ("  wind",  "fire")  we  found  these  same  word  forms,  quij  and 
laa,  to  be  synon3^mous,  it  is  probable  that  there  was  also  a  synon3^m 
laa  for  quij,  "reed".  Moreover,  it  is  a  remarkable  coincidence  that 
in  the  Maya  text  the  glyphs  of  these  two  da}"  signs,  which  have  the 
same  names  in  Zapotec,  the  gl3"phs  Ik  and  Been,  should  most  fre- 
quentl3"  occur  in  company  (see  J,  figure  3). 

For  the  fourteenth  day  sign,  the  Mexican  Ocelotl,  "tiger",  the 
Zapotec  calendar  gives  gueche,  eche,  ache,  just  as  in  the  fourth  da3^ 
sign.  As  there  in  the  words  peche,  peeche,  beeche,  "frog"  of  the 
dictionary,  we  were  able  to  prove  an  agreement  Avith  the  Mexican 
name,  so  here  the  dictionary  gives  peche -tao  ("  the  great  beast"),  tigre, 
animal  feroz.  I  have  shown  in  my  earlier  Avork  that  the  Ma3'a  glyph 
is  also  expressive  of  the  tiger.  The  Cakchikel  title,  Yiz,  that  is  in 
Ma3"a  h-ez,  "the  magician",  is  to  be  regarded  as  explanator3'  of  the 
Ma3"a  name  for  this  da3"  sign  (Ix),  to  m3"  idea  one  more  link  in  the 
chain  of  reasoning  in  favor  of  the  theor3"  that  the  S3"stem  of  day  signs 


48 


BUREAU   OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


became  known  to  the  Mayas  through  the  medium  of  the  kindred  races 
of  Chiapas.  For  a  Tzental-Zotzil  x  frequently  corresponds  to  the 
Maya  z. 

In  the  Zapotec  calendar  the  fifteenth  day  sign  had  the  form  naa  and, 
where  it  is  combined  with  the  numeral  1,  quinnaa.  The  Mexican  name 
is  Quauhtli,  eagle",  which  is  easily  reconciled  with  the  Guatemalan 
tziquin,  '^bird",  but  not  so  readih^  with  the  Maya  word  men  and 
the  Maya  hieroglyph  (v,  figure  4).  But  here  again  the  Zapotec  name 
affords  linguistic  evidence  of  what  I  felt  compelled  to  infer,  in  my 
earlier  work,  from  the  form  of  the  hieroglyph.  The  Maya  hiero- 
glyph, shows  an  aged,  wrinkled  face.  And  we  see  this  hiero- 
glyph, lengthened  out,  decorated  with  pompons,  applied  in 
various  ways  pictorially  and  hieroglyphicall}^,  among  others  in  the 
hieroglyph  which  usually  accompanies  the  chief  hieroglyph  of  the 
eagle.  I  decided  at  that  time  that  the  Maya  hierogl^^ph  repre- 
sented the  picture  of  the  old  earth  mother,  the  universally  adored 
goddess  known  as  Tonantzin,  "our  mother",  who  goes  about  stuck 
over  with  the  fine  white  downy  feathers  of  the  eagle,  and  who  appears 
in  the  Vienna  codex,  under  the  name  hieroglyph  ce  Quauhtli,  or 
"eagle".  Now  the  Zapotec  name  gives  us  the  same,  for  naa,  naa 
means  "mother'',  a  word  which  usually  appears  only  with  the  prefix 
xi  of  genitive  significance,  because  names  of  relationship  were  never 
used  without  an  indication  of  possession. 

The  sixteenth  da}^  sign  is  designated  in  the  Mexican  calendar  by  the 
picture  of  the  vulture  (Cozcaquauhtli).  The  Maya  races  of  Guatemala 
designate  it  as  ah-mak,  and  this  word  also  seems  to  denote  the  vul- 
ture, who  eats  out  eyes",  '"who  makes  pitlike  excavations".  The 
Zapotec  word  is  loo,  or  guilloo.  This  indeed  could  not  mean  the 
vulture,  but  a  different  bird,  the  raven  (pelao,  balloo).  The  vulture  in 
Zapotec  is  pellaqui  (pelahui,  balai,  baldai).  Now  it  is  not  impossible 
that  one  and  the  same  conception  underlies  both  these  titles.  Lao, 
loo,  means  "eve",  "face",  "front",  "outside".  Laqui,  lahui,  lai, 
means  "set  into  the  very  midst",  "between",  "common",  "public". 
But  at  any  rate,  the  iiieaning  which  lies  at  the  bottom  of  the  root  of 
pellaqui,  baldai,  "vulture",  also  occurs  in  the  root  loo.  We  have, 
for  instance,  xi-loo-eela,  co-loo-eela,  "in  the  middle  of  the  night", 
"midnight";  loo-thoo,  the  " middle  of  the  body "breast",  "trunk". 
Still  a  third  bird  is  mentioned  in  the  Mexican  calendar,  of  the  Cronica 
Franciscana  of  Guatemala,  namely  the  tecolotl,  "the  night  bird", 
"the  owl".  The  idea  of  death  forms  a  connecting  link  between  the 
vulture  feeding  on  corpses  and  the  dark  bird  of  night  which  is  easily 
understood.  So,  too,  in  picture  writings  we  often  find  the  cozca- 
quauhtli and  the  owl  used  interchangeably. 

The  Maya  hieroglyph,  as  1  have  already  stated  in  my  earlier  work, 
gives  rise  to  very  different  conceptions.    It  shows  us  (see     figure  4)  a 


seler] 


THE  MEXICAN  CHRONOLOGY 


49 


fig-ure  which  is  invariably  used  in  the  manuscripts  on  the  jugs  from 
which  the  intoxicating  drinl^  mead  foams  (see  figure  page  36), 
and  which  seems  to  be  nothing-  but  a  somewhat  conventionalized 
form  of  the  yacametztli,  the  half-moon-shaped  nose  ornament  of  the 
pulque  god,  which  is  used  on  drinking  vessels  in  Mexican  picture 
writing."  The  upper  part  of  the  hieroglyph  shows  the  stripes  usually 
employed  for  snakes,  and  seems  to  indicate  the  snake,  which  is  often 
drawn  winding  al)out  the  wine  jug.  The  name  Cib  also  suits  this  con- 
ception, for  ci  is  the  maguey  plant  and  is  also  used  to  denote  the 
pulque  made  from  it,  as  well  as  all  other  intoxicating  drinks.  Cib 
might  therefore  be  formed  with  the  instrumental  suffix  and  mean 
''that  which  is  used  for  making  wine'\  either  the  honey  or,  perhaps 
more  correctly,  the  narcotic  root  which  was  added  to  the  fermented 
drink.  The  Mexicans  called  this  addition  patli,  "medicine",  from 
which  the  pulque  god  was  known  as  Patecatl.''^  There  is  a  connection 
between  these  conceptions  and  the  Mexican  name  for  the  day  sign 
(Cozaquauhtli,  "vulture"),  as  I  have  already  pointed  out  in  my 
earlier  work,  arising  from  the  conception  of  the  vulture,  "the  bald- 
headed,"  as  the  symbol  of  age,  for  the  enjoyment  of  pulque,  the  intox- 
icating drink,  was  in  Mexico  granted  to  old  age  only.  It  now  seems 
as  if  the  Zapotec  name  for  this  day  sign  also  fitted  into  the  framework 
of  these  conceptions,  for  loo,  loo-paa,  is  the  root,  and  may  therefore 
correspond  to  the  Mexican  patli,  the  Maya  cib,  that  is,  the  pulque 
seasoning.  In  German  there  is  an  undoubted  etymologic  connection 
between  Wurzel  ("  root")  and  Wiirze  ("seasoning").  So  I  believe  that 
the  double  meaning  of  the  Zapotec  name  has  perhaps  more  to  do  with 
the  divergent  representation  and  designation  of  the  sixteenth  day  sign, 
as  it  appears  in  the  Mexican  and  Maya  calendar,  than  the  connection  of 
ideas  which  links  the  conceptions  of  vulture,  ])aldness,  old  age,  and 
pulque.  If  I  am  not  mistaken,  a  divergent  representation  of  this 
day  sign  is  also  actually  expressed  in  the  Maya  hieroglyph.  For  we 
occasionally  find  a  variant  of  it  (2/,  figure  4)  in  which  the  distinguish- 
ing element  is  not  the  pulque  symbol,  but  a  feather,  or  perhaps  the 
night  bird  itself,  the  owl  (see  hh^  figure  4,  one  of  the  glyphs  of  the 
owl).  This  would  also  answer  to  the  above-mentioned  Guatemalan 
name  for  this  day  sign.  The  forms  in  the  books  of  Chilan  Balam  {2  and 
aa)^  also  seem  to  indicate  or  reproduce  a  feather. 

The  seventeenth  day  sign  in  the  Zapotec  calendar  is  xoo.  This 
corresponds  exactly  with  the  Aztec  name  for  it,  Olin,  "motion", 
for  the  Zapotec  word  xoo  combines  with  the  more  general  meaning 
"powerful",  "strong",  "forcible",  the  special  one  "earthquake": 

aSee  Veroffentlichung  des  Koniglichen  Museums  fiir  Volkerkunde  in  Berlin,  v.  1,  pp.  132,133,  and 
figs.  61,  and  62,  p.  169. 

bin  my  article  on  "DasTonalamatlder  Aubin'schen  Sammlung"  (Compte  rendu  du  septi^me  session 
du  Congr^s  international  d'Americanistes,  Berlin,  1888),  I  accepted  the  incorrect  reading  Pantecatl. 
All  the  deductions  based  on  this  reading  are  therefore  faulty. 

7238— No.  28—05  4 


50 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


xoo,  xixooni,  temblor  de  tierra  ("earthquake");  tixoo  layoo,  temblar 
la  tierra  ("for  the  earth  to  shake");  pitao-xoo,  dios  de  los  terremotos 
("  god  of  earthquakes").  And  it  is  well  known  that  in  Mexican  picture- 
writings  on  historical  subjects,  as  those  in  Codex  Telleriano-Remensis 
and  Codex  Vaticanus  A,  the  sign  Olin — usuall}^  to  be  sure,  in  connec- 
tion with  the  brown  and  black  dotted  stripes,  which  signify  the  earth 
or  the  tilled  field — is  generally  used  to  denote  a  coming  earthquake, 
as  the  verb  olini  is  especially  used  of  earthquakes:  auh  in  tlalli  olini 
(Olmos). 

But  if  this  is  the  original  meaning  of  olin,  we  shall  likewise  have  to 
search  for  a  similar  first  conception  for  the  hieroglyph  by  which  the 
seventeenth  day  sign  is  known  in  the  Maya  manuscript.  And,  in  fact, 
the  ver}^  name  which  the  day  sign  bears  in  the  calendars  of  the  Maya 
races  points  to  this  fundamental  conception.  The  Tzental-Zotzil  word 
chic  means  "to  shake".  The  Guatemalan  word  noh  means  "great", 
"powerful",  answering  to  the  original  meaning  of  the  Zapotec  xoo. 
The  Maya  name  caban  means  "that  which  is  brought  down",  "that 
which  is  below",  that  is,  "earth",  "world".  The  root  cab  has  a  still 
more  pregnant  meaning:  in  Charencey's  vocabulary  it  is  translated  as 
terrain  volcanique,  that  is,  "earthquake  region".  In  a  broader  sense 
it  is  also  used  for  "earth'",  "world".  And  if  the  same  root,  cab,  also 
means  "excretion"  and  "honey",  miel,  colmena,  ponzona  de  insecto, 
untuosidad  de  una  planta  o  fruta,  ("honey",  "beehive",  "venom 
insect",  "juice  of  a  plant  or  fruit"),  then  the  intermediate  idea  is,  it 
seems  to  me,  that  of  dripping  down. 

The  forms  of  the  hieroglyph  Caban  («,  figure  5)  are  very  nmch  alike. 
But  I  did  not  recognize  the  real  meaning  in  my  earlier  article.  The 
hieroglyy^h  contains  an  element  which  forms  the  characteristic;  constit- 
uent of  the  glyph  of  the  young  goddess  Chibirias,  or  Ixchebelyax,  who, 
as  I  think  I  can  prove,  takes  the  name  Zac  Zuhuy,  "the  white  virgin  ", 
a  name  which  we  also  recognize  in  Zac  Ziui,  the  Bacab  of  the  Ix  year, 
mentioned  by  Landa.  It  is  evident  in  the  hieroglpyh  of  this  goddess 
{h  and  c,  same  figure)  that  the  element  which  forms  the  distinguishing 
constituents  of  the  hieroglyph  Caban  is  meant  to  represent  a  part  of 
the  dark  tuft  of  hair,  with  the  long,  waving,  whiplike  strands  which 
give  the  whole  figure  of  the  goddess,  where  she  is  drawn  in  full,  so 
characteristic  an  appearance.  According  to  this  we  should  conceive 
of  the  hierogh^ph  Caban  merely  as  an  abbreviation  of  the  hieroglyph 
of  this  goddess,  and  thus  recur  to  the  same  meaning  which  I  have 
already  derived  from  the  Zapotec  word  xoo,  namely,  "the  earth"; 
for  Ixchebelyax,  the  young  goddess,  is  onl}^  another  form  of  the  earth 
goddess,  who  occupies  the  same  position  in  regard  to  the  old  earth 
mother  Ixchel  that  Xochiquetzal  does  to  Tonantzin  among  the  Mexi- 
cans. I  find  a  striking  proof  of  the  accurac}^  of  this  conception  of  the 
hieroglyph  Caban  in  the  fact  that  this  hieroglyph  appears  homolo- 


seler] 


THE  MEXICAN  CHRONOLOGY 


51 


gously  with  the  hieroglyphic  men  {v,  figure  4),  which,  as  I  stated 
above,  is  the  picture  of  the  old  earth  goddess,  the  earth  mother,  Ixchel, 
or  Tonantzin  (compare  the  two  forms  g  and  A,  figure  5,  which  are 
used  for  the  bee  flying  down,  in  Troano  codex,  page  9^a). 

And,  finally,  this  conception  of  the  sign  Caban  also  agrees  very  well 
with  the  part  played  by  the  hieroglyph  Caban  in  the  compound  hiero- 
glyphs in  the  Maya  manuscript;  for  this  element  forms  an  essential 
constituent  in  all  hieroglyphs  which  symbolize  the  word  "below"  or 


V  w  X  y  z  aa 


Fig.  5.    Day  signs  and  related  glyphs  from  the  Maya  codices. 

"descent  from  above".  Thus  in  the  hieroglyph  of  the  fifth  cardinal 
point  {e  to  (/,  figure  1),  which  denotes  the  center;  in  the  hieroglyph  of 
the  bee  {e  to  A,  figure  5),  which  represents  an  insect  swooping  down  from 
above;  in  the  hieroglyphs  {I  to  figure  5)  which  illustrate  pouring 
from  a  jug  or  wine  skin;  in  the  hieroglyph  which  denotes  the  felling 
of  the  tree;  in  the  snake  formed  by  the  sign  Caban,  upon  which,  in  the 
Dresden  codex,  page  30^/,  the  green  Chac,  the  Chac  of  the  fifth  direc- 
tion, is  descending.    When,  in  my  former  article,  I  described  this  caban 


52 


BUREAU   OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULlv.  28 


snake,  as  well  as  which  in  the  Dresden  manuscript  in  several  places 
serves  as  a  seat  or  footstool  for  Chac,  and  the  element  Caban  generally 
as  the  heavenly  seat,  I  gave  the  wrong  emphasis  to  descent  from  above 
instead  of  to  descent.  In  fact,  this  figure,  like  figure  4,  which  serves 
in  other  parts  of  the  Dresden  manuscript  as  the  seat  of  (]hac,  should 
be  defined  as  "the  lower  place",  the  "earth".  Indeed,  the  face  of 
the  old  earth  goddess  is  clearly  visible  in  figure  4,  while  the  figure 
of  the  hieroglyph  Caban,  as  I  stated  above,  shows  us  the  goddess's  hair. 
I  will  also  mention  /,  figure  5,  which  in  the  Troano  codex,  page 
accompanies  the  figure  of  the  tobacco-smoking  god  of  heaven.  Accord- 
ing to  a  view  still  prevailing  in  Yucatan,  the  Balam,  the  gods  of  the  four 
cardinal  points,  or  the  four  winds,  are  great  smokers,  and  shooting 
stars  are  merely  the  burning  stumps  of  gigantic  cigars  which  these 
beings  fling  down  from  heaven.  And  when  it  thunders  and  lightens, 
the  Balam  are  striking  fire  to  light  their  cigars.^'  Glyph  i  gives  us  the 
element  of  the  stone  and  the  element  of  descent  from  on  high.  The 
popular  belief  just  described  explains  therefore  in  a  simple  way  these 
singular  pictures  and  the  hieroglj^phs  which  accompany  them.  In 
another  place  (Troano  codex,  page  26*/>)  the  smoker  is  described  in  the 
text  by  the  hieroglyph  k.  This  is  either  to  be  translated  as  "  the  noc- 
turnal "  (see  the  hieroglj-ph  Akbal)  or  as  "the  red",  Chac.  For  I 
have  found  the  element  Akbal  in  various  places  (for  instance,  in  the 
Cortes  codex,  page  206?)  used  as  a  substitute  for    figure  1,  Chac,  "  red". 

The  eighteenth  day  sign  in  the  Zapotec  calendar  bears  the  name 
opa  or  gopa.  This  is  undoubtedly  the  same  word  as  copa,  "cold", 
"the  cold";  taca-copa,  tipee-copa,  "to  be  cold";  tix6pa-ya,  "I  am 
cold."  This  name  agrees  with  the  meaning  of  the  sign  in  the  Mexican 
calendar  (Tecpatl,  "flint")  and  with  the  pictures  of  the  Maya  hiero- 
glyphs (Ezanab),  which  also  represent  the  stone  which  is  struck,  the 
tip  of  the  flint;  for  the  notions  "stone",  "tip",  "  cold"  are  merged, 
one  into  the  other,  in  the  conceptions  and  language  of  the  Mexicans. 
Itztlacoliuhqui,  the  god  of  stone,  is  also  the  god  of  cold,  of  infatuation, 
and  of  sin. 

The  Zapotec  name  for  the  nineteenth  day  sign  is  harder  to  interpret. 
After  removing  the  prefixes,  we  have  the  forms  ape,  appe,  aape,  gappe. 
This  is  probably  to  be  resolved  into  aa-pee  or  caa-pee,  and  this  would 
signify  "covered  with  clouds"  or  "  cloud  covering".  Now,  this  does 
not  answer  directly  to  the  Mexican  name  Quiauitl,  "  rain",  but  it  does 
to  the  form  of  the  Maya  hieroglyph  (/?,  figure  5),  which,  as  I  have 
shown  in  my  former  work,  contains  an  abbreviation  of  the  head  of 
the  moan  bird  /,  and  figure  4),  the  mythical  conception  of  the 
mu3^al,  the  "cloud  covering  of  the  heavens."  The  name  also  seems  to 
correspond  to  the  other  Mexican  names,  for  the  sign  in  Guatemala 
was  ayotl,  "  tortoise";  for  the  cloud  was  also  expressed  by  the  picture 


aBrinton,  Folklore  Journal,  v.  1, 


seler] 


THE  MP^XICAN  CHRONOLOGY 


53 


of  a  flying  tortoise.  In  Cortes"  codex,  page  17a^  we  see  its  picture 
accompanied  by  the  group  of  hieroglyphs  of  //,  figure  5,  which  con- 
tains in  its  flrst  part  above  the  element  of  flying  and  below  it  the  ele- 
ment Cauac.  And  elsewhere  we  see  the  tortoise,  now  in  a  stream  of 
water,  with  the  frog,  coming  down  from  above;  again  with  open  jaws 
hanging  to  the  heavenly  shield." 

But  if  the  Zapotec  name  for  the  nineteenth  day  sign  can  only  be 
placed  among  the  names  of  the  other  calendars  with  a  certain  doubt 
attached  to  it,  on  the  other  hand  the  Zapotec  language  affords  the  onl}^ 
and  direct  clue  to  an  explanation  of  the  part  which  the  hieroglyph 
Cauac  plays  in  the  Maya  manuscript.  We  find  on  the  one  hand,  it  is 
true,  terms  which  approach  to  the  idea  of  clouds  and  rain.  Thus  there 
is  the  hieroglyph  6',  the  companion  hieroglyph  of  figure  4,  that  is,  the 
bird  moan.  So  also  in/*,  figure  3  (page  36),  is  the  companion  hiero- 
glyph of  the  name  Kinchahau,  which  besides  Cauac  also  contains  the 
element  of  fire  and  that  of  the  ax,  which  would  suggest  the  lightning' 
flashing  from  the  clouds.  But  thq  hieroglyph  Cauac  is  chiefly  used 
simply  with  the  meaning  "stone"  or  "weight".  This  is  most  strik- 
ingly shown  in  the  animal  traps  which  are  represented  in  Troano  codex, 
pages  9a  and  22*^,  where  the  stones  laid  upon  the  beams  to  weigh  them 
down  have  the  element  of  the  hieroglyph  Cauac  written  on  them.  But 
we  must  also  accept  this  same  explanation  when  we  find  the  pyramidal 
substructure  of  the  temple  covered  with  the  element  of  the  sign  Cauac. 
And  if  in  Troano  codex,  page  15*«,  the  Chac  felling  a  tree  is  confronted 
with  the  death  god  felling  a  tree  which  is  covered  with  the  element  of 
the  sign  Cauac,  it  probably  only  means  that  a  barren  stone  is  substituted 
in  the  case  of  the  death  god  for  what  is  a  living  tree  in  the  case  of  Chac. 
The  many  instances  where  the  hieroglyph  Cauac  serves  as  a  seat  or  foot- 
stool for  the  gods  are  probably  to  be  interpreted  sometimes  as  clouds, 
but  in  most  cases  undoubtedly  as  stone,  homologous  with  the  hiero- 
glyph Caban  and  the  element  tun  ("stone")  itself  {x^  figure  5),  both  of 
which  we  so  often  find  depicted  as  the  seat  and  footstool  of  the  gods. 
There  is  quite  as  little  doubt  that  the  element  Cauac  in  the  hieroglyph 
of  w,  which  denotes  the  bearing  of  a  burden  on  the  back,  is  to  be  con- 
ceived of  simply  as  the  expression  of  "that  which  weighs  down", 
"the  burden". 

In  the  remarkable  instances  where  we  find  the  gods  holding  a  board 
in  their  hands  on  which  are  the  elements  of  the  sign  Cauac  or  where 
a  board  provided  with  a  plaited  handle  is  drawn  in  front  of  the  gods, 
the  surface  being  covered  with  the  element  Cauac,  it  seems  to  denote 
a  sounding-board,  for  the  hieroglyphs  added  seem  to  mean  music. 
Finally,  there  are  also  direct  resemblances  between  the  element  Cauac 

oThe  tortoise  plays  a  similar  part  among  the  northern  Indians.  Catlin  learned  from  the  Mandan 
that  "  there  were  four  tortoises— one  in  the  north,  one  in  the  east,  one  in  the  south,  and  one  in  the 
west.  Each  one  of  these  rained  ten  days  and  the  water  covered  the  earth."  (Manners  and  Customs 
of  the  North  American  Indians,  v.  1,  p.  181.) 


54 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


and  the  element  tun.  Thus  in  the  hieroglyph  of  the  god  of  hunting, 
whose  distinguishing  characteristic  usually  is  that  he  bears  on  his 
diadem  an  eye  or  the  element  tun,  that  is,  a  ''jewel".  The  hiero- 
glyph of  this  god  is  sometimes  written  in  the  form  shown  at  t;  some- 
times in  that  of  u.  And  that  the  element  substituted  in  a  for  the 
element  Cauac  is  actually  to  be  conceived  of  here  as  tun  or  "stone", 
"precious  stone",  follows,  on  the  one  hand,  from  its  use  as  a  precious 
stone  in  the  head  ornament  (tun,  "stone",  "precious  stone"),  and,  on 
the  other  hand,  from  its  being  the  basis  for  the  post  on  which  Mam, 
the  Uuaya3^ab  demon,  is  set  in  the  xma  kaba  kin  (Dresden  codex,  page 
25c).  Now,  it  is  surely  quite  safe  to  assume  a  connection  of  ideas 
between  clouds,  rain,  and  stone,  for  in  those  regions  every  rain  is  a 
thunderstorm.  Nevertheless,  it  will  be  plain  that  an  arm}^  of  doubts 
was  routed  when  I  hit  upon  the  fact  in  the  course  of  my  Zapotec 
studies  that  the  ver}^  same  word,  that  is,  quia,  quie,  is  used  in  Zapotec 
for  "rain"  and  "stone". 

For  the  last  day  sign  we  tind  in  the  Zapotec  calendar  the  name  lao 
or  loo,  and  this  means  "eye",  "face",  "front."  This  again  does  not 
agree  directly  with  the  Mexican  Xochitl,  "flower",  but  with  the  form 
of  the  Ma3^a  hieroglyph  {y  and  2),  which  undoubtedly  represents  a 
face.  The  name  of  the  Maya  sign  Ahau,  "leader",  also  agrees. 
There  is  also  undoubtedl}^  a  connection  of  ideas  between  "eye"  and 
"flower".  To  be  sure,  I  can  not  now  actually  prove  it  from  the 
Zapotec  tongue.  But  I  showed  the  metamorphosis  of  the  eye  into 
the  flower  in  the  Zapotec  figures  which  I  des(^ri})ed  and  copied  in 
Veroff'entlichungen  aus  dem  Koniglichen  Museum  fiir  Volkei-kunde, 
volume  1,  parts  1  to  4.  And  indeed  the  Zapotec  word  for  flower  may 
explain  some  singular  resemblances  of  the  hieroglyph  Ahau.  In 
Zapotec,  for  instance,  "flower"  is  quije,  which  is  very  much  like  the 
word  quie,  "rain",  and  ''stone".  The  i,  as  is  stated  in  a  gram- 
mar, was  pronounced  with  stronger  emphasis  ("for  this  ij  is  empha- 
sized more  than  to  signify  the  stone").  Now,  it  is  indeed  a  striking 
fact  that  the  element  Ahau  (Mexican  xochitl,  "flower")  in  some 
hieroglj^phs  seems  to  be  homologous  with  the  element  Cauac  (Mexican 
quiauitl,  "rain").  If  this  were  a  single  instance,  I  should  not  lay 
much  stress  upon  it.  But  as  the  above  researches  as  to  the  meaning 
of  the  Zapotec  da}^  signs  have  in  almost  ever}^  instance  shown  that  the 
Zapotec  names  formed  the  connecting  link  for  apparently  irreconcil- 
al)le  difi'erences  in  the  Mexican  and  Maya  names  and  designations,  I 
believe  that  I  may  also  add  this  coincidence  to  the  rest. 

It  is  obvious  from  its  situation  and  it  is  also  historicall}^  proved  that 
the  countr}'  of  the  Zapotecs  was  the  region  above  all  others  in  which 
an  interchange  was  eff'ected  of  cultural  influences  which  spread  from 
the  Mexican  region  to  that  of  the  Maya  races  and  vice  versa.  But 


seler] 


THE  MEXICAN  CHRONOLOGY 


55 


the  present  researches  force  us  to  the  conclusion  that  the  Zapotec 
country  was  more  than  a  region  of  interchange;  that  it  was  the  land  in 
which  the  Mexican  calendar,  a  most  important  factor  in  our  knowledge 
of  the  Mexican  races,  had  its  origin.  Indeed,  among  no  other  races 
did  the  calendar  and  the  determining  of  fate  connected  with  it  exert  so 
powerful  an  influence  over  all  the  relations  of  life  as  among  the 
Zapotecs.  We  can  speak  with  greater  confidence  upon  this  point 
when  more  is  known  of  that  Maya  race  bordering  on  the  Zapotecs, 
the  Tzental-Zotzil  of  Chiapas. 


ANCIENT  MEXICAN  FEATHER  ORNAMENTS 

BY 


57 


/ 


ANCIENT  MEXICAN  FEATHER  ORNAMENTS 


By  Eduard  Seler 


In  the  question  raised  by  Mrs  Nuttall  as  to  whether  the  ancient 
Mexican  feather  ornament  in  the  Imperial  Museum  of  Natural  History 
at  Vienna,  which  came  from  the  collection  at  the  castle  of  Ambras,  is 
to  be  ret^arded  as  a  standard,  such  as  prominent  Mexican  warriors  wore 
strapped  to  their  backs  in  battle  and  in  dances,  or  rather  as  a  headdress, 
I  have  not  declared  for  one  theory  or  another,  and  have  taken  part 
only  in  so  far  as  I  was  justified  in  believing  Mrs  NuttalPs  proofs  to  rest 
on  mistaken  premises.  She  maintains  that  the  ornament  in  question 
should  be  considered  as  a  headdress,  and,  indeed,  only  as  the  headdress 
of  Uitzilopochtli,  which  at  the  same  time  was  also  worn  b}^  the  Mexi- 
can king.    This  view  I  am  inclined  to  reject. 

As  for  the  matter  itself,  Valentini  has  already  pointed  out  in  an 
article  in  the  American  Antiquarian  that  headdresses  similar  to  the 
Vienna  headdress  are  to  be  found  here  and  there  upon  figures  in  the 
Maya  sculptures.  Mrs  Nuttall  subsequently  brought  forward  the  figure 
of  a  god  from  a  picture  manuscript  which  she  was  so  fortunate  as  to  dis- 
cover in  the  Biblioteca  Nazionale  at  Florence  (and  which  is  an  older 
and  better  copy  of  the  codex  attributed  to  Ixtlilxochitl  than  is  in  the 
Aubin-Goupil  collection),  a  figure  wearing  a  head  ornament  which 
is  indeed  strikingly  like  the  Vienna  ornament  as  it  now  exists  with 
missing  frontlet.  But  this  is  not  the  god  Uitzilopochtli,  as  Mrs  Nut- 
tall asserts  and  as  1  also  credulously  repeated,  but  Tezcatlipoca.  I 
recently  assured  myself  of  this  when  I  had  an  opportunity  to  examine 
the  original  in  Florence. 

This  figure  is  surrounded  by  impressions  of  a  child's  foot  imprinted 
in  the  scattered  meal,  which  announces  the  arrival  of  the  young  god 
Telpochtli  Tezcatlipoca,  the  first  of  the  gods  returning  home  to  their 
city.  The  god  Tezcatlipoca  is  represented  in  exactly  the  same  way  in  the 
Codex  Vaticanus  A,  and  there  denotes  the  twelfth  feast  of  the  year,  the 
feast  Teotleco  ("the  god  has  arrived").  Finally,  1  have  tried,  in  my 
second  article,  to  make  it  seem  probable  that  the  quetzalapanecayotl 
("quetzal-feather  ornament  of  the  people  of  the  coast  regions"), 


a  Verhandlungen  der  Berliner  Gesellschaft  fiir  Anthropologie,  1893,  p.  44. 

59 


60 


BUKEAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOG? 


[bull.  '28 


which,  together  with  xiuh-xayacatl,  or  coa-xayacacatl,  the  snake  mask 
of  turquoise  mosaic,  forms  the  most  conspicuous  piece  of  adornment 
of  the  god  known  as  Quetzalcouatl  in  the  legend  cycle  of  Tollan,^  was 
a  headdress  similar  to  that  worn  by  the  god  in  the  manuscript  of  the 
Biblioteca  Nazionale.  Being  convinced  of  this,  I  could  accept  Mrs 
Nuttall's  conjecture  that  the  upper  part  of  the  hieroglyph  apanecatl 
in  the  Boturini  codex  was  intended  to  represent  an  apanecayotl. 
While  I  fully  recognized  that  the  interpretation  offered  by  Mrs 
Nuttall  was  not  unwarranted,  I  still  believed  that  the  other  con- 
struction, given  by  von  Hochstetter,  which  is  based  on  an  old  oil 
painting  in  the  Bilimec  collection,  was  not  to  be  set  aside.  For,  six 
months  before,  during  an  inspection  of  the  Aubin-Goupil  collection, 
1  had  discovered  the  original  of  the  Bilimec  warrior  in  the  figure  of 
King  Axayacatl,  who  advances  to  battle  against  the  arrogant  Moquiuix, 
king  of  Tlatelolco,  with  the  banner  bound  upon  his  back.    I  could 


merely  allude  to  this  in  my  communication  of  that  date.  For  during 
the  hour  which  was  allowed  me  to  examine  the  Aubin-Goupil  collection 
I  had  no  time  for  even  the  hastiest  sketch.  Doctor  Uhle,  who  under- 
took to  defend  Mrs  Nuttall's  views  in  a  reply,  was  quite  reluctant  to 
accept  this  statement,  brought  forward  without  proof.  Fortunately,  I 
am  now  in  a  position  to  offer  a  photographic  reproduction  of  the  pages 
in  question  (Cozcatzin  codex,  pages  14  and  15),  which  is  taken  from 
E.  Boban's  published  synopsis  of  the  Aubin-Goupil  collection. 

The  very  first  glance  shows  us  that  the  selfsame  warrior  in  the  self- 
same ornaments  is  represented  here  as  in  the  Bilimec  picture  (compare 
figure  6  and  figure  9),  only  the  latter  is  not  a  mere  copy  of  one  of  the 
figures  in  the  Cozcatzin  codex,  but  of  kindred  originals,  and  at  any 
rate  the  same  tradition  guided  the  artist  in  both  cases. 

a  Both  these  pieces  are  ascribed  to  Quetzalcouatl  of  Tollan,  not  only  in  the  passage  from  the  Anales 
de  Quauhtitlan,  which  I  quoted  in  my  former  article,  but  also  in  the  Aztec  text  of  the  twelfth  book 
of  the  historical  work  of  P.  Sahagun. 


¥ni.  0.   Copy  of  figure  in  the  Cozcatzin  codex. 


SELER] 


ANCIENT  MEXICAN   FEATHER  ORNAMENTS 


()1 


At  the  time  when  Axayacatl  was  king,  that  is,  supreme  war  chief  of 
the  Mexicans,  the  kingdom  passed  through  a  severe  crisis.  After 
Itzcouatl  freed  the  Mexicans  fi'om  the  supremacy  of  Azcapotzalco 
and  the  elder  Motecuhzoma  had  prepared  the  conditions  for  the  later 
rapid  extension  of  Mexican  dominion  by  establishing  the  alliance  of  the 
three  states  and  forcibly  subjugating  Chalca,  the  enemy  arose  against 
Axayacatl  in  his  own  house.  Close  by  Tenochtitlan,  on  the  same 
marsh  island,  was  the  sister  city  of  Tlatelolco,  whose  inhabitants, 
although  of  another  and  an  older  race  than  the  Tenochca,  living  accord- 
ing to  laws  of  their  own,  had  hitherto  united  their  interests  with  those 
of  the  Mexicans  and  fought  shoulder  to  shoulder  with  them — for 
instance,  against  Azcapotzalco.  In  the  early  years  of  Axayacatl's  reign, 
discontent,  which  had  probably  long  been  smoldering,  broke  out. 
Histories  give  various  insignificant  provocations  as  the  cause.  Suffice 
it  to  say  that  Moquiuix,  king  of  Tlatelolco,  openly  took  up  arms 
against  Tenochtitlan.  The  danger  was  all  the  greater  because  the 
neighboring  cities  allied  to  the  Tlatelolca,  Azcapotzalco,  Tenayocan, 
and  Quauhtitlan,  also  turned  their  arms  against  the  Tenochca.  Here 
young  Axayacatl  seems  to  have  decided  the  matter  in  favor  of  the 
Mexicans  by  his  own  military  abilit}^  The  Tlatelolca  were  forced 
back  from  street  to  street  and  finally  surrounded  in  the  great  market 
place  of  Tlatelolco,  near  which  the  terraced  pyramid  of  their  god 
rose  like  a  citadel.  The  warriors  of  the  Tlatelolca  took  refuge  upon 
its  apex,  and  it  was  Axayacatl  himself,  as  historians  unanimously  state, 
who,  pressing  forward,  slew  King  Moquiuix  and  hurled  him  down  the 
steps  of  the  pyramid.  It  is  this  event  which  is  portrayed  in  the 
accompanying  cut  (figure  6)  from  the  Cozcatzin  codex.  On  the  left  we 
see  King  Moquiuix,  in  eagle  array  and  denoted  by  his  name  hieroglyph, 
escaping  up  the  steps  of  the  p3a'amid  pursued  by  Axayacatl;  on  the 
right,  the  victorious  Axayacatl  on  the  pyramid  and  Moquiuix  h^ing 
vanquished  at  the  foot. 

I  have  pointed  out  in  earlier  works  that  it  follows  from  history,  as 
well  as  from  picture  manuscripts,  that  Mexican  kings  and  commanders 
in  chief  in  later  times  assumed  in  war  the  dress  and  attributes  of  the 
god  Xipe,  the  red  god  of  the  Yopi,  who  was  called  Tlatlauhqui  Tezcatl 
or  Tlatlauhqui  Tezcatlipoca,  the  god  who  was  clad  in  a  fiayed  human 
skin.  This  follows  from  various  passages  in  the  Cronica  Mexicana 
of  Tezozomoc.  It  is  confirmed  by  Sahagun,  who  mentions  as  first 
among  the  military  equipments  of  kings  the  tlauhquecholtzontli 
("crown  made  of  the  feathers  of  the  roseate  spoonbill"),  which  was 
worn  together  with  the  coztic  teocuitlayo  ueuetl  ("the  gilded  timbrel"), 
the  tlauhquecholeuatl  ("the  jacket  of  spoonbill  feathers"),  and  the 
tzapocueitl  ("the  petticoat  or  apron  of  green  feathers  lapping  over 
one  another  like  tiles"),  all  parts  of  the  dress  of  Xipe.  And  it  is 
clearly  demonstrated  by  a  passage  in  the  Codex  Vaticanus  A  (page  128), 


62 


BUKEAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


where  we  find,  in  the  year  ''9  Calli"  or  A.  D.  1501,  King  Mote- 
cuhzoma  the  3^ounger  represented  in  the  complete  dress  of  Xipe 
as  victor  over  Tohica  {a,  figure  7).  This  Xipe  dress  is  expressly  men- 
tioned  in  a  passage  of  the  Cronica  Mexicana  by  Tezozomoc  as  the 
dress  formerly  worn  by  King  Axayacatl.  I  copy  the  passage  in  full, 
because  it  is  of  interest  in  relation  to  our  picture.  It  refers  to  an 
enterprise  against  Uexotzinco,  lying  on  the  other  side  of  the  mountains 
and  hostile  to  the  Mexican  confederation,  in  the  reign  of  Motecuh- 
zoma  the  younger.  Tlacauepan,  the  younger  brother  of  the  king, 
comes  to  Motecuhzoma  and  says:  ''Lord,  I  believe  that  my  eyes  to- 
day behold  you  for  the  last  time,  for  I  am  minded  to  put  myself  at  the 
head  of  the  troops  and  make  my  way  through  or  die  in  the  attempt." 
To  this  the  king  replies:  "If  such  be  thy  will,  then  take  this  armor, 
which  once  belonged  to  King  Axayacatl,  the  golden  device  teocuitla- 
tontec  with  the  tlauhquechol  bird  upon  it  and  the  broad  wooden  sword 


a  b 
Fig.  7.    The  god  Xipe's  dress  and  shield. 


with  broad  obsidian  blades  "  (Pues  que  asi  lo  quereis,  tomad  estas  armas 
que  fueron  del  rey  Axayacatl,  una  divisa  de  oro  llamado  teocuitla  ton- 
tec  con  una  ave  en  cima  de  el  tlauhquechol  y  un  espadarte  ancho  maac 
cuahuitl  de  ancha  navaja  fuerte).  ^ 

Now  it  is  indeed  this  Xipe  armor  in  which  we  see  King  Axayacatl 
represented  here  in  the  cut  from  the  Cozcatzin  codex,  as  well  as  in  the 
Bilimec  picture.  This  is  most  plainly  apparent  in  the  human  skin, 
the  hands  of  which  hang  down  over  the  king's  wrists,  the  feet  forming 
a  sort  of  cuff  over  the  ankles.  So  also  the  wholly  un-Mexican  feather 
skirt,  almost  like  a  theatric  costume,  which  surrounds  the  hips  of  the 
Bilimec  warrior,  the  tzapocueitl,  is  a  part  of  the  Xipe  dress.  This  Xipe 
petticoat  is  made  of  feathers,  running  into  points  and  overlapping  each 
other  like  tiles.  Likewise  the  tiger-skin  scabbard  with  which  the  obsi- 
dian sword  is  provided  in  both  pictures  points  to  Xipe.  In  other  par- 
ticulars the  dress  differs  in  no  small  measure  from  that  of  representa- 


a  Tezozomoc,  Cronica  Mexicana,  chap.  91. 


seler] 


ANCIENT  MEXICAN   FP:ATHP:R  ORNAMENTS 


63 


tions  of  this  deity  hitherto  known.  The  god  usually  wears  on  his  head 
the  yopitzontli,  a  pointed  crown  made  of  the  rose-colored  feathers  of 
the  spoonbill,  with  fluttering  ribbons,  forked  like  a  swallow's  tail. 
Axayacatl,  however,  is  usually  represented  in  the  Cozcatzin  codex  with 
the  xiuhuitzontli,  the  turquoise  mosaic  headband  of  Mexican  kings, 
and  the  Bilimec  warrior  wears  the  quetzallalpiloni,  the  fillet  with  quet- 
zal-feather tassels.  The  plume  which  in  both  figures  of  Axayacatl 
(figure  6)  rises  behind  the  shield  is  likewise  nothing  else  than  an  essen- 
tial part  of  the  royal  Mexic;an  dress.  It  belongs,  as  a  tuft,  to  the 
machoncotl,  the  shell  bracelet  which  the  king  wore  on  his  upper  arm 
(compare  the  picture  in  the  atlas  of  Duran). 


Yellow  or  Green.  Blue.  Red. 

brown. 


1  2  3  4  5 


Ilhuitl,  feast.        Chalohiuitl,  Xiuitl,  Tezcatl,  mirror, 

emerald.  turquoise. 

a 


h  c 

Fig.  8.   Disks  from  Mexican  codices. 

Xipe's  shield  is  the  tlauhteuilacachiuhqui,  a  round  shield  covered 
with  the  rose-colored  feathers  of  the  spoonbill,  showing  concentric 
circles  of  darker  tint  on  its  surface.  It  is  not  infrequently  bisected 
vertically,  in  which  case  one  half  is  divided  by  an  oblique  line  into  a 
larger  lower  and  a  smaller  upper  panel.  The  former  has  a  tiger- skin 
design,  the  latter  the  figure  of  an  emerald  in  a  blue  field,  or  one  trav- 
ersed by  wavy  lines  (see  ^,  figure  7).  I  formerly  explained  the  emerald 
as  a  mirror.  This  is  not  quite  correct,  although  in  the  drawing  of  both 
(mirror  and  emerald)  the  same  fundamental  principle  of  the  glittering 
disk  throwing  rays  in  all  (four)  directions  is  expressed.   See     figure  8, 


64 


BUREAU   OF   AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


where  1,  2,  3,  and  4  are  taken  from  the  manuscripts,  and  in  fact  from 
hieroglyphs  whose  phonetic  v^ahie  is  known,  while  5,  which  occurs  on 
a  beautiful  clay  vessel  found  in  the  vicinity  of  Tlaxcala,  with  tiger 
and  snake  heads,  a  bundle  of  spears,  and  a  feather  ball,  is  perhaps  only 
meant  to  represent  the  fiery  luminous  disk  in  general.  The  emerald 
in  a  watery  held  is  to  be  read  chalchiuh-atl.  This  may  mean,  in 
general,  the  ''precious  fluid";  but  it  is  more  probably  the  same  as 
chalchiuh-uitz-atl,  the  ''precious  water  flowing  in  penance" — that 
is,  the  sacrificial  blood,  the  blood.  Indeed,  upon  the  beautiful  feather 
mantle  belonging  to  the  Uhde  collection  in  the  Royal  Museum  of  Eth- 
nology we  see  the  emerald  above,  on  a  bright  green  field,  and  below  it 
a  stream  of  ])lood  with  a  skull  on  its  surface.  These  characteristic 
symbols,  which  are  seen  on  Xipe's  shield,  on  the  Ohimalli  stone  from 
Cuernavaca  figure  7),  and  also,  although  only  indicated,  on  the 
shield  borne  by  Motecuhzoma  dressed  as  Xipe  (*2,  figure  7),  are  wholly 
wanting  in  the  Axayacatl  disguised  as  Xipe  of  the  Cozcatzin  codex 
and  in  the  Bilimec  warrior.  In  both  an  arm  is  painted  on  the  surface 
of  the  shield.  This  is  not  very  conunon  as  a  shield  emblem.  And  the 
agreement  upon  this  point,  in  conjunction  with  the  identity  of  the 
devices  on  the  back,  is  a  striking  proof  in  favor  of  the  theory  that 
the  painter  of  the  Bilimec  picture  and  the  artist  of  the  Cozcatzin  codex 
had  the  same  original  or,  at  least,  the  same  tradition  in  mind. 

In  the  Sahagun  manuscript  of  the  Academia  de  la  Historia  a  shield 
with  a  drawing  of  a  hand  under  the  name  macpallo  chimalli  is  repre- 
sented among  the  shields  of  chiefs  and  w^arriors  of  lower  rank.  But 
this  name  does  not  explain  the  meaning  of  the  emblem.  On  the  other 
hand,  I  find  the  shield  with  the  hand  on  a  beautifully  drawn  colored 
page  in  the  Aubin-Goupil  collection,  which  the  publisher,  Eugene 
Boban,  describes  as  "worship  of  Tonatiuh  (the  sun),  a  document  relating 
to  the  theogony  and  astronomy  of  the  ancient  Mexicans",  and  which,  as 
he  explains,  perhaps  represents  looking  up  at  an  eclipse  of  the  sun.^ 
This  cut  reminds  us,  by  the  style  of  painting,  of  the  Vienna  manuscript, 
and  originated  somewhere  near  the  Olmeca  Uixtotin  Mixteca.  The 
paintings  are  done  on  a  piece  of  leather,  which  is  covered  with  a  kind 
of  white  stucco,  such  as  we  find  in  the  Mixtec  manuscripts  of  the 
Philipp  fl.  Becker  and  Dorenberg  collections.  The  sheet  is  a  repre- 
sentation of  the  tonalamatl  in  five,  instead  of  four,  directions. 

The  tonalamatl  divisions  in  question  are  not,  strange  to  say,  desig- 
nated by  the  initial  days,  but  by  two  dates,  which,  as  it  seems,  repre- 
sent the  name  hieroglyphs  of  the  divinities  which  adorn  this  division, 

a  A  copy,  and  that  a  very  bad  one,  of  this  was  made  by  Leon  y  Gama,  in  which  the  middle  part  is 
restored,  doubtless  incorrectly,  as  may  be  clearly  seen  in  several  preserved  portions.  This  copy 
was  reproduced  by  Brantz  Mayer  ("  Mexico  as  it  was",  etc..  New  York,  1844)  as  the  upper  side  of  a 
buried  stone  found  in  Mexico,  which  was  said  to  have  served  for  the  sacrificio  gladiatorio.  This 
copy  is  also  given  by  Chavero  in  "Mexico  d  trav6s  de  los  siglos",  v.  1,  as  "  Piedra  policroma  del  sa- 
crificio gladiatorio". 


SELER] 


ANCIENT  MEXICAN   FEATHER  ORNAMENTS 


65 


one  of  which  is  combined  with  the  numeral  1  and  the  other  with  the 
numeral  5.  The  five  dates  with  the  numeral  1  and  the  five  with 
the  numeral  5  are  just  51  days  apart.  And  these  five  times  51  inter- 
mediate days  are  marked  on  the  sheet  by  small  circles  in  the  circum- 
ference of  the  five  divisions.  Here  we  find  a  male  and  a  female  deity 
placed  opposite  to  each  other  in  the  first  (upper  right)  division,  which 
is  shown  to  belong  to  the  region  of  the  east  by  the  drawing  of  the 
heavens  with  the  image  of  the  sun  upon  it  and,  moreover,  by  a  rising 


c  d 
Fig.  9.   Mexican  shields. 


sun  (J,  figure  8).  Beside  the  latter  stands  ce  Mazatl  ("one  deer"),  as 
the  name  hieroglyph  of  the  day.  Beside  the  former  (c,  figure  8)  as  name 
hieroglyph  of  the  day  is  macuilli  Cuetzpalin  ("five  lizard").  The 
former  god,  whom  I  must  take,  for  various  reasons,  to  be  the  same  as 
Xolotl  in  the  Borgian  codex,  page  29  {a,  figure  9),  wears  on  his  left  arm 
a  shield,  which  has  a  hand  as  its  emblem,  and  the  ends  of  his  loin  cloth 
are  also  painted  with  large  black  hands.  Xolotl  is  a  figure  which  orig- 
inated in  southern  regions,  and  may  possibly  represent  fire  rushing  down 
from  heaven  or  light  flaming  up'  in  the  heavens.  In  the  manuscripts 
7238— No.  28—05  5 


66 


BUREAU   OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


the  setting  sun,  devoured  by  the  earth,  is  opposed  to  him,  similarly  as 
the  sun  god  is  opposed  to  the  death  god.  He  may  perhaps  be  described 
as  a  sun  god  of  southern  tribes  (Zapotecs?).  In  the  Mexican  legend 
he  appears  as  the  representative  of  human  sacrifice  and  as  the  god  of 
monstrosities,  perhaps  identical  with  Nauauatzin,  the  "poor  leper", 
who  leaps  into  the  flaming  fire,  sacrificing  himself,  in  order  that  he  may 
rise  again  as  the  sun  in  the  firmament.  The  Xolotl  head  (quaxolotl) 
is  therefore  one  of  the  most  prominent  warrior  devices."  Xolotl  is 
doubtless  a  kindred  figure  to  the  god  Xipe,  and  his  home  should  be 
sought  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  Xipe's  home.  The  shield  with  the 
human  arm  as  its  emblem,  which  is  worn  by  Axayacatl  of  the  Cozcat- 
zin  codex  and  b}^  the  Bilimec  warrior,  is  therefore  hardl}^  to  be  regarded 
as  an  irregularity  or  as  anything  contradictory  to  the  former  costume. 

I  now  come  to  the  device  on  the  back,  the  remarkable  standard,  which 
von  Hochstetter  has  used  to  interpret  the  Viennese  ornament.  For 
the  sake  of  clearness  I  have  drawn  it  once  more  from  the  Cozcatzin 
codex  as  figure  9,  and  contrasted  it  with  the  Bilimec  warrior,  d. 
Here,  first  of  all,  we  should  consider  the  framework,  from  which  the 
standard  apparently  rises.  It  is  obvious  that  it  is  not  a  house,  as  von 
Hochstetter  and  Mrs  Nuttall  assumed,  and  as  Doctor  Uhle  finally 
"proved". 

We  grant  Doctor  Uhle,  to  be  sure,  that  the  "dark  distinguishable 
door  and  window  openings"  in  the  small  Bilimec  picture  might  lead  him 
astra3^  In  other  respects  the  frame  on  the  Bilimec  warrior  resembles  a 
Mexican  house  as  little  as  possible.  On  the  contrary,  that  the  object  in 
question  is  a  genuine  framework  carried  on  the  back  is  clearly  shown 
by  the  straps  crossing  over  the  breast  of  the  figures  in  the  Cozcatzin 
codex.  But  what  kind  of  a  framework  can  it  be?  Of  course,  it  has 
nothing  to  do  with  the  ladderlike  carrying  frame  (cacaxtli),  to  which 
devices  for  the  back  are  fastened  elsewhere.  I  hesitate  between  two 
theories.  The  most  natural  conjecture  would  be  to  consider  it  only 
an  ill-drawn  ueuetl,  a  drum,  such  as  King  Nezaualcoyotl  wears  in  h.^ 

a  See  Zeitschrift  fiir  Ethnologic,  1891,  v.  23,  p.  127. 

&  Singular  conflicts  have  arisen  in  regard  to  this  portrait.  It  belongs,  with  three  others,  to  a  manu- 
script which  is  ascribed  to  the  historian  Don  Fernando  Alva  de  Ixtlilxochitl,  a  decendant  of  Tetz- 
cocanic  kings;  later  it  doubtless  came  into  the  hands  of  the  learned  Jesuit  Don  Carlos  de  Sigiienza  y 
Gongora  with  all  Ixtlilxochitl's  possessions,  and  now  forms  a  part  of  the  Aubin-Goupil  collection.  At 
the  time  that  it  was  in  Sigiienza's  hands,  the  Neapolitan  traveler,  Gemelli  Carreri,  visited  Mexico 
and  copied  these  four  portraits,  with  other  parts  of  the  manuscripts,  to  use  in  the  account  of  his  travels. 
These  four  portions  represent,  as  the  legends  accompanying  them  state,  the  Tetzcocanic  kings 
Nezaualcoyotl  and  Nezaualpilli  and  two  Tetzcocanic  nobles  (tribal  chiefs  ?),  named  Tocuepotzin  and 
Quauhtlatzocuilotzin.  But  Gemelli  Carreri  classed  these  with  a  fifth  portrait,  which,  according  to 
Boturini,  also  represents  King  Nezaualpilli,  and  gave  them  the  names  of  the  Mexican  kings  Tizoc, 
Axayacatl,  Auitzotl,  Motecuhzoma,  and  Quauhtemoc.  But  it  happened  that  in  the  first  Neapolitan  edi- 
tion of  his  "Giro  del  mundo  "  (Naples,  1699-1701),  the  original,  correct  name  (Nezaualcoyotl)  was  left 
attached  to  the  second  figure.  In  later  editions  (Venice,  1719;  Paris,  1719)  the  list  of  Mexican  kings  is 
complete.  Kingsborough's  five  portraits  are  reproduced  from  the  first  Neapolitan  edition,  and  I 
owe  it  to  this  circumstance  that  I  was  enabled  to  give  King  Nezaualcoyotl  (6,  <ig.  9)  his  true  name  in 
jny  work. 


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ANCIENT  MEXICAN  EEATHER  ORNAMENTS 


67 


For  Huch  im  object,  the  yopiueuetl,  is  actiiall}^  m  part  of  Xipe's 
costume. 

In  the  drawing  of  the  Cozcatzin  codex  the  lower  appendages  may 
very  well  represent  the  feet  of  the  ueuetl.  The  dotted  upper  portions 
may  be  meant  for  a  tiger  skin — such,  for  instance,  as  serves  in  the 
Borgian  codex,  page  55,  as  a  drumskin  for  the  ueuetl  beaten  by  the 
coyote-eared  god  represented  there.  To  be  sure,  the  square  form  of 
the  framework  contradicts  this  theory,  for  the  ueuetl  is  usually  drawn 
round,  cylindric  (see  figure  10).  If  we  reject  this  interpretation,  we 
can  conjecture  that  it  may  be  a  quetzal  comitl,  a  feather  basket,  which 
Tezcatlipoca  and  other  gods  are  often  represented  wearing  on  their 
backs. 

The  handle  of  the  standard,  which  rises  from  this  framework,  in 
the  Cozcatzin  codex  is  apparently  dotted,  like  the  wooden  sword 
which  the  king  holds  in  his  hand.  We  must  suppose  that  the  handle 
was  also  meant  to  be  represented  as  covered  with  tiger  skin.  This,  1 
think,  is  the  case  with  the  Bilimec  warrior.  The  handle  of  his  stand- 
ard is  composed  of  three  per- 
pendicular lines.    Between  two  ^  ^ 


figure  7),  is   meant  to  express      ' Mexican  drums  (ueuetl). 

the  hairy  belly  of  the  tiger, 

which  should  be  indicated  on  the  right  hand,  between  the  other  two 
vertical  stripes,  by  spots,  but  was  omitted  in  the  original  from  which 
the  painter  worked  by  an  oversight  such  as  often  occurs  in  the 
manuscripts. 

Lastl}^,  the  fan-shaped  ornament  which  is  fastened  to  this  handle  is 
identical  in  character  in  both  illustrations,  except  that  in  the  Bilimec 
warrior  (<f ,  figure  9)  an  arrow  is  added  to  the  base.  But  this  can  scarcely 
haA^e  any  special  meaning.  Perhaps  it  is  only  meant  to  accentuate  the 
reed  frame  which  serves  to  support  the  ornament. 

How,  then,  are  we  to  interpret  the  device  worn  by  King  Axayacatl 
in  the  Cozcatzin  codex  and  by  the  Bilimec  warrior? 

It  may  be  accepted  as  a  matter  of  course  that  it  is  only  a  further 
completion  of  Xipe  attributes.  Those  who  are  influenced  by  Mrs 
NuttalPs  interpretation  of  the  Vienna  ornament  may  be  led  to  con- 
jecture that  it  is  Xipe's  headdress  borne  upon  the  pole,  just  as  we 
actually  find  the  pointed  Uaxtec  cap,  which  is  commonly  the  actual 
head  covering,  also  fastened  on  a  frame  as  a  device  for  the  back.  ^  But 
Xipe's  feather  headdress,  at  least  in  so  far  as  we  may  conclude  from 


of  them  we  see  a  diagonal  strip- 
ing, which  led  Mrs  Nuttall  to 
read  the  mecatl  here  as  "  rope". 
I  think  this  diagonal,  striping, 
like  that  on  the  Xipe  shield  (b, 


a  See  Zeitschrift  fiir  Ethnologie,  1891,  v.  23,  pp.  132, 151. 


68 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


existing  illustrations,  was  of  a  different  form  (see  ^,  figure  7).  From  the 
arrangement  of  the  whole  ornament  it  also  seems  to  me,  as  von  Hoch- 
stetter  asserts  for  the  Vienna  ornament,  that  it  is  based  upon  the 
idea  of  a  bird  swooping  down  from  above  with  outspread  wings,  the 
middle,  higher,  upright  part  representing  tlie  tail,  the  side  parts  the 
wings,  while  head  and  beak  are  not  indicated  in  the  drawings  in  ques- 
tion. The  idea  that  the  Deity  eame  down  from  heaven  in  the  form  of 
a  bird  is  a  widely  spread  conception  that  plays  an  important  part  in 
the  mythologies  of  Central  American  races.  From  the  Xipe  dress  of 
the  Mexican  kings,  which  I  have  described  in  my  earlier  article,^'  it 
follows  that  the  god  was  regarded  in  three  forms:  as  the  red  god  (hav- 
ing the  color  of  the  tlauhquechoUi,  the  roseate  spoonbill),  as  the  blue  god 
(of  the  color  of  the  xiuhtototl,  the  blue  cotinga),  and  as  a  tiger  (jaguar, 
ocelotl),  probabl}^  corresponding  to  the  three  regions  (heaven,  earth, 
and  underworld)  or  the  three  elements  (fire,  water,  and  earth).  These 
are,  moreover,  the  same  three  colors  or  variations  represented  on  his 
tripartite  shield  described  above. 

In  the  manuscripts  Xipe  himself  is  usually  represented  in  one  form 
only,  as  the  red  god;  just  as  Ixcozauhqui,  the  fire  god  of  Tlatelolco, 
only  appears  in  the  manuscripts  in  one  form,  as  the  burning,  devour- 
ing fire,  although  he,  too,  as  we  know  from  the  description  of  his  fes- 
tival, was  represented  in  twofold  form,  as  the  light-blue  one  with  the 
turquoise  and  emerald  mask  and  as  the  burning  one  with  the  mask  of 
red  shell  plates  and  black  tezcapoctli.  On  the  other  hand,  we  find  the 
god  Tezcatlipoca  represented  in  the  manuscripts  now  as  the  red  one 
and  again  as  the  black  one,  and  as  both  of  these — for  instance,  in  the 
Borgian  codex,  page  18 — placed  together.  It  is  worthy  of  note  that  the 
red  Tezcatlipoca  (Tlatlauhqui  Tezcatlipoca)  is  not  only  given  as  one  of 
the  names  of  the  god  Xipe,  but  that  occasionally  also,  just  where  Xipe 
should  be  drawn,  a  red  (tlatlauhqui)  Tezcatlipoca  is  drawn  instead,  as 
in  the  Borgian  codex,  page  28,  with  the  fifteenth  day  sign  ((juauhtli, 
''eagle").  The  manuscripts  originating  in  more  southern  regions, 
Zapoteca  and  Mixteca,  seem  to  be  more  authoritative  than  the  genuine 
Mexican  ones  in  regard  to  the  representations  of  the  deities  in  ques- 
tion. Among  the  former,  the  manuscript  preserved  in  the  Vienna 
library  is  the  most  important.  In  the  first  part  of  this  we  find  the 
god  Xipe  in  his  classic  form,  clad  in  the  flayed  human  skin,  and  des- 
ignated by  the  date  chicome  Quiauitl,  "seven  rain".  As  in  the  Bor- 
gian codex  we  have  the  red  and  the  black  Tezcatlipoca,  so  too  we 
have  here  a  red  and  a  black  god  placed  together,  side  by  side  or  one 
above  the  other.  But  in  this  case  the  conception  is  quite  different. 
The  strangely  formed  face  shows  a  tiger's  jaw  introduced  into  a  human 
face  and  eyes  surrounded  by  serpentine  lines.  The  red  variant  of 
this  god,  designated  by  the  date  naui  Mazatl,  "four  deer",  is  dressed 


a  See  Zeitschrift  fur  Ethnologie,  1891,  v.  23,  pp.  133, 134. 


selek] 


ANCIENT  MEXICAN  FEATHER  0RNAMI:NTS 


09 


in  the  flaming  garb  of  an  eagle-liko  l)ird,  dyed  with  the  color  of  the 
tlauhquechol,  or  has  the  head  of  a  similar  bird  as  a  helmet  mask 
(J,  and  figure  11,  right).  The  other,  distinguished  by  the  date 
naui  Miquiztli,  ''four  death",  is  clad  in  a  similar  but  blackish  l)ird 
garment  or  wears  its  head  as  a  helmet  mask  («,     and  left). 

I  believe  that  I  am  right  in  recognizing  in  these  two  figures  the 
southern  countery^arts  of  the  red  and  the  black  Tezcatlipoca.  The 
same  idea  certainly  underlies  them  both,  and  I  am  even  tempted  to  see 
a  reference  to  Tezcatlipoca  in  the  footprints,  which  are  given  under  a, 
and  in  the  col)web  under  both  personages  in  e.  Tezcatlipoca  descended 
from  heaven  by  a  spider's  thread."  And  lo-peyo  ("the  face  or  image 
of  the  moon")  is  the  Zapotec  name  for  cobweb.  I  therefore  conclude 
that  the  bird  dress  dyed  with  the  color  of  the  tlauhquechol  was  equiva- 
lent among  southern  races  to  a  disguise  of  the  red  Tezcatlipoca — that 
is,  Xipe. 

In  the  little  Bilimec  picture  there  is  painted  on  the  surface  of  the 
fan  like  ornament,  which  is  carried  on  a  pole,  a  broad  stripe  of  deep- 
rose  color  and  also  one  of  white;  that  is,  the  colors  of  the  roseate 
spoonbill  (tlauhquecholli)  and  the  colors  of  Xipe.  In  this  fanlike 
ornament,  I  repeat,  I  find  the  idea  of  a  bird  swooping  down  with  out- 
spread wings  distincth^  expressed. 

If  these  facts  are  taken  into  consideration,  and  if  we  further  con- 
sider that  in  dangerous  military  enterprises  Mexican  commanders  in 
chief  were  accustomed  to  put  on  the  Xipe  dress,  formerl}^  worn  by 
King  Axayacatl  (see  the  passage  quoted  above  from  Tezozomoc,  chap- 
ter 91),  all  must,  I  think,  admit  that  it  is  not  an  idle  conjecture  if  I 
regard  the  device  with  which  King  Axayacatl  is  depicted  in  our  draw- 
ing as  a  direct  illustration  of  the  description  which  is  given  in  Tezo- 
zomoc's  (^ronica  Mexicana  of  the  armor  which  Motecuhzoma  wore  at 
the  storming  of  Nopallan.  We  read  there  (chapter  84)  that  Motecuh- 
zoma awaited  his  men  armado  todo  de  armas,  con  una  divisa  muy 
rica  de  plumeria,  y  encima  una  ave,  la  pluma  de  ella  muy  rica  y  relum- 
brante,  que  llaman  tlauhquecholtontec:  iba  puesto  de  modo  que  pare- 
cia  que  iba  volando,  y  debajo  un  atamborcillo  dorado  muy  resplan- 
deciente,  trenzado  con  una  pluma  arriba  de  la  ave  arriba  dicha,  y  una 
rodela  dorada  de  los  costeanos  muy  f  uerte,  y  una  sonaja  omichicahuaz, 
y  un  espadarte  de  f uerte  nabaja  ancha  y  cortadora  (''fully  armed, 
with  a  very  rich  device  of  feathers,  and  above  a  bird,  its  plume  very 
rich  and  resplendent,  which  they  call  tlauhquecholtontec:  it  was 
placed  in  such  a  manner  that  it  seemed  to  be  flying,  and  below  a  small 
drum,  gilded  and  very  shining,  braided  above  with  a  feather  of  the 
above-mentioned  bird,  and  a  very  strong  shield  gilded  on  the  sides, 
and  a  rattle  (omichicahuaz),  and  a  big  sword  with  a  strong,  wide 
cutting  blade"). 


"  Mendieta. 


70 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


Fig.  11.    The  blaci  Rod  and  the  red  god,  from  the  Vienna  manuscript. 


seler] 


ANCIENT  MEXICAN  FEATHER  ORNAMENT.-^ 


11 


The  meaning-  of  this  passage  can  scarcely  be  construed  otherwise 
than  as  a  reference  in  this  case  to  a  combined  ornament  for  the  l)ack, 
consisting  of  a  drum  attached  to  the  carrying  frame  at  the  bottom, 
and  of  a  bird  (swooping  down?)  with  outspread  wings  fastened  at  the 
top  of  the  pole/' 

I  am  therefore  doubtful,  in  regard  to  figure  6,  whether  I  may  not 
have  done  P.  Sahagun  an  injustice  in  assuming  that  the  passage  (book 
8,  chapter  9)  where  he  states  that  the  tlauhquecholtzontli  was  a  device 
for  the  back — y  trayan  un  plumage  a  cuestas  que  se  llamal)a  tlauhque- 
choltzontli muy  curioso  (''and  they  carried  on  their  backs  a  very 
curious  plumage  that  was  called  tlauhquecholtzontli") — was  based  on 
a  false  translation  or  a  false  application.  The  passage  does,  indeed, 
contradict  book  8,  chapter  12,  w^here  Sahagun  says  that  the  tlauhque- 
choltzontli is  a  head  covering — un  casquete  de  plumas  muy  coloradas, 
que  se  llamaban  tlauhquecholtzontli,^  y  al  rededor  del  casquete  una 
corona  de  plumas  ricas  y  del  medio  de  la  corona  salia  un  manojo  de 
plumas  bellas  que  llaman  quetzal,  como  penachos  ('*a  helmet  of  col- 
ored feathers,  Avhich  was  called  tlauhquecholtzontli,  and  around  the 
helmet  a  crown  of  rich  feathers,  and  from  the  middle  of  the  crown 
projected  a  tuft  of  beautiful  feathers  which  they  call  quetzal,  like 
crests").  But  the  Aztec  text  in  the  latter  passage  does  not  directly 
state  that  the  tlauhquecholtzontli  was  worn  on  the  head,  and  in  the 
former  passage  may  possibly  be  understood  to  mean  that  the  tlauhque- 
choltzontli, together  with  the  drum,  ueuetl,  formed  the  back  device — 
tlauhquecholtzontli  tla^otlanqui  quetzalli  ycuecuetlacayo,  ^^uical  veuetl 
coztic  teucuitlayo  yn  tlauiztli  yn  quimama  mitotia  ("the  wig  of  spoon- 
bill feathers,  the  precious  one  with  the  waving  tuft  of  feathers,  and 
its  appendix,  the  drum  covered  with  gold;  that  is,  the  device  [or,  are 
the  devices]  which  he  wears  on  his  back  in  the  dance").  It  is  very 
possible  that  Father  Sahagun,  as  was  frequently  the  case,  did  not 
translate  directh^,  but  explained  from  circumstances  known  to  him. 
Of  course  I  do  not  now  assert  that  the  feather  ornaments  described 
as  tzontli,  "wig'\  were  all  carried  on  poles.  Of  the  next  object,  the 
xiuhtototzontli,  the  Aztec  text  says  directly:  ytzontecon  conaquia 
tlatoani  (''with  this  the  king  covers  his  head"),  but  it  seems  to  me 
quite  possible,  as  I  suggested  from  the  first,^  that  this  ornament,  like 
the  Uaxtec  pointed  cap,^  was  also  sometimes  worn  on  the  head  and 
sometimes  borne  as  a  device  on  a  pole.^ 

I  now  return  to  the  Vienna  ornament.    Mrs  Nuttall's  attempt  to 


a  Uhle  asserts,  we  scarcely  see  on  what  authority,  that  the  reference  here  is  to  a  stuffed  bird. 
6  The  word  amended  after  the  Aztec  text  of  the  passage. 
cZeitschrift  fur  Ethnologic,  1889,  v.  21,  p.  63. 

dZeitschrift  fiir  Ethnologic,  1891,  v.  21,  p.  132,  Doctor  Uhlc  introduces,  on  p.  151,  an  illustration  from 
the  Aztec  text  of  the  Florentine  Sahagun  manuscript  where  we  see,  side  by  side,  the  cuextecatl  with 
his  pointed  cap  on  his  head  and  a  similar  pointed  cap,  quetzalcopilli,  borne  on  a  pole  upon  the  back. 

e  Contrary  to  Doctor  Uhle,  I  must  say  that  it  has  never  occurred  to  me  to  connect  the  expression 
tzontli,  "hair",  with  patzactli,  "device".  I  distinctly  described  tzontli  as  "feather  crown", 
patzactli  as  "a  comb-shaped  device  worn  on  the  back"  in  my  pamphlet  of  1891. 


72 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


explain  awa}^  the  Bilimec  picture,  an  attempt  which  must  seem  in  the 
highest  degree  fantastic  to  all  who  are  familiar  with  Mexican  subjects, 
is  proved  by  our  figure  6  to  be  false  in  all  its  premises.  So,  too,  is  the 
argument  recently  set  forth  by  Doctor  Uhle,  that  "warriors  in  battle, 
who,  like  the  Mexicans,  carried  their  own  banners,  would  not  have  car- 
ried a  banner  likely  to  prove  a  hindrance  in  battle  from  its  size  or  the 
manner  of  carrying  it'\  The  Mexicans  did  not  consider  such  ''practi- 
cal points  of  view".  The  armor  which  the  more  prominent  warriors 
assumed  for  battle  was  the  dress  of  a  deity  of  whose  power  they 
became  possessed  when  they  put  on  his  array,  and  to  be  assured  of  this 
power  was  pro])abl3"  the  first  ''practical  point  of  view"  for  the  Mexi- 
cans.   If  the  costume  of  the  god  required  a  bird  with  outspread  wings 


Fig.  12.    Mexican  feather  ornaments. 

to  be  worn,  it  would  have  been  worn  without  much  question  as  to 
whether  it  was  practical  or  not.  As  far  as  form  is  concerned,  how- 
ever, the  banner  which  King  Axayacatl  and  the  Bilimec  warriors  wore 
on  their  backs,  and  also  the  bat  dancer  ((2,  figure  12)  from  the  Duran 
Atlas  (Tratado  2,  plate  8),  to  which  1  drew  attention  in  my  first  com- 
munication, may  of  course  be  used  for  purposes  of  comparison  in 
studying  the  meaning  of  the  Vienna  ornament  quite  as  well  as  the 
headdress  apanecayotl  of  the  god  Tezcatlipoca  in  the  manuscripts  in 
the  Biblioteca  Nazionale.  The  horseshoe-shaped  curve,  on  which  Uhle 
lays  such  especial  stress,  probably  only  occurs  in  the  Vienna  ornament 
in  consequence  of  its  imperfect  state  of  preservation,  the  golden  beak 
which  originally  belonged  on  the  front  having  now  disappeared. 


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ANCIET^T  MEXICAN   FEATHER  ORNAMENTS 


73 


We  may  perhaps  o-o  further.  The  ornament  now  preservenl  in  the 
Vienna  Museum  was  found  in  the  Ambras  collection,  together  with 
a  feather  jacket  (ain  Morischer  Roekh),  a  feather  shield  (ain  Rundell 
Von  Roten  federn),  a  plume  (ein  morischer  Feder  Puschen,  so  aim 
Ross  auf  die  Stirn  gehort,  "a  Moorish  plume,  such  as  is  used  on  the 
head  of  a  horse"),  and  a  feather  fan  (ain  Wedler  von  Federn).  The 
feather  fan  and  feather  shield  were  found  later. All  are  ai'ticles  which 
belonoed  to  the  adornment  of  distinguished  Mexican  warriors.  For 
the  ''plume,  such  as  is  worn  on  the  head  of  a  horse,"  is  undoubtedly 
an  aztaxelli — a  plume  which  Mexican  warriors  stuck  into  their  })ack 
tuft  of  hair  when  the}^  joined  in  the  dance.  This  plume  and  the  feather 
fan  most  certainly  constituted  the  civic  dress  (festive  dress),  the  back 
device,  feather  jacket,  and  feather  shield  being  the  military  dress.  If 
we  continue  our  conjectures,  we  may  also  consider  it  probable  that 
the  Vienna  ornament  was  a  warrior's  device.  If  this  be  the  case, 
then  the  Axa3^acatl  of  the  Cozcatzin  codex  and  the  Bilimec  warrior 
are  more  appropriate  subjects  for  comparison  than  the  god  in  the 
manuscript  of  the  Biblioteca  Nazionale. 

However,  these  are  mere  conjectures.  Archeologic  considerations 
do  not  lead  to  the  goal.  Since  we  are  without  historical  proof,  for  the 
note  in  the  catalogue,  "ain  Morischer  Huet",  can  hardly  be  regarded  as 
decisive,  the  matter  must  be  relegated  to  that  final  resort  to  which, 
as  I  have  alwaj^s  insisted,  it  properly  belonged  from  the  first — that  is, 
to  a  study  of  the  object  itself.  Von  Hochstetter  is  the  onl}^  one  who 
has  really  studied  the  Vienna  ornament  in  reference  to  its  construc- 
tion.   Mrs  Nuttall  only  worked  with  a  model. 

In  opposition  to  von  Hochstetter,  Mrs  Nuttall  maintains  that  in  his 
experiments  with  the  original  the  crease  in  the  stitiening  prevented 
him  from  recognizing  the  possibility  of  its  use  as  a  headdress.  We 
grant  Mrs  Nuttall  that  the  limitation  of  the  transverse  stiffening  to 
the  side  parts  indicates  a  bending  of  these  latter;  but  this  is  also  quite 
compatible  with  von  Hochstetter's  interpretation.  The  idea  of  a  bird 
with  outspread  wings  doubtless  underlies  the  ornament.  This  kind  of 
stiffening  made  a  movement  of  the  wings  possible.  Lastly,  Mrs  Nuttall 
claims  for  her  theory  that,  according  to  von  Hochstetter's  own  state- 
ment, there  was  a  pocket  or  hood -shaped  opening  large  enough  to 
admit  a  head  between  the  nets  which  formed  the  foundation  of  the 
front  and  back  of  the  ornament.  But  here  again  von  Hochstetter 
gives  a  perfectl}'  satisfactory  explanation,  since  he  says  that  in  his 
opinion  this  pocket  merely  served  to  receive  the  upper  part  of  the 
carrying  pole.  While  these  conditions  offer  no  grounds  which  oblige 
us  to  accept  Mrs  Nuttall's  theory,  there  are  yet  two  facts  which,  in 
my  opinion,  Mrs  Nuttall  has  not  considered  sufficiently.  One  is  the 
defective  condition  of  the  ornament.    According  to  the  oldest  catalogue 

a  See  Franz  Heger.  Annalen  des  Kiiniglich-Kaiserlichon  Naturhistorischen  Hofmuseums,  v.  7, 
pt.  4. 


74 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


note  there  was  a  golden  beak  upon  the  front.  Since  we  do  not  know 
how  this  was  applied,  or  whether  it  covered  the  entire  width  of  the 
front  or  not,  all  inquiry  as  to  the  possibility  of  its  having  been  bound 
around  the  head  is  useless  and  really  proves  nothing.  Von  Hochstetter 
has  further  established  that  the  back  of  the  ornament  was  covered 
with  feathers,  which,  like  those  on  the  front,  were  fastened  to  a  line 
netting.  This  is  intelligible  if  the  ornament  is  flat.  In  a  crown  bound 
upon  the  head  it  would  have  been,  to  say  the  least,  superfluous;  but  in 
this  case  we  would,  above  all,  expect  to  find  a  contrivance  of  some  sort 
on  the  back  of  the  net  to  regulate  the  folding  while  it  is  being  bound 
about  the  head.    The  absence  of  this  contravenes  Mrs  NuttalFs  theor3\ 

I  have  not  mentioned  one  piece  which  is  seen  on  the  sheet  from  the 
Cozcatzin  codex  (flgure  6),  that  is,  the  large  wheel-shaped  ornament  at 
the  left  on  the  back  of  the  Axayacatl  figure.  I  hold  this  ornament  to 
be  of  exotic  origin,  an  ornament  adopted  with  the  Xipe  costume.  We 
are  confronted  with  the  question  as  to  how  this  ornament  should  be 
worn,  whether  in  a  perpendicular  position  fastened  to  a  pole,  like  a  kind 
of  movable  comb,  or  whether  we  should  imagine  it  as  a  huge  horizontal 
collar  falling  over  the  back.  1  am  inclined  to  accept  the  latter  theory, 
for  similar  horizontal  collar-shaped  feather  ornaments  were  common 
in  the  tierra  caliente,  and  were  worn  especially  in  the  Pacific  tierra 
caliente  (see  5,  figure  12  from  the  Codex  Telleriano-Remensis,  which 
i-epresents  a  member  of  the  unconquered  tribes  of  Jalisco,  against 
whom  Pedro  de  Alvarado  took  the  field).  At  Oaxaca  I  saw  a  pair  of 
clay  figures  (man  and  woman),  coming  from  the  district  of  Zimat- 
1  m,  which  combined  with  a  huge  aureole-shaped  feather  headdress 
another  feather  ornament  worn  across  the  back  of  the  loins  like  a 
collar  (see  <?,  figure  12).  I  am  the  more  inclined  to  use  these  figures  for 
purposes  of  comparison,  because  both  wore  a  mask  on  the  middle  of 
the  girdle,  and  this  is  a  peculiar  feature  found  in  the  Xolotl(?)  with 
the  macpallo  chimalli  (^,  figure  8),  already  used  b}^  me  for  comparison, 
as  well  as  in  all  the  other  male  and  female  figures  on  this  sheet. 

The  question  of  feather  ornaments  is  a  very  complicated  one  and  their 
meaning  not  easily  explained,  because  these  insignia  and  the  whole 
politico-hierarchic  S3^stem  of  the  Mexicans  are  connected  with  their 
religious  ideas  and  their  cult,  resulting  from  man}^  centuries  of 
development,  amid  perpetual  contact  and  interchange  with  kindred 
and  foreign  cultures.  The  basis  for  the  Mexican  territory,  taken  in  the 
strictest  sense,  must  always  be  the  Sahagun  chapter,  from  which  I 
quoted  in  my  previous  treatise  its  most  essential  pictorial  and  other 
contents.  I  have  thus  far  found  little  to  alter  in  what  I  stated  then. 
Our  field  of  vision  would  be  greatly  broadened  if  equally  reliable  and 
equally  complete  sources  in  regard  to  the  same  conditions  existed  con- 
cerning the  other  nations  of  Mexico.  Unfortunately  it  is  hardly  to  be 
expected  that  these  will  ever  be  found. 


ANTIQUITIES  OF  GUATEMALA 

BY 


ANTIQUITIES  OF  GUATEMALA 


By  Eduakd  Selp:r 


In  the  admirably  written  book,  Guatemala,  in  which  Doctor  Stoll 
describes  the  impressions  and  experiences  of  a  tive  years'  sojourn  in 
the  region  of  this  most  important  of  the  Central  American  Republics, 
the  author  in  several  places  mentions  the  Indian  burial  mounds,  which 
are  scattered  over  the  country  from  the  plains  in  the  neighborhood  of 
the  present  capital  up  to  the  tierra  f ria  of  Tecpam  and  the  highlands 
and  down  again  into  the  tierra  caliente  of  Retal  huleu  and  Soconusco. 
In  this  connection  he  adds  the  remark  that  a  systematic  search  of  these 
mounds  in  various  geographically  separated  localities  would  contribute 
nnich  to  increase  our  knowledge  of  the  primitive  people  of  Guatemala. 

There  were,  to  be  sure,  even  then  collections  of  antiquities  in 
Guatemala,  of  which  the  most  important  was  that  of  the  Sociedad 
Economica  in  the  capital.  At  the  American  Historical  Exhibition  in 
Madrid  in  1892  Guatemala  was  represented  by  a  series  of  beautiful 
vessels,  among  which  were  especially  conspicuous  the  toothed  vessels 
of  Amatitlan,  the  sacrificial  vessels  of  the  Usumacinta,  to  be  further 
discussed  below,  and  beautiful  vessels  of  the  Maya  type,  with  iigures 
and  hieroglyphs  partly  painted  and  partl}^  wrought  in  relief.  All 
these  objects,  however,  were  obtained  through  occasional  finds,  and 
accurate  information  was  lacking  in  regard  to  the  origin  of  niany  of 
them.  There  was  even  exhibited  in  their  midst  the  Egyptian  scara- 
baeus  which  Stoll  mentions  in  the  collection  of  the  Sociedad  Economica, 
said  to  have  been  found  in  the  lake  of  Amatitlan. 

Consul-General  F.  C.  Sarg,  who  formerly  lived  in  Coban,  but  who 
now  resides  in  the  capital,  has  likewise  made  quite  extensive  collections 
of  antiquities,  and  some  years  ago  a  number  of  smaller  antiquities  from 
the  Vera  Paz  region  came,  through  him,  into  the  possession  of  the 
Royal  Museum. 

Recently,  however,  that  for  which  Stoll  (in  1886)  expressed  a  vague 
hope  has  been  actually  begun.  Excavations  have  been  undertaken 
systematically  in  at  least  two  regions — in  the  neighborhood  of  Copan 


a  Veroffentlichungen  ausdem  Koniglichen  Museum  fur  Volkerkunde,  Berlin,  1S95. 

77 


78 


BUREAU   OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


under  the  direction  of  the  Peabody  Museum  in  Boston,  and  in  Alta  Vera 
Paz  by  the  private  enterprise  of  Mr  Erwin  P.  Dieseldorff  and  Dr  Karl 
Sapper. 

1  have  nothing  to  report  here  concerning  results  achieved  by  the 
Americans  in  Copan,  and  full  reports  concerning  them  have  not  been 
made  known.  But  the  Royal  Museum,  on  the  contrary,  has  been  able 
satisfactorily  to  open  communications  with  Messrs  Dieseldorff  and 
Sapper  and  has  received  rich  material  from  both  gentlemen,  especiall}^ 
abundant  from  the  latter.  Mr  Dieseldorff  has  himself  begun  to  report 
the  results  of  his  excavations  in  the  Transactions  of  the  Berlin  Society 
for  Anthropology,  Ethnology,  and  Archeology.'*  Doctor  Sapper  has 
presented  to  the  Royal  Museum  his  share  of  the  results  of  the  excava- 
tions undertaken  in  cooperation  with  Mr  Dieseldorff  and  what  he  has 
been  able  to  collect  on  his  geologic  expeditions  in  Guatemala.  In 
addition  to  the  reports  of  this  traveler,  which  form  the  second  article 
of  this  number,  I  will  discuss  some  important  specimens  of  this  collec- 
tion and  compare  them  with  such  material  as  the  Royal  Museum  already 
possesses  in  earlier  collections  from  the  same  region. 

Beginning  in  the  north,  we  have  before  us  in  the  frontier  tracts 
near  Yucatan  and  the  mountainous  regions  of  Alta  Vera  Paz  the 
interesting  territory  to  whose  peoples,  in  pre-Spanish  times,  an 
extended  maritime  intercourse  was  unknown, .  which  then  formed 
the  great  highroad  of  traffic  and  travel,  and  which  also  had  doubtless 
been  the  ancient  highway  of  migratory  nations.  Now,  however,  this 
region  is  largely  waste  and  desolate,  uninhabited,  and  covered  with 
primeval  forests.  Concerning  the  ancient  conditions  of  this  territory, 
which  are  obscure  in  many  respects,  I  wish  to  make  some  introductory 
observations. 

Cortes  passed  through  this  territory  in  his  famous  expedition  to 
Honduras  in  1525.^  He  found  his  way  as  far  as  the  Usumacinta  with 
the  help  of  charts  which  the  aborigines  of  Coatzacualco  had  given  him. 
On  the  other  side  of  the  Usumacinta  he  came  to  a  territory  called 
Acalan;  whose  inhabitants  on  one  side  carried  on  an  uninterrupted 
traffic  by  boat  with  Tabasco  and  Xicalango  and  on  the  other  side  had 
their  factories  on  the  Golfo  Dulce,  on  the  boundaries  of  Honduras. 
There  Cortes  received  more  reliable  news  of  the  Spaniards  settled  on 
the  Golfo  Dulce,  to  see  whom  he  had  undertaken  his  expedition.  On 
a  piece  of  cloth  the}"  painted  for  him  all  the  rivers,  lakes,  and  swamps 
he  would  have  to  cross  on  his  overland  journey  to  the  Golfo  Duk^e. 
In  a  similar  way  Canek,  the  cacique  of  Peten,  the  island  city  of  the 
Lagoon  of  Itza,  proved  to  be  accurately  informed.    He,  too,  had  his 

nZeitschrift  fiir  Ethnologie,  1893,  v.  25,  pp.  374  and  548;  same  journal,  1894,  v.  26,  pp.  372  and  576. 
Cortes  has  himself  given  a  description  of  this  expedition  in  his  fifth  letter.   Bernal  Diaz,  who  took 
part  in  this  expedition  and  describes  it  very  thoroughly,  differs  from  Cortes  in  some  details,  especially 
in  a  certain  place  in  the  order  of  events.   Still,  Cortes  is  here  the  more  authentic  source,  for  he  wrote 
much  earlier  and  had  naturally  much  better  opportunity  to  collect  reliable  information. 


seler] 


ANTIQUITIES  OF  GUATEMALA 


79 


factories  and  his  cacao  plantations  in  the  districts  which  ])order  on  the 
Golfo  Dulce,  and  on  the  route  thither  he  maintained  shelter  houses 
for  his  native  traders  and  for  foreign  merchants  who  came  that  way. 

As  to  the  ethnologic  relations  of  this  ancient  district  of  intercom- 
munication and  migration,  the  people  of  Taica,  as  Cortes  spells  it — that 
is,  Tahitza — the  inhabitants  of  Peten,  the  island  jtvr  oxrjv^  were  pure 
Mayas,  who  had  emigrated  from  Yucatan,  and  were  doubtless  later 
intruders,  and  hence  continually  at  war  with  their  various  neigh})ors. 

The  location  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  region  called  "  Acalan"  is  more 
uncertain.  The  name,  which  is  occasionally  spelled  Aculan,  but 
probably  by  error,  is  Mexican,  and  means  "land  of  the  boats"  (Acallan, 
as  the  correct  form  sounds).  Furthermore,  two  of  the  cities  in  this 
territory  had  Mexican  names.  The  first,  Tizatepetl,  means  "the  white 
earth  mountain"  or  "village  of  the  white  earth".  The  name  may  be 
preserved  in  the  word  Sahab,  by  which  a  place  and  a  river  in  this 
neighborhood  are  called  to-day,  Zahcab  being  the  word  used  in  the 
different  Maya  languages  to  express  the  Mexican  word  ti^atl.  The 
name  of  the  second  city,  which  is  spelled  Teutiercas,  Teutiiaccaa,  and 
(by  Gomara)  Teuticcac,  is  probably  to  be  read  Teotl  icac,  "the  upright 
standing  god".  ^  There  they  worshiped  a  female  deit}^  to  whom 
maidens  were  sacrificed.  The  name  of  the  capital  of  Acalan  alone, 
Izancanac,  belongs  to  a  strange  idiom,  and,  as  it  seems,  to  a  Maya 
language.  The  first  part  of  the  word  is  known  to  this  day  as  the 
name  of  a  little  lagoon  on  the  north  of  the  Rio  de  la  Pasion,  where 
Doctor  Sapper  found  a  settlement  of  Lacandon  Indians.  ^  It  also  seems 
possible  to  explain  by  a  Maya  dialect^  the  title  of  the  prince  of  Acalan, 
Apaspolon  (or  Apoxpalon,  as  Gomara  spells  the  word).  The  dialect, 
however,  can  not  now  be  determined.  J 

The  third  territory  mentioned  in  Cortes's  letter,  that  lying  between 
Acalan  and  Tahitza,  was  generally  called  by  a  Mexican  word,  Mazatlan, 
that  is,  "the  deer  land."  Cortes,  however,  several  times  gave  Quiacho 
or  Quiache  ^  as  a  sy non3^m  for  this  word.  It  is  doubtless  the  same  name 
as  Quehache,  given  in  the  historical  work  by  Villagutierre  y  Sotomayor, 
by  which  is  designated  a  branch  of  the  Maya  found  at  the  end  of  the 

a  Vatiin  Chu,  idolo  derecho,  is  mentioned  as  a  place  of  worship  in  the  territory  of  the  Chols.  See 
below.  The  name  of  the  chief  god  of  the  Quiches,  Tohil  C'abauil,  might  be  translated  in  the  same 
way. 

h  Ausland,  1891,  p.  892. 

<7  Perhaps  Ahpo  xbalon  or  Ahpo  xbolon.  Ahpo  or  Ahpop  is  a  customary  expression  in  the 
Guatemala  language  for  "lord"  and  Xbalon,  or  Xbolon,  which  means  "Mistress  of  the  nine," 
was,  perhaps,  the  name  of  the  goddess  of  the  country.  Cf.  the  Maya  god  Ah  Bolon  Tzacab.  the 
"  Lord  of  nine  generations"  or  "Lord  of  the  nine  medicines." 

din  their  intercourse  with  Cortes  and  the  Spaniards  they  appear  to  have  used  the  Mexican  idiom, 
with  which  they  were  probably  familiar  on  account  of  their  active  trade  with  Tabasco  and  Xicalango, 
and  which  likewise  Marina,  Cortes's  interpretress,  spoke  fluently.  Where  Bernal  Diaz  repeats  the 
information  which  the  people  of  Acalan  gave  the  Spaniards,  he  used  exactly  the  words  acales  (that 
is,  Mexican  acalli,  "ship")— que  en  su  lengua  acales  llaman  a  los  navios— and  teules  (that  is, 
Mexican  tecutli,  or  teuctli,  "  prince")— que  asi  nos  llamaban  a  los  soldados. 

e  other  copies  give  Quiatleo  and  Quiatha,  but  they  are  surely  incorrect  variations. 


80 


BUREAU   OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


seventeenth  century  in  the  savannas  north  of  the  Paso  San  Andres, 
neighbors  of  the  Ah  Itza,  or  Itzaex.  The  Maya  word  queh,  ''deer", 
is  contained  in  the  name;  it  is  ahiiost  a  direct  translation  of  the  Mexi- 
can mazateca,  or  mazatlan.  That  we  have  to  do  with  a  race  closel}^ 
akin  to  the  Maya  also  appears  from  the  two  names  of  cities,  already  men- 
tioned, which  Cortes  left  us.  Tiac  would  mean  in  Maya  "city  of  the 
tortoise "  and  Yasuncabil  something  like  "green  earth The  fortifi- 
cations skillfully  constructed  by  the  inhabitants  of  this  territory  prove 
that  they  had  to  protect  themselves  against  constant  hostile  disturb- 
ances. Bernal  Diaz  believes  that  he  heard  the  word  "Lacantun"  used 
as  the  name  of  these  enemies.  It  will,  however,  remain  undecided 
whether  this  name,  which  was  familiar  in  the  place  where  he  wrote, 
did  not  come  into  his  mind  or  to  his  pen  b}^  error  The  description  of 
the  fortified  city  of  the  Mazateca  in  the  middle  of  a  lagoon  reminds 
one  very  strongly  of  the  city  built  on  a  rock  in  the  Laguna  del 
Lacandon,  which  the  expedition  of  Licenciado  Pedro  Ramirez  de 
Quinones  conquered  and  destroyed.^ 

There  still  remain  the  ancient  inhabitants  of  the  mountains  to  the 
south  and  above  the  road  traveled  b}^  Cortes.  Those  to  the  west 
were  designated  the  Lacandons,  and  those  in  the  country  about  the 
Rio  de  la  Pasion,  to  the  east,  were  called  Chols. 

Lacandon  is  more  a  geographic  than  an  ethnographic  designation. 
And,  if  we  are  to  believe  Doctor  Berendt,^  at  least  two  different  races 
must  be  included  under  this  name  even  to-day.  On  the  east  are  the 
Maya-speaking  Lacandons,  who  live  scattered  on  the  lower  Rio  de  la 
Pasion,  and  also  west  of  the  Usumacinta,  on  the  Lacan  ha,  the  river 
of  Lacan,  that  is,  the  Rio  Lacandon,  and  on  the  west  the  Lacandons 
speaking  the  Putum,  or  Choi,  language,  whose  chief  locations  are  said 
to  be  found  in  Pet  ha,  in  Chiapas.  This  account,  which  was  repeated 
by  both  Stoll  and  Sapper  in  earlier  articles,  is  now  contradicted  by 
Doctor  Sapper,  who  recently  traveled  through  the  boundary  region 
between  Guatemala  and  Chiapas.  He  informed  me  by  letter  that  he 
had  met  Ma3^as  speaking  Lacandon  on  the  road  from  Tenosique  to 
Ococingo,  and  that  there  were  no  western  Lacandons  speaking  Choi, 
and  that  the  ancient  Lacandons,  who  were  for  a  long  time  the  terror 
of  the  Spanish  settlements  in  Chiapas,  Guatemala,  and  on  the  lower 
Usumacinta,  spoke,  in  part  at  least,  the  Maya  proper,  as  appears  from 
a  few  words  which  have  come  down  to  us.  Against  these  Lacandons 
a  succession  of  costly  campaigns  was  made,  almost  entirely  in  vain. 
Thus  the  Lacandons  who  met  the  column  of  Melchior  Rodriguez,  in 
1695,  when  it  was  advancing  from  Itzatah  toward  the  north  and 

alt  is  interesting  that  the  name  which  Gomara  mentions  for  the  second  of  these  two  cities,  Xuuca 
Cahitl,  is  doubtless,  at  least  in  its  first  part,  a  translation  into  Mexican,  for  xoxouhca  in  Mexican 
means  the  same  as  the  Maya  yax,  that  is,  "green ". 
Villagntierre  y  Sotoniayor,  v.  1,  chap.  12. 

cBerendt,  Report  of  Explorations  in  Central  America,  1867,  p.  415. 


8ELER] 


ANTIQUITIES  OF  GUATEMALA 


81 


northeast  to  the  Rio  Lacandon,  called  to  the  Spaniards  in  pure  Maya: 
Utz  im  pusical,  "my  heart  is  good" — that  is,  ''good  friend,  we  are 
harmless  people".  ^ 

The  Chols,  on  the  other  hand,  who  still  dwelt  in  the  mountain  forests 
at  the  source  of  the  Rio  de  la  Pasion  as  far  as  the  vSarstun  at  the 
f)eginning  and  at  the  end  of  the  seventeenth  century,  having  a  numeri- 
cal strength  of  30,000  souls,  were  genuine  Chols.  To  them  belonged 
the  Menche,*  the  Axoye,  and  other  lesser  tribes;  and  the  Mopan  must 
also  have  been  ver}^  closely  akin  to  them.  These  Chols  not  only  had 
the  same  name  as  the  tribe  still  existing  to-day  in  the  north,  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Palenque,  but  also  proved  their  kinship  by  certain 
peculiarities  of  language,  especially  the  change  of  c  to  ch/  This 
fact  is  the  more  important  because  it  seems  established  according  to 
the  jiotes  made  by  Doctor  Sapper that  the  Chorti,  the  tribe  whose 
descendants  are  settled  to-day  in  the  neighborhood  of  Copan,  likewise 
belong  to  the  same  family.^  Thus,  in  fact,  we  have  in  that  ancient 
thoroughfare  a  broad  zone  of  related  tribes,  into  which  the  Mayas 
wedged  themselves  only  on  one  side,  in  the  north,  from  Yucatan, 
and  on  the  other  side,  in  the  south,  in  the  valley  of  the  Rio  Grande,  or 
Motagua  river,  the  Mexican  branch  of  the  Pipils  conquered  a  place  for 
themselves.  Based  on  ethnologic  conditions  the  kinship  is  apparent 
in  the  architectural  style  of  the  magnificent  structures  at  the  beginning 
and  at  the  end  of  this  great  highway  of  nations— on  the  one  hand,  those 
of  Palenque,  and,  on  the  other,  those  of  Quirigua  and  Copan,  to  which 
in  the  intermediate  region  are  joined  the  ruins  of  Menche  Tinamit  and 
some  others  less  well  known.  Maudslay,  in  a  short  paper  which  he 
wrote  for  Nature  in  1892,  calls  attention  to  the  fact  that  the  colossal 
figures  on  the  stelae  of  Copan  represent  female  deities  exclusively,  in 
contrast  to  the  Yucatec  reliefs,  on  which  male  and  warlike  forms  pre- 
dominate. In  this  connection  I  would  like  to  point  out  that  the  prin- 
cipal deity  worshiped  in  the  territory  of  Acalan  was  likewise  a  female; 
that  the  next  largest  city,  which  stood  farther  down  on  the  Usumacinta, 
bears  the  name  Ciuatecpan  (Zagoatezpan,  Ciguatepecad),  "palace  of 
the  woman  (the  goddess)";  that,  likewise,  the  mightiest  city  in  the 
center  of  Tabasco,  which  Cortes  and  Bernal  Diaz  call  Zagoatan, 
Zaguatan,  is  actually  called  Ciuatlan,  "the  city  of  the  woman  (the 

rt  Villagutierre  y  Sotomayor,  v.  4,  p.  262. 

b  Menche  was  actually  only  a  certain  village  at  the  foot  of  the  north  side  of  the  holy  mountain 
Vatunchu,  and  on  the  left  bank  of  the  river  Cacuen;  but  Remesal  mentions  all  the  villages  under  the 
collective  name  of  Menche,  which  later  in  Villagutierre  are  called  villages  of  the  Chols. 

("This  change  of  c  into  ch  appears  in  different  names,  for  example,  Vatun-Chu==idolo  derecho> 
where  Chu  stands  for  Maya  Ku;  and  also  in  a  specimen  of  the  language  transmitted  to  us  in  Vil- 
lagutierre, V.  3.  chap.  2,  Chamay  tzam  bucana  xaguil  Jesu  Christo  tut  Santa  Cruz  umenel  ca  tanal, 
muri6,estendido  en  su  cara  de  este  palo  que  se  11am  la  Santa  Cruz  Nuestra  Senor  J.  C.  per  nuestros 
pecados. 

fi  Petermann's  Geographische  Mittheilungen,  1893,  p.  6. 

eThe  word  Chorti  itself  only  means  "the  language  of  the  Chols",  as  the  1  of  the  Choi  becomes  r 
in  Chorti. 

7238— No.  28—05  6 


82 


BUKEAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


goddess)'';  and  that  also  the  only  place  which  Landa  mentions  on  the 
Lagima  de  Terminos,  Tixchel,  ''to  the  aged  goddess",  seems  to  have 
been  a  place  for  the  worship  of  a  female  deity. 

Copan,  Quirigua,  and  Palenque  lie  beyond  the  limits  of  the  present 
treatise.  Their  prosperity  was  evidently  temporary,  caused  by  cer- 
tain trade  combinations,  and  for  a  time  by  the  resultant  conditions  of 
accumulated  wealth  and  power.  It  had  doubtless  already  passed  away 
when  Cortes  entered  this  region.  The  intermediate  territory  was  prob- 
abh^  alw^a^^s  on  a  lower  plane  of  governmental,  social,  and  material 
development,  although  in  pre-Spanish  times  it  was  never  as  low  as  it 
afterward  became  on  account  of  the  entire  cessation  of  traffic  and  the 
subversion  of  all  existing  conditions  in  the  surrounding  regions.  As 
the  above  statements  show,  we  had,  then,  in  ancient  times  two  nations 
existing  side  by  side,  distinct,  though  closely  related  one  to  the  other. 
Of  the  two  the  Mayas  have  preserved  their  nationality  to  the  present 
day,  while  the  other,  the  Chols,  appear  to  have  been  absorbed,  partly  by 
the  former  and  partly  and  chiefly  by  the  neighboring  Qu'ekchi. "  Here, 
as  in  other  regions,  notwithstanding  original  diffei'ences  of  race,  sim- 
ilar conditions  of  environment  and  extensive  nuitual  intercourse  have 
produced  a  fairly  uniform  picture  of  civilization.  This  fact  is  at  once 
seen  ])y  comparing  the  descriptions  of  Choi  settlements  in  the  north 
of  Cahabon,  given  by  the  old  Dominican  monks,  with  that  which  Doc- 
tor Sapper  gives  of  the  Lacandons  on  the  lower  bank  of  the  Kio  de  la 
Pasion.  But  it  is  also  shown  in  several  other  details.  At  the  con- 
quest of  the  rock  city  in  the  Laguna  del  Lacandon,  as  the  chronicler 
expressl}^  mentions,  no  idols  whatever  were  found,  for  the  Lacandons 
worshiped  the  sun  only  (el  cuerpo  solar),  and  brought  their  offerings 
and  sacrifices  to  the  sim  itself  and  not  to  any  representations  of  it, 
differing  in  this  way  very  distinctly  from  the  Itzaex  and  other  tribes 
of  those  mountains,  who  had  countless  idols,  statues,  and  images  of 
metal,  stone,  and  wood,  with  many  superstitious  customs  and  diabolical 
ceremonies.  * 

The  same  statement  is  made  in  another  place  concerning  the  Acalans 
and  Lacandons.  Similarly,  the  Dominican  monks  reported  that  the}^ 
had  found  no  idols  at  all,  either  of  stone  or  any  other  material,  among 
the  Chols  in  the  north  of  Cahabon.  Sacrifices  of  black  wax  and  other 
inflammable  material  were  made,  and  chickens  and  other  birds  were 
occasionally  sacrificed,  as  well  as  blood,  which  the  Indians  drew  from 
themselves  by  piercing  their  tongues,  their  ears,  their  temples,  or  the 
muscles  of  their  arms  and  legs.  But  the  Indians  said  that  they  made 
these  sacrifices  to  the  woods  and  the  high  mountains,  the  dangerous 
fords  of  the  rivers,  the  road  crossings,  and  the  lakelike  expansions  of 
the  rivers.    In  fact,  the  fathers  found  a  place  of  sacrifice  on  the  summit 


"Sapper,  in  Petermann's  Geographische  Mittheilungen,  1893,  p.  8. 
ft  Villagutierre  y  Sotomayor,  v.  1,  chap.  2. 


seler] 


ANTIQUITIES  OF  GUATEMALA 


83 


of  the  mountain  over  which  they  had  to  pass  on  their  return  journey, 
where  a  fire  was  evidentl}^  kept  hurning,  fed  by  the  wax  and  copal 
offerings  of  passers-by.  There  were,  besides,  places  of  worship  in  the 
villages,  consisting  onh^  of  a  round  structure  or  (in  the  temple  or 
meetinghouse)  of  a  couple  of  stones  upon  which  the  wax  candles  and 
the  copal  were  burned/'  In  the  ermita  of  the  Lacandons  Doctor 
Sapper  likewise  found  no  idols  whatev^er,  but  only  a  low  table  upon 
which  wax  candles  appeared  to  have  been  l)urned''  and  the  singular 
sacrificial  vessels  in  which  wax,  copal,  etc.,  were  offered. 

Peculiar  clay  vessels  were  found  some  time  ago  in  this  extensive 
region,  which  has  lately  been  made  more  accessible  by  the  felling  of 
timber  along  the  Usumacinta  and  the  Rio  de  la  Pasion.  These  vessels 
are  distinguished  by  a  face  mask  of  a  rather  stereotyped  form,  which 
is  placed  on  the  rim.  In  the  Guatemalan  exhibit  in  Madrid  there  was 
a  series  of  such  vessels  displayed,  and  their  origin  was  given  as  from 
Usumacinta.  The  Royal  Museum  of  Ethnology  received  from  Consul- 
General  Sarg  two  such  vessels  with  a  similar  label,  one  of  which  is 
represented  by  ^,  figure  13.  An  exactly  similar  vessel  is  found  in  the 
museum  at  Copenhagen,  said  to  have  come  from  Peten  (^,  figure  14). 
No  such  vessels  are  known  to  come  from  other  parts  of  Guatemala. 
The  museum  in  Copenhagen  possesses  two  similar  vessels  of  somewhat 
varying  but  probabl}'  related  forms  {a  and  figure  14),  which  bear  the 
general  label  ''from  Tabasco '\  Charnay  found  vessels  like  r/,  Z*,  and  c\ 
figure  13,  in  great  numbers  in  the  chief  temple  of  Menche  Tinamit,  near 
the  idol  and  in  almost  every  room.^  He  copies  two  of  them,  and  since 
the  face  mask  of  one  is  distinguished  from  the  other  by  a  very  promi- 
nent nose  he  supposes  that  these  two  types  represent,  perhaps,  two 
different  races.  Charnay  considered  these  vessels  to  be  prehistoric. 
We  have  to  thank  Doctor  Sapper  for  the  knowledge  that  the  Lacan- 
dons still  make  such  vessels  to-day  and  bring  wax  and  copal  to  their 
gods  in  them.  Doctor  Sapper  saw  these  vessels  in  the  great  ermita  of 
the  settlement  of  Izan,  and  he  collected  fragments  of  them  in  the 
ruins  of  Menche  Tinamit,  "where  the  Lacandons  were  accustomed  to 
meet  once  a  year  to  celebrate  their  festivals  by  balche  feasts  and  pecul- 
iar ceremonies,  and  to  offer  sacrifices  to  their  gods  in  various  buildings, 
especially  in  a  three-storied  building  distinguished  by  beautiful  reliefs 
and  a  large  sitting  stone  idoF'.'^ 

I  have  had  some  of  the  fragments  which  were  collected  by  Doctor 
Sapper  copied  in  c  to  f\  figure  13,  while  a  shows  a  specimen  which  was 
given  to  the  Royal  Museum  from  the  Ecuadorian  exhibit  at  the  Colum- 
bian Exposition  in  Chicago,  and  which  is  evidently  of  similar  origin. 
In  the  latter,  as  well  as  in  the  different  fragments  sent  in  by  Sapper, 
thick  masses  of  a  waxy  or  resinous  substance  were  found.    On  the 


a  Remesal,  v.  2,  chap.  19. 
fcAusland,  1891,  p.  893. 


f  Les  Anciennes  Villes  du  Nouveau  Monde,  p.  384. 
dAusland,  1891,  pp.  893-894. 


84 


BUREAU   OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


outside,  as  it  seems,  all  the  pieces  were  oripcinally  smeared  over  with 
a  white  earth,  which  usually  nearly  covered  even  the  prominent  details 
of  the  face  mask. 

Shapes  like  those  of  the  vessels  represented  here  were  naturally  not 


d  €  f 

Fig.  13.    Bowls  from  Guatemala. 


an  original  invention.  One  can  imagine  that  they  originated  in  ves- 
sels like  a,  figure  14,  and  that  the  latter  shape  arose  from  the  need 
of  distinguishing  the  back  from  the  front.  But  one  can  also  consider 
them  as  .survivals  of  whole-figure  vessels,  which  seems  to  me  more 


seler] 


ANTIQCJITIES   OF  GUATEMALA 


85 


probable.  ^The  inclined  position  which  was  o-iven  to  the  face  masks 
in  the  vessels  of  the  Lacandons  proves  that  the  original  shape  can  not 
have  been  an  erect  figure  like  those  of  the  Zapotec  figure  vessels  and 
the  vessels  of  Ranchito  de  las  Animas,  The}^  are,  it  would  seem,  more 
like  the  vessels  represented  in  figure  23,  and  a,  figure  24:,  below  — 
that  is,  animal  figures  whose  bodies  form  the  hollow  of  the  vessel. 
The  human  face  which  our  vessels  show  might  have  originated  as  a 
substitute  for  the  animal  head.  It  seems  more  probable  to  me  that  the 
human  face  held  in  the  open  jaws  of  the  animal  on  the  vessel  in  fig- 
ure 23,  and  similar  ones,  as  well  as  in  numerous  small  cla}^  figures 
of  Yucatan,  in  the  stone  monuments  of  Menche  Tinamit,  and  else- 
where, has  finally  become  predominant.  This  would  best  explain  to 
me  the  projecting  band  by  which  the  face  mask  of  our  Lacandon 
vessels  is  bordered  above  the  forehead,  which  is  wanting  only  in  the 
mask  of  figure  13.^'  This,  then,  would  represent  what  remains  of 
the  animal  jaw,  and  the  erect,  comblike  object  above  it  the  relic  of  a 


a  h  c 

Fig.  14.    Pottery  vessels  from  Guatemala. 


tuft  of  feathers,  which  rises  in  most  of  these  figures  above  the  crown  or 
the  nostrils.  The  vessel  shown  in  6,  figure  13,  which,  instead  of  the 
band  above  the  forehead  and  the  comblike,  erect  object,  shows  only  a 
notched  edge  of  the  forehead,  appears  to  represent  the  last  stage  of 
this  development. 

1  need  not  especially  dwell  upon  the  fact  that  the  face  masks  contain 
only  things  which  have  long  since  gone  out  of  use,  which  the  makers 
of  these  vessels  no  longer  had  before  their  eyes,  and  which  they  merely 
repeated  in  stereotyped  fashion.  Neither  the  ear  pegs,  nor  the  knob- 
like objects  resting  on  the  cheeks  (cheek  pegs?),  nor  the  knob,  which  is 
difiicult  to  explain,  placed  above  the  root  of  the  nose,  nor  the  deep 
cuts  which  outline  the  upper  lip  in  figure  13,  are  used  to-day  among 
the  Lacandons.  Like  the  Lacandons  themselves,  these  vessels,  fossil- 
ized, as  it  were,  represent  the  remains  of  a  long-vanished  epoch  of 
civilization. 

The  territories  of  the  Chols  and  the  Lacandons  would  to-day  adjoin, 
on  the  south,  the  lands  of  the  Qu'ekchi  and  their  kin,  the  Pokonchi. 


a  In  a,  fig.  13,  the  whole  of  the  part  referred  to  is  broken  ofiE. 


86 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


These  are  the  cultivated  regions  of  the  Vera  Paz,  open  to  Christian 
civilization  and  populated  to  this  day  to  some  extent.  Here  we  find  in 
the  west,  in  the  valley  of  the  Chixoy,  the  ruins  of  Salinas  de  los  Nueve 
Cerros  and  those  of  Chama.  Doctor  Sapper  is  inclined  to  ascribe  both 
these  to  the  Chols,  without  of  course  expressing  more  than  a  supposi- 
tion on  this  question. 

From  the  former  place,  where,  according  to  Doctor  Sapper's  state- 
ment, a  pretty  sculpture,  with  some  hieroglyphs,  was  found  in  a  mound 
having  well-preserved  burial  chambers,  the  Sapper  collection  contains 
two  grinding  slabs,  two  stone  rings,  a  potter}^  vessel,  and  three  pottery 
plates.  The  grinding  slabs  are  of  natural  gneiss  or  mica  schist  of  slight 
thickness  (maximum,  3  cm.).  The  larger  of  the  two  has  a  rubbing  sur- 
face of  52  by  35  cm.    Of  the  two  stone  rings,  the  inner  diameter  of  the 


c  d  e  / 

Fig.  l.i    Pottery  vessels  and  other  articles  from  a  Guatemalan  mound. 


larger  is  from  4  to  5  cm.,  and  the  ring  is  5^  cm.  broad  and  5  cm.  thick; 
the  other  has  an  inner  diameter  of  2^  to  3i  cm. ;  the  breadth  of  the 
ring  is  3  cm.,  and  the  thickness  somewhat  over  3  cm.  The  larger  one 
is  smooth  on  the  upper  and  lower  surfaces  and  rough  on  the  circumfer- 
ence. Both  were  perhaps  used  in  a  game  resembling  the  chunky  game 
of  the  Indians  of  the  southern  United  States.  The  pottery  vessel 
(a,  figure  15)  has  a  height  of  15  cm.,  and  the  diameter  at  the  mouth  is  13 
cm.  It  was  well  baked  and  carefully  smoothed,  and  then  received  a 
red  coating,  upon  which  was  traced  a  network  of  black  lines;  but  the 
coating  is  rubbed  off  in  many  places.  The  plates  (J,  figure  15)  have  a 
diameter  of  22  to  25  cm.  and  a  height  of  about  6  cm.  They  are  also  of 
well-baked  clay,  rough  on  the  outside  and  furnished  with  a  light-red 
coating  on  the  inside. 


sei.ek] 


ANTTQUITTES   OK  (lUATEMALA 


87 


Farther  up  in  the  vaiiey  of  the  Chixoj,  where  the  Salba  empties  on 
the  right,  lie  the  ruins  of  Chama,  where  the  excavations  of  Mr  Die- 
seldorff  have  jdelded  such  tine  results.  According-  to  the  information 
which  he  has  given  about  them  in  the  Zeitschrift  fiir  Kthnologie, 
there  were  on  the  left,  as  well  as  on  the  right,  bank  of  the  Salba 
several  plazas  (courts  or  squares  inclosed  by  walls),  above  which 
rise  artificial  mounds  of  the  familiar  truncated  pyramidal  form.  In 
the  pyramid  on  the  north  side  of  the  plaza,  distinguished  !)y  him  as 
the  "lower"  one,  which,  if  I  understand  rightly,  is  on  the  left  ])ank 
of  the  Salba,  he  found,  among  a  layer  of  potsherds  nearly  two  feet  in 
thickness,  a  dark  resinous  mass  in  which  were  embedded  ditferent 
specimens  of  stone,  small  polyhedric  slabs  of  iron  pyrites,  and  disks 
of  a  sort  of  slate.  The  small  disks  of  iron  pyrites,  which  Dieseldorff 
would  prefer  to  explain  as  mirrors,  probal)ly  served  as  mosaic  incrus- 
tations of  utensils  or  ornaments  (ear  pegs  or  similar  articles).  The 
stone  disks  which  Dieseldortf  designated  as  sacrificial  plates  are  pro- 
vided with  holes  and  connecting  grooves  which  doubtless  represent 
guides  for  cords."  They  are,  perhaps,  ornamental  disks  like  the  large 
disks  which  we  find  in  Mexican  picture  writings  on  the  fillets  worn  on 
the  forehead  by  difi'erent  deities,  especially  by  the  sun  god  (see  below, 
Z*,  figure  28),  and  in  a  similar  manner  on  different  stone  heads  of  Copan.^ 
He  found  under  this  resinous  layer  a  grave  formed  of  stones,  in 
which,  near  the  dead,  who  were  buried  in  a  sitting  posture,  were  found 
a  jaguar's  skull,  a  ring  made  of  a  mussel  shell,  and  five  potter}^  ves- 
sels— one  painted  jug,  two  cup-like  painted  vessels,  an  unpainted  pot, 
and  a  three-footed  bowl.'' 

Mr  Dieseldorff  found  similar  conditions  in  the  northwest  mound  of 
the  upper  plaza,  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Salba.  He  could  not  per- 
sonally complete  the  excavations,  but  others  excavated  after  him,  and 
various  painted  vessels  were  found  near  the  dead.  A  very  inter- 
esting drawing  of  one  of  them  Mr  Dieseldorff  sent  to  the  Berlin 
Anthropological  Society.'*'  Lastly,  Mr  Dieseldorff'  found,  in  a  pyramid 
which  forms  the  southern  end  of  a  plaza  on  the  right  bank  of  the 
river  Salba,  under  a  layer  of  stone,  a  quantity  of  A^essels  of  various 
shapes  embedded  in  a  viscous  clay,  but  all  of  them  were  shattered  by 
the  fall  of  the  stone  layer. Mingled  with  the  vessels  were  found  the 
remains  of  various  human  skeletons,  whose  recumbent  posture,  with 
the  head  toward  the  south,  was  still  clearly  recognizable.  Various 
stone  specimens  and  a  small  polyhedral  slab  of  iron  pyrites  were  found 

a  See  the  photographs  in  Zeitschrift  fiir  Ethnologie,  1893,  v.  25,  p.  377. 
&Maudslay,  Biologia  Centrali  Americana,  Archaeology,  pt.  1,  pi.  ii. 

c  Of  these  the  painted  jug  is  reproduced  in  Zeitschrift  fiir  Ethnologie,  v.  25,  1893,  p.  378,  and  one  of 
the  painted  jugs,  same  volume,  pi.  xvi,  fig.  1. 
d  Zeitschrift  fiir  Ethnologie,  1894,  v.  26,  pi.  viii. 

e  Three  of  these  are  reproduced  in  the  Zeitschrift  fiir  Ethnologie,  a  vessel  with  the  god  in  the  snail 
shell,  V.  25,  1893,  pi.  XVI,  figs.  3,  4,  and  two  others  with  the  figure  of  the  bat  god,  in  the  same  volume, 
p.  374,  and  v.  26,  1894,  pi.  xill. 


88 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


among  them;  but  the  resinous  mass  over  the  burial  chambers  in  the 
other  two  cases  was  entirely  lacking*  here. 

These  discoveries  are  especially  interesting  because  the  painted  ves- 
sels belong  among  those  which,  partly  b}^  reason  of  the  character  of 
the  figures,  but  especially  by  reason  of  the  hieroglyphs  which  are  found 
on  different  ones,  are  proved  to  be  akin  to  the  Maya  manuscripts  and 
sculptures  of  the  great  ruin  cities  of  Central  America  and  Yucatan. 
Such  vessels  have  also  been  found  in  other  parts  of  Guatemala,  and 
this  fact  rather  contradicts  the  statements  of  the  authors,  who,  while 
they  lay  stress  on  the  fact  that  the  Mayas  of  Yucatan  and  Peten 
had  "signs  and  letters  with  which  they  wrote  their  histories  and  noted 
their  ceremonies,  and  the  order  of  sacrifices  to  their  idols,  and  their 
calendar",  nevertheless  mention  nothing  of  the  kind  concerning  the 
races  of  Guatemala.  The  isolated  statement  of  Zorita  that  he  was 
convinced  from  the  paintings  of  the  natives  of  Utatlan  that  their 
ancient  history  dated  back  eight  hundred  years  rather  indicates  picture 
writings  of  the  nature  of  the  historical  codices  of  the  Mexicans. 

The  locality  of  Chama  is  quite  near  the  region  in  which  occur  ruins 
of  Maya  character  or  sculptures  with  hieroglyphs.  At  least  four 
of  the  vessels  which  Mr  Dieseldorff  described  in  print  bear  a  fairly 
uniform  character,  although  they  were  found  in  three  different  places, 
and  if  they  were  not  manufactured  in  this  locality  they  must  certainly 
have  all  originated  in  the  same  region.  The  hieroglyphs  conform  in 
general  to  those  of  the  reliefs  and  manuscripts,  though  it  is  not  possi- 
ble to  connect  them  with  particular  manuscripts  or  reliefs.  But  sev- 
eral of  the  pictorial  representations,  however,  seem  to  refer  to  certain 
conditions  peculiar  to  Guatemala.^  Whether  these  vessels  were  made 
in  Chama  itself,  or  whether  they  were  brought  there  in  trade,  can  only 
be  decided  when  not  mere  single  fragments,  but  the  entire  contents 
of  the  graves  and  the  earth  surrounding  them  are  made  known  or 
become  accessible  for  study,  as  has  been  done  by  Mr  Strebel.  That 
the  place  of  manufacture  can  not  be  very  distant,  however,  must,  it 
seems,  be  accepted  as  certain. 

The  eastern  provinces  have  especial  importance  in  the  Qu'ekchi 
region.  In  Cahabon,  as  Stoll  learned  from  Professor  Rockstroh,*  a 
part  of  the  ancient  Chols  were  settled,  and  three  barrios  of  this  village 
at  that  time  still  claimed  the  region  on  the  upper  Sarstun  and  to  the 
north  of  this  river  as  having  belonged  to  their  ancestors.  Doctor 
Sapper  has  been  unable  to  find  traces  of  the  Choi  language  in  Cahabon. 
Still,  the  dialect  of  the  people  of  Lanquin  and  Cahabon  differs  from 
that  of  the  Qu'ekchi  of  Co  ban.  They  likewise  differ  in  certain  pecu- 
liarities in  the  building  of  their  houses  and  in  their  burial  customs.^ 

Doctor  Sapper  has  investigated  a  few  of  the  caves  in  this  eastern 

a  See  Zeitschrift  fur  Ethnologie,  1894,  v.  26,  p.  577,  and  following;  1895,  v.  27,  p.  27. 
b  Stoll,  Guatemala,  p.  359. 

cPetermann's  Geographlsche  Mittheilungen,  1893,  pp.  7,  8. 


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region,  which  he  considers  quite  ancient  settlements.  In  Campur  he 
excavated  a  small  cave  which  is  about  10  meters  deep  and  whose  floor 
slopes  inward.  Four  meters  from  the  entrance  a  wall,  built  of  stone 
without  mortar,  runs  obliquely  through  the  cavern.  Doctor  Sapper 
found  behind  this  wall  some  large  stones,  without  recognizable  signifi- 
cance or  connection,  which  may  perhaps  have  been  hearthstones  or 


b 


Fig.  16.   Pottery  vessels  in  the  form  of  animal  heads,  Guatemala. 

seats.  There  were,  further,  remains  of  pots,  most  of  them  without 
decoration.  One  fragment  had  a  hole  drilled  under  the  rim,  doubtless 
for  a  cord  by  which  the  vessel  was  carried.  A  fragment  of  the  rim  of 
a  thick  vessel  showed  linear  decorations  scratched  on  it.  But  near  by 
were  also  found  two  feet,  belonging  to  vessels,  in  the  form  of  animal 
heads  of  the  types  copied  in  a  and  h,  figure  16,  apparently  of  the  same 


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BUREAU   OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BXTLL.  28 


material  as  the  other  vessels.  There  was,  further,  a  pottery  stamp  with 
a  simple  geometric  or  meander  pattern;  also  clay  l)alls,  which  Doctor 
Sapper  calls  blowgun  balls,  but  which,  it  is  more  likely,  came  out  of 
the  hollow  handles  of  incense  spoons,  and  may  be  designated  as  rattle 
stones.  There  were  found  two  fragments  of  stone  hatchets,  one  of 
flint,  the  other  of  a  hornblendic  quartz  rock;  a  whetstone,  a  flint  arrow- 
head, various  small  obsidian  knives,  a  piece  of  rock  crystal,  countless 
fresh-water  shells  of  the  Melania  famil} ,  a  land  snail,  fragments  of 
skeletons  of  birds  and  small  mammals,  among  which  the  paca  and  other 
small  rodents  were  recognized.  There  were  also  teeth  of  the  jabali, 
tepescuinte,  and  other  tusked  animals,  a  jaguar's  tooth,  and  noticeably, 
also,  a  piece  of  crab's  claw,  and  a  piece  of  a  sea  urchin's  shell  with 
pores.  It  was  without  doubt  the  wretched  abode  of  a  people  who  lived 
by  the  chase.  But  I  believe  that  there  is  no  special  reason  to  consider 
it  very  much  older  than  the  other  settlements  which  have  become 
known  in  that  region. 

A  second  cave  in  this  region,  which  was  searched  by  Doctor  Sapper, 
is  that  of  Ceama\^  Fragments  of  a  large  thin-walled  vessel  were  found 
there,  the  exterior  of  which  was  decorated  with  a  sort  of  mat-braid 
pattern  scratched  in  fine  lines. 

The  finds  of  Chiatzam  seem  also  to  have  a  peculiar  character.  Besides 
a  beautiful  lance  point  of  flint  and  a  flne  obsidian  knife,  '25  cm.  in  length 
and  3  cm.  in  breadth,  the  Sapper  collection  contains  fragments  of  stone 
jugs,  which  seem  to  have  had  two  small  handles  on  the  circumference, 
with  a  boss  between  them,  and  which  are  decorated  at  the  base  of  the 
neck  with  a  double  row  of  small  grooved  circles.  Further,  there  are 
worth}^  of  notice  thick  coarse  fragments,  with  deeply  scratched  ser- 
pentine lines  which  form  definite  figures,  and  also  thick  potsherds  dec- 
orated in  very  deep  lines  with  symbols  and  hieroglyphs,  almost  like 
certain  vessels  from  Tabasco  which  were  placed  in  the  Trocadero 
Museum  by  M.  Charnay.  A  pottery  head  from  Chiatzam  will  be  dis- 
cussed below. 

From  the  central  parts  of  the  Qu'ekchi  territory,  the  district  of 
Coban,  Zamac,  San  Pedro  Carcha,  and  San  Juan  Chamelco,  the  Royal 
Museum  possesses,  partly  in  the  Sarg  and  partly  in  the  Sapper  collec- 
tion, a  large  number  of  pottery  objects  and  fragments,  mostly  small, 
as  well  as  some  stone  objects. 

In  his  contributions  to  the  ethnography  of  the  Republic  of  Guate- 
mala ^  Doctor  Sapper  calls  attention  to  the  difl'erence  in  the  form  of 
the  millstones  for  grinding  maize  used  in  the  difi'erent  parts  of  Guate- 
mala. While  in  the  highlands  they  use  clumsy  millstones  and  heavy 
cylindric  hand  rollers  projecting  on  each  side  beyond  the  edge  of  the 
millstone  and  held  at  the  ends  (manufactured  about  Santa  Catalina,  not 
far  from  Quetzaltenango),  there  were  used  in  Peten,  in  Vera  Paz,  and 

a  Petermann's  Geographische  Mittheilungen,  1893,  p.  12. 


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ANTIQUITIES  OF  GUATEMALA 


91 


in  southeast  Guatemala  lighter  millstoMe.s  with  smooth  hand  rollers 
shorter  than  the  breadth  of  the  millstone  and  held  in  the  middh^  (man- 
ufacturing- center  at  Jilotopeque).  The  first  form  of  hand  rollers  with 
a  circular  section  (in  many  cases  becoming  nearly  square  or  very 
much  flattened  on  one  side)  is  also  the  customary  form  in  the  plateau 
of  Mexico.  It  is  represented  in  the  Guatemalan  collection  of  the  Royal 
Museum  by  a  fragment  of  a  hand  roller  from  the  ruins  of  Q'umarcaah- 
Utatlan,  the  ancient  Quiche  capital.  A  hand  roller  which  Doctor 
Sapper  has  sent  from  the  ruins  of  Bolonchac  in  Chiapas — that  is,  from 
the  Tzental  territory — shows  the  smooth,  shorter  form.  It  is  25  cm. 
long  by  9  cm.  broad  and  1^  cm.  in  its  greatest  thickness  (see  figure 
15).  A  similar  but  less  regular  form  is  shown  in  a  hand  roller  of  the 
Sapper  collection  from  Panquip,  or  Las  Pacayas,  a  region  which 
belongs  to  the  Pokonchi  territory.  But,  besides  these,  there  occurs  in 
the  ancient  settlements  of  Vera  Paz  a  remarkable  form  of  long  hand 
crusher,  flattened  on  two  sides  almost  like  a  board,  with  thick  knob- 
like ends  which  serve  as  handles  and  must  have  extended  beyond  the 
sides  of  the  millstone  (see  the  fragment  figure  15).  Such  crushers 
are  in  the  Sapper  collection  from  Campur  and  from  the  neighbor- 
hood of  Coban.  In  one  remarkable  piece  in  the  Sarg  collection  from 
Cebaczoos  {e^  figure  15)  these  ends  are  even  developed  into  a  sort  of 
handle.  I  must  remark,  however,  that  this  flat  boardlike  form,  which 
differs  in  a  very  conspicuous  way  from  the  cylindric  or  quadrangular 
forms  of  the  Mexican  plateau  and  the  highlands  of  Guatemala,  is  also 
found  in  a  specimen  of  the  Strebel  collection,  which  is  said  to  have 
come  from  the  neighborhood  of  Misantla  in  the  State  of  Vera  Cruz. 
Several  other  hand  rollers  of  the  Sapper  collection  which  come  from 
Pilon  de  Azucar,  hence  from  the  Misantla  region,  show  the  origin  of 
this  form — namely,  that  the  flattened  side  is  cut  out,  as  it  were,  of 
the  original  cylindric  tool,  the  ends  remaining  thick  and  knobby. 

Among  the  coarser  pottery,  I  will  next  mention  two  pieces,  one  of 
which  came  from  San  Juan  Chamelco,  the  other  from  the  locality  of 
Santa  Cruz,  which  is  soon  to  be  discussed  in  detail.  These  specimens 
recall  in  a  certain  way  the  shoe  vessels,  as  they,  too,  are  shaped  (see 
figure  15)  suitably  to  be  pushed  into  the  ground.  On  the  whole,  they 
resemble  the  neck  of  a  jug^  the  mouth  of  which  has  been  closed  and 
forms  the  bottom  of  the  vessel.  The  Sarg  collection  contains  an 
actual  small  shoe  vessel.  It  is  said  to  have  come  from  Coban.  But 
this  vessel  is  ^o  out  of  place  and  reminds  one  so  much  of  the  types 
peculiar  to  Central  America  (Nicaragua,  Costa  Rica,  and  Chiriqui)  that 
I  am  inclined  to  think  it  was  accidentally  brought  here,  but  I  will 
await  further  discoveries  before  deciding. 

In  the  Sapper  collection  there  are  fragments  of  ruder  vessels  from 
the  neighborhood  of  Coban,  with  thick,  wavy,  indented  rims.  Some 
are  likewise  embossed  with  decorations  and  have  grooved  circles,  like 


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BUREAU  OF  AMEEICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


those  from  Ceamay.  There  are  some  polished  ones,  with  dark,  thin 
walls,  ornamented  with  circles  and  bosses  of  rather  elegant  appearance, 
from  Petet,  near  Coban.  There  are  also  some  with  thick  walls  and  a 
yellowish-red  coating  bordered  with  broad  white  stripes,  from  San 
Juan  Chamelco.  There  are,  besides,  painted  fragments  with  different 
patterns  in  black  and  red  on  a  yellowish-red  ground. 

Three-footed  dishes,  so-called  cazuelas,  with  heads  of  animals  as 
feet,  appear  to  have  been  much  used,  together  with  simple  dishes,  flat- 
bottomed  or  slightly  rounded.  One  wliole  dish  of  this  kind  is  in  the 
Sapper  collection  from  the  neighborhood  of  Coban,  and  there  are  also 
broken-off  feet  from  San  Juan  Chamelco  and  other  places.  A  reddish- 
yellow  or  dark-brown  coating  seems  to  have  been  preferred  for  the 
vessels.  The  feet  of  vessels  in  the  form  of  animal  heads  partly  recall 
the  types  in  the  Strebel  collection  from  Cerro  Montoso  and  those  from 
Cholula.  Among  the  shapes  represented  I  mention  the  alligator, 
coati(?),  jaguar,  monkey,  and  human  face  {a  to  figure  16,  which  are 
taken  from  the  Sarg  collection). 

I  further  mention  larger  juglike  vessels.  As  in  other  regions,  a  face 
was  frequently  placed  on  the  necks  of  these.  The  Sapper  collection 
contains  a  ruder  fragment  of  this  kind  from  Campur,  and  a  thinner- 
walled  one  from  San  Juan  Chamelco,  which  I  have  reproduced  in  y, 
figure  16.  The  circular  protuberances  on  the  cheeks  are  noticeable 
here.  The  lips  were  added  separately,  but  are  unfortunately  broken 
awa}^  It  is  not  impossible  that  a  beard  may  have  been  indicated, 
similar  to  the  one  depicted  in  the  vessel  below  (tZ,  figure  23).  The 
whole  face  has  a  coating  of  light-red  ocher. 

One  must  not  confuse  the  head-shaped  ends  of  incense-spoon  handles, 
which  are  also  frequent,  with  the  feet  of  vessels  in  the  form  of  animal 
heads.  The  former  preferably  show  a  reptile  head  (A,  figure  16,  from 
Sacuyo  in  Doctor  Sapper's  collection),  or  they  have  a  human  head  with 
empty  eye  sockets  communicating  with  the  hollow  interior  of  the 
handle  {g^  figure  16,  from  Petet,  near  Coban,  Sarg  collection).  Here, 
too,  appears  a  certain  analog}^  with  the  region  of  the  Strebel  col- 
lection. I  remark  here  that  in  the  Yucatan  collection  of  the  Royal 
Museum  a  similar  head,  with  hollow  eye  sockets,  is  used  to  decorate  the 
front  of  a  cylindric  vessel. 

Many  of  the  feet  of  vessels  and,  commonly,  the  hollow  handles  of 
incense  spoons,  contain  little  clay  balls,  which  give  these  articles  the 
character  of  rattles.  A  large  number  of  such  little  clay  balls  were 
collected  by  Doctor  Sapper  in  the  cave  of  Campur. 

The  fragment  from  Coban  (^,  figure  17)  evidently  also  belongs  to  an 
incense  vessel,  which  was  not  held  in  the  hand,  but  was  meant  to  stand. 
The  head,  whose  ornamental  finish  strongly  recalls  the  style  of  the 
Copan  sculptures,  is  doubtless  intended  for  an  animal  head.  But  what 
kind  of  an  animal  it  is  meant  to  represent  unfortunately  can  not  be 


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ANTIQUITIES   OF  GUATEMALA 


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determined  from  the  frag-merit,  as  the  front  of  both  jaws  is  broken  off. 
Behind  the  angles  of  the  jaw  a  human  ear,  with  a  square  ear  plate,  is 
indicated,  which  often  occurs  in  annual  figures,  especially  in  such  as 
figure  in  mythology..   In  the  small  collection  of  antiquities  which  Mr 


e 

Fig.  17.   Pottery  fragments  from  Guatemala. 


Dieseldorff  brought  over  some  years  ago  and  which  at  present  is  kept 
at  his  house  in  Hamburg  is  found  the  handle  of  an  incense  spoon,  with 
an  animal  head  at  the  end,  which  corresponds  almost  exactly  to  our  c, 
figure  IT,  and  which  is  complete.  I  have  taken  pains  to  make  a  draw- 
ing of  this  object  from  a  few  small  photographs  which  I  possess  of 


94 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


thifs  collection  through  the  kindness  of  Mr  Dieseldorff,  and  have 
reproduced  it  in  a.  The  nose  is  remarkabl}^  long,  and  one  is  almost 
tenii:)ted  to  think  of  the  Tzimin-Chac,  the  horse  of  Cortes,  which 
remained  in  Peten  and  was  worshipped  as  a  god.  But  I  believe  another 
comparison  lies  nearer.  In  ^  1  reproduce  in  outline  a  large  piece  of 
sculpture  from  Santa  Lucia  Cozumalhuapa,  which  is  found  in  our 
Royal  Museum  and  which  I  believe  corresponds  to  the  head  in  a,  and 
probably  also  to  the  one  in  c.  This  stone  head  is  especially  interesting, 
because  it  is  represented  with  weeping  eyes  or,  perhaps  more  correctly, 
with  eyes  fallen  out  of  the  sockets. 

In  the  Mexican  calendar  writings,  whose  models  doubtless  came 
from  the  south,  the  empty  eye  sockets  are  the  special  sign  of  a  certain 
m^^thologic  personage  to  whom  the  interpreters  give  the  name  Xolotl. 
This  is  a  person  who  has  no  place  in  the  worship  of  the  plateau  tribes 
and  is  evidently  a  stranger  to  them.  Something  mysterious  and  unnat- 
ural pertained  to  him.  By  the  interpi-eters  he  was  called  the  "god  of 
monstrosities",  and  ''monstrosity"  is  probably  the  most  suitable  trans- 
lation of  his  name.  The  empty  eye  sockets  are  explained  by  the  Mexican 
legend  which  says  that,  when  in  Teotihuacan  the  gods  had  decided  to 
sacrifice  themselves  in  order  to  give  strength  and  life  to  the  newly 
created  sim,  Xolotl  withdrew  from  this  sacrifice  and  wept  so  that  his 
eyes  started  from  their  sockets.  This  explanation  was  invented  only 
to  make  the  unintelligible  characteristic  of  a  strange  personality  com- 
prehensible to  themselves  and  others.  In  an  earlier  work  I  have  sought 
to  make  it  clear  that,  since  in  Zapotec  the  hairless  native  dog  is  called 
peco-xolo,  by  Xolotl  was  originally  meant  the  lightning  beast  of  the 
Maya  tribes,  the  dog.  A  dog,  or,  more  correctly,  perhaps,  a  coyote, 
is,  in  fact,  in  certain  picture  writings,  the  direct  equivalent  of  Xolotl. 
But  1  was  later  convinced  that  in  the  above-mentioned  Zapotec  expres- 
sion xolo  is  only  the  attribute,  and  in  this  case  designates  a  special, 
really  unnatural,  kind  of  dog.  Thus  the  dog  or  coyote  has  become  the 
representative  of  Xolotl  in  a  roundabout  way,  by  a  secondary  train 
of  thought — perhaps,  indeed,  through  the  false  interpretation  of  an 
unknown,  uncomprehended  animal  form. 

I  am  inclined  to  see  the  true  Xolotl  in  an  animal  which  the  Zapotecs 
likewise  designate  by  xolo,  in  full,  as  peche-xolo,^*  suggesting  the  sense 
of  "sinister  being",  also  known  to  the  Mexicans  under  this  name, 
their  tlaca- xolotl. This  is  the  tapir,  whose  mythologic  role  is  estab- 

'(  "Pecho-xolo",  "danta  animal  silvestre",  Juan  de  Cordoba,  Vocabulario  Zapoteco. 

f>Sahagun  and  Hernandez  describe  under  the  name  of  tlaca-xolotl  an  animal  whicli  is  said  to  live 
in  the  provinces  of  Atzaccan,  Tepotzotzontlan,  and  Tlanquilapan,  "notfarfrom  Honduras".  It  is  as 
large  as  an  ox,  has  a  long  snout,  large  teeth,  hoofs  like  an  ox,  a  thick  hide,  and  reddish  hair.  It  lives 
upon  wild  cocoa,  fruits,  and  leaves  of  trees,  lays  waste  the  maize  fields,  and  is  caught  in  pits  and 
eaten.  The  name  tlaca-xolotl  is  moreover  nothing  more  than  a  translation  of  the  Zapotec  peche- 
xolo,  for  in  Zapotec  peche  is  probably  a  secondary  form  of  peni,  "human  being",  "rational  living 
being"  (Mexican  tlacatl)  as  mache  is  a  secondary  form  of  mani,  "animal ".  The  description  of  Her- 
nandez contains  some  conspicuous  errors.  He  translates  "  pero  de  la  forma  de  una  persona",  which 
in  Sahagun  refers  only  to  the  preceding  "los  dientes  y  muelas  muygrandes",  that  is,  "very  large 
incisors  and  molar  teeth,  but  of  the  same  shape  as  those  of  men"  by  "  humana  paene  facie". 


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ANTIQUITIES  OF  GUATEMALA 


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lished,  yet  very  little  is  known  of  its  peculiar  nature,  and  whose  well- 
drawn  figure  we  see  in  one  of  the  interesting  relief  tiles  of  Chiapas. 
If  the  tapir  be  really  Xolotl,  the  empty  sockets  must  be  characteristic 
of  the  tapir,  and  we  ought  to  recognize  the  tapir  in  however 
improbable  this  identitication  may  be  to  the  eye  trained  to  observe 
natural  phenomena. 

A  quantity  of  other  fragments  show  the  same  style  and  the  same 
conception  as  a  and  6',  especially  those  with  conventionalized  and  orna- 
mentally developed  serpent  heads,  many  of  which  seem  to  be  found  in 
this  region.  I  have  copied  in  a,  figure  18,  a  fragment  from  San  Juan 
Chamelco  and  in  h  another  from  Santa  Cruz.  The  human  leg,  which 
is  seen  in  the  latter  fragment  under  the  edge  of  the  upper  jaw,  prob- 
ably belongs  to  a  complete  human  figure  which  issued  from  the  jaws 
of  the  serpent — a  very  conmion  representation  which  we  see  in  the 
cedar- wood  tablets  of  Tikal  and  numerous  other  sculptures.  These  are 
usually  clay  tablets  with  quite  high  and  boldly  executed  reliefs.  Some 
have  a  peglike  attachment  on  the  reverse  side.  Perhaps  they  belong 
to  the  kind  of  tablets  which  I  have  represented  in  and  Z,  figure  20, 
and  which  1  interpret  as  celestial  shields.  On  the  last  page  of  the 
Dresden  manuscript  and  in  the  Perez  codex  the  celestial  shields  ter- 
minate in  half  figures,  especially  heads  of  crocodiles.  It  seems  more 
probable  to  me  that  they  are  fragments  of  complicated  figure  struc- 
tures resembling  those  of  the  Copan  stelae. 

The  material  of  these  quite  numerous  fragments  and  also  of  the 
fragment  in  t\  figure  17,  is  a  hard-baked  cla}^  of  brick-red  appearance. 
The  fragments  convey  a  strong  impression  of  having  all  come  from 
the  same  place  of  manufacture. 

The  majority  of  the  heads  and  figure  fragments  of  this  region  are 
made  of  this  same  red  clay.  I  reproduce  next,  in  figure  18,  the  cast 
of  an  ancient  potter}^  shape,  which  Doctor  Sapper  obtained  in  the 
region  of  Coban  without  being  able  to  fix  the  exact  place  of  discovery. 
It  is  probably  a  female  figure  with  parted  hair  falling  down  at  the 
sides  of  the  head,  a  lock  of  which,  drawn  forward  from  behind,  hangs 
far  down  over  the  shoulder.  This  long  tapering  lock  of  flowing  hair 
in  front  is  likewise  a  distinguishing  characteristic  of  women  in  the 
Dresden  manuscript,  and  we  see  it,  moreover,  in  the  vase  painting  from 
Rio  Hondo,  which  is  reproduced  below  in  t\  figure  26.  The  form 
figure  18,  wears  large  square  ornamental  tablets  in  the  ears.  A  cloth 
is  wound  about  the  body  immediately  below  the  breasts,  and  around 
the  neck  she  wears  a  cord  on  which  is  strung  a  large  quadrangular 
prismatic  stone  bead  with  a  round  bead  at  each  end.  A  head  figure 
19)  which  comes  from  San  Juan  Chamelco  evidently  belonged  to  a  sim- 
ilar figure.  Here,  too,  the  hair  is  parted,  but  bound  above  the  forehead 
by  a  tupuy,  "headband''.    Two  other  modes  of  dressing  the  hair, 


96 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


/ 

Fig.  18.   Pottery  fragments  from  Guatemala. 


selek] 


ANTIQUITIES  OF  GUATEMALA 


97 


doubtless  also  belonging  to  female  figures,  are  given  in  d  and  figure 
18,  one  a  ])ack,  the  other  a  front,  \aew.  The  latter  strongly  reminds 
us  of  the  festive  headdress  of  an  Indian  woman  whose  picture  Stoll 
gives  in  his  contributions  to  the  ethnology  of  the  Indian  races  of 
Guatemala/'  These  two  fragments  came  from  San  Juan  Chamelco. 
Both  the  cloth  wound  around  the  bod}^  and  the  neck  decoration  are  also 
very  distinctly  seen  in  the  fragment  shown  in  A,  figure  19,  which  like- 
wise came  from  San  Juan  Chamelco.  Here  again  on  the  neck  cord 
are  strung  two  quadrangular  prismatic  beads  on  each  side  of  a  small 
mask,  which  must  have  been  heavy,  for  it  was  held  by  a  separate  band 
or  strap  passing-  over  the  shoulder.  A  small  pottery  pipe  of  the  Sarg 
collection,  which  comes  from  Coban  (/",  figure  18)  shows  a  woman  with 
a  cloth  around  the  body,  carrying  a  large  water  jug  on  her  shoulder, 
who  has  the  same  way  of  dressing  the  hair  as  c,  figure  18,  also  large 
square  ear  plates. 

The  forms  a  and  6,  figure  19,  are  male  heads.  The  latter,  which  comes 
from  San  J uan  Chamelco,  is  characterized  by  a  large  nose  bar.  The 
former,  which  comes  from  Sesis,  is  distinguished  by  a  clearly  defined 
and  strongly  modeled  mustache  and  a  foldlike  elevation  on  the  fore- 
head above  the  root  of  the  nose.  I  saw  a  mustache  marked  in  a 
similar  way  on  a  head  in  the  Dieseldorff  collection.  A  mustache  and 
beard  are  likewise  clearly  present  in  a  relief  (e^  figure  19),  from  Petet, 
near  Coban,  now  in  the  Sarg  collection.  In  the  remarkable  vessel 
from  Chama  which  Mr  Dieseldorfi'  described  in  the  Zeitschrift  fiir 
Ethnologic^  all  the  persons  of  the  group  at  the  left  of  the  picture 
are  distinguished  by  a  more  or  less  prominent  growth  of  hair  on  the 
upper  lip  and  chin.  I  believe  that  we  have  here,  if  not  an  anthro- 
pologic distinction,  certainly  an  ethnologic  one,  and,  at  the  same  time, 
proof  that  the  heads  and  reliefs  which  I  have  copied  here  were  made 
in  the  same  region  as  the  painted  pots  of  Chama  or,  at  least,  in  some 
adjacent  region,  which  increases  the  probability  that  none  of  these 
articles  were  importations,  but  were  made  on  the  spot. 

The  two  reliefs  e  and /belong  to  the  Sarg  collection.  The  former 
was  found  in  Petet,  the  latter  in  Chicojoito,  near  Coban. ^'  Unfortu- 
nately, both  are  fragments  and  must  each  be  assigned  to  a  separate 
group  of  figures.  They  are  male  figures.  That  at  e  distinctly  shows 
a  mustache  and  beard;  f  shows  them  less  clearly.  The  manner  of 
dressing  the  hair  seems  to  be  the  same  in  both.  It  is  long  and  hanging 
down  behind,  and  is  cut  off  over  the  forehead,  just  as  the  Dominican 
monks  described  it  as  being  worn  among  the  Qu'ekchis  and  the  Chols. 
It  was,  as  we  know,  a  very  difiScult  task  for  the  monks  to  persuade  their 

a  Internationale?  Archiv  f\ir  Ethnographie  (Leiden),  supplement  to  v.  1,  pi.  ii,  lig.  15. 
bl894,  V.  26,  pi.  VII. 

cl  am  familiar  with  similar  quadrangular  pottery  reliefs  bordered  by  broad  stripes  from  Teotitlan 
del  Camino  in  the  State  of  Oaxaca.  They  all  appear  to  be  parts  of  square  seat-like  foundations  of 
pottery  figures. 

7238— No.  28—05  7 


98 


BUEEAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


a 


seler] 


ANTIQUITIES  OF  GUATEMALA 


99 


heathen  pupils  to  have  their  hair  cut  in  a  Christian  and  civilized  man- 
ner. In  the  figures  on  the  reliefs  we  are  considering  the  hair  seems  to 
have  been  removed  from  the  middle  of  the  head,  like  a  tonsure,  and 
from  the  back  of  the  crown  decorations  of  feathers  (quetzal  feathers) 
hang  far  down  the  back.  For  ornament  both  figures  wear  square  ear 
plates  and  necklaces  of  large  round  beads.  They  are  clothed  with  the 
breechcloth  (Mexican  maxtlatl,  Maya  ex),  the  knot  of  which  is  large 
and  plainly  seen  in  while  in  f  it  is  covered  by  a  skull  which  this 
figure  wears  on  a  cord  hang-ing  over  the  back.  The  action  is  difficult 
to  explain,  since  the  opposite  figure  is  wanting.  An  offering  or  a 
presentation  appears  to  be  expressed.  I  can  say  nothing  further  in 
explanation. 

The  head  in  g  was  obtained  by  Doctor  Sapper  in  Chiatzam.  It  was 
made  of  the  same  brick-red  clay  as  all  of  the  above-described  heads 
and  fragments,  and  is  the  first  which  we  can  identify  with  a  known 
mythologic  character.  The  hair  standing  erect  in  flaming  tongues, 
and  especially  the  eye  with  the  four  radiations  on  the  forehead,  lead 
us  to  recognize  in  it  Kinich  Ahau,  the  sun  god.  The  piece  is  unfor- 
tunately incomplete,  the  lower  half  of  the  face  being  absent.  But 
the  Dieseldorfl'  collection  contains  two  heads  which  represent  the  sun 
god  and  have  a  very  peculiar  characteristic  on  the  lower  half  of  the 
face.  Mr  Dieseldorff  permitted  me  to  make  a  sketch  of  these.  They 
are  a  and  })^  figure  20.  Both  come  from  the  neighborhood  of  San  Juan 
Chamelco.  They  can  be  recognized  as  representations  of  the  sun  god  by 
the  large,  peculiarly  formed  eye,  whilst  h  is  distinguished  also  by  the 
hair,  and  a  b}^  the  cross  over  the  forehead,  which  is  a  variant  of  the  Kin 
sign.  Both  show,  as  the  most  striking  peculiarity,  teeth  filed  to  a 
point  in  a  certain  manner.  This  is  precisely  the  peculiarity  which 
occurs  with  great  regularit}^  in  the  Copan  sculptures  of  the  sun  god. 
A  glance  at  c  and  <^  will  suffice  to  confirm  this.  The  form  c  is  taken 
from  Stela  H,  d  from  Stela  A  (Maudslay's  notation).  Both  are  clearly 
designated  as  representations  of  the  sun  god  by  the  Kin  sign  on  the 
forehead.  But  we  also  see  this  same  peculiarity  in  the  heads  of  the  sun 
god  which  stand  among  the  initial  numerical  hieroglyphs  of  the  stelse 
in  the  sixth  place,  directly  before  the  name  of  the  katun  (10  Ahau), 
which  thus  denote  the  units,  that  is,  the  single  days  (see  e  andy,  which 
are  taken  from  Stelae  A  and  J).  The  beardlike  lines  indicated  below 
the  head  of  the  sun  god  are  without  doubt  the  u  mex  kin,  ''the  beard 
of  the  sun",  "  the  sunbeams".  Wherever  in  this  place,  instead  of  the 
^  head  of  the  sun  god,  the  simple  Kin  sign  stands,  as  on  Stela  M  of  Copan 
and  on  the  altar  slab  of  the  first  cross  temple  number  in  Palenque,  this 
sun  beard  is  regularly  indicated  (see  g  and  A). 

1  should  further  like  to  call  attention  to  the  fact  that  the  representa- 
tions of  the  sun  god  found  in  the  manuscripts  by  no  means  show  the 
teeth  filed  to  a  point  in  the  same  characteristic  way.    Therefore  the 


100 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


Fig.  20.   Pottery  ornaments  from  Guatemala. 


seler] 


ANTIQUITIES  OF  GUATEMALA 


101 


fact  that  this  is  so  distinctly  brought  out  in  the  heads  of  San  Juan 
Chamelco  is  of  especial  weight.  It  proves  that  the  ancient  inhabitants 
of  Vera  Faz  were  under  the  immediate  influence  of  the  civilized  nation 
which  had  erected  the  monumental  structures  of  Copan,  perhaps  were 
identical  with  them;  at  any  rate,  that  they  were  closel}^  akin  to  them. 
Further,  I  will  not  omit  to  mention  that  this  peculiar  manner  of  filing 
the  teeth  is  seen  on  the  pottery  pipes  of  the  Strebel  Ranchito  de 
las  Animas  collection,  the  so-called  ''Totonac  priests",  which  are 
sitting,  standing,  or  carousing  figures,  dressed  in  a  peculiar  capelike 
overgarment. 

In  this  connection  a  few  other  small  antiquities,  some  of  which  are 
contained  in  the  Sapper  collection,  and  some  in  the  Dieseldortf  collec- 
tion, from  this  region,  seem  to  me  to  be  of  importance.  These  are  red 
pottery  tablets  with  a  rectangular  border,  on  which,  between  raised 
intersecting  moldings,  is  a  series  of  consecutive  symbols  executed  in 
relief.  I  copied  a  fragment  of  the  Sapper  collection,  seen  in  /,  and 
attempted,  in  /  and  l\  to  reproduce  some  of  the  symbols  contained  on 
these  fragments  from  photographs  of  the  Dieseldorft'  collection.  I 
believe  that  in  these  fragments  we  have  celestial  shields  executed  in 
relief,  that  is,  they  correspond  to  the  tablets  (square  or  rectangularly 
bent),  bearing  the  signs  Kin,  Akbal,  and  variants  of  the  same,  which 
occur  frequently  in  the  Maya  manuscripts,  and  which  Forstemann  would 
like  to  interpret  as  S3mibols  of  difierent  stars  or  planets.  Messrs  Sapper 
and  Dieseldorff  formerly  attached  special  importance  to  the  little 
rosettes  {d^  figure  19),  which  occur  frequently  in  the  region  of  Chamelco. 
I  consider  them  fragments  of  larger  figures,  and  do  not  believe  that 
any  deeper  meaning  can  be  attached  to  the  number  symbols  on  them, 
excepting,  of  course,  the  four  parts  into  which  the  center  knot  divides. 
On  the  latter  there  are  traces  of  blue  color,  as  in  the  ear  plates  of  />, 
figure  19.  The  rosette  itself  appears  to  have  been  painted  crimson. 
The  ear  plates  might,  perhaps,  be  considered  to  represent  turquoise 
mosaic,  and  the  same  might  be  true  of  the  knots  of  the  rosettes. 

A  few  pottery  figures  (pipes)  of  the  Sarg  collection,  said  to  have 
come  from  the  cave  of  Zabalam,  near  Coban,  are  of  a  peculiar  character 
(^7,  ^,  and  c,  figure  21).  The  material  is  a  brick-red  clay,  which  is  some- 
what more  sandy  than  in  the  fragments  described  before,  painted  in 
certain  places  partly  light-blue  and  partly  white.  The  whole  construc- 
tion has  something  reniarkably  modern  about  it;  the  first,  shows  a 
figure  clothed  with  a  maxtlatl  and  a  loin  cloth,  wearing  large  round 
ear  pegs  and  a  cylindric  stone  bead  on  a  cord  around  the  neck,  and 
adorned  with  great  winglike  feather  ornaments  projecting  from  the 
sides  of  the  head.  The  figure  is  represented  in  a  dancing  posture 
before  a  sort  of  tree,  whose  branches  are  made  of  unripe  ears  of  maize 
still  in  the  husk.  Such  an  ear  of  maize  also  rises  high  over  the  head 
of  the  figure.    Both  at  the  right  and  left  are  seen  figures  of  animals 


102 


BUREAU   OF   AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


(squirrel  and  bird)  nibbling  the  ears  of  maize.  There  are  also  animal 
figures  erect  on  their  haunches  at  the  feet  of  the  principal  figure. 


c 

Fig.  21.   Pottery  figures  from  Guatemala. 


The  second  piece,  h,  is  a  sitting  figure,  similarly  costumed,  with  a  large 
headdress,  the  chief  feature  of  which  is  a  high  braided  structure,  perhaps 


.selkk] 


ANTIQUITIES  OF  GU ATP^MALA 


103 


an  imitation  of  an  ear  of  maize.  The  tree  with  the  ears  of  maize  and  the 
animal  figures  is  lacking.  The  third  piece,  c,  one  might  actually  sup- 
pose to  be  the  representation  of  a  Spaniard  if  this  idea  were  not  con- 
tradicted by  the  ear  ornament,  the  broad  bead  anklets,  and,  especially, 
the  maxtlatl.  The  figure  may,  perhaps,  be  thought  to  be  clothed  with 
an  ichcauipil,  or  quilted  armor,  unless  we  have  before  us,  which  is  also 
very  probable,  a  Christian  cacique  in  Spanish  costume.  Under  the  left 
hand  there  is  an  object  which  looks  almost  like  a  Spanish  shield,  but 
is  perhaps  a  piece  of  cloth  with  a  broad  border.  It  is  this  last  figure 
which  suggests  the  idea  that  in  all  three  pieces  we  have  fantastic 
images  of  recent  date.  On  the  other  hand,  I  find  in  the  photographs 
of  the  Dieseldorff  collection  an  ear  of  maize,  which  seems  as  if  it  were 
broken  from  a  figure  similar  to  the  one  in  <i. 

The  fragments  which  Doctor  Sapper  found  in  his  excavations  in  La 
Cueva,  near  Santa  Cruz,  under- 
taken with  Mr  Dieseldorfi', 
form  an  especiall}^  valuable 
part  of  his  collection.  This 
ancient  settlement,  the  plan  of 
which  is  here  given,  lies  at 
present  near  the  boundarj^  line 
between  the  districts  in  which 
the  Qu'ekchi  and  the  Pokonchi 
languages  are  spoken.  Doctor 
Sapper  prefers  to  ascribe  it 
to  the  latter  tribe,  because  the 
plan  of  the  settlement  as  well 
as  the  finds  especially  difi'er  in 
many  respects  from  the  undoubted  Qu'ekchi  finds  of  San  Juan. 
Chamelco,  etc.  I  am  inclined  to  accept  this  opinion.  Isolated  pieces, 
to  be  sure,  agree  with  the  undoubted  Qu'ekchi  finds.  I  have  also 
described  above  some  among  the  latter.  Owing  to  the  geographic 
proximit}^  of  the  two  places  of  discovery  this  is  not  to  be  wondered  at. 

The  mounds  A,  B,  C  wQre  excavated  by  Messrs  Sapper  and  Diesel- 
dorfi^, and  the  chief  discoveries  were  made  in  the  southern  mound.  A, 
a  small  terraced  p3a'amid  constructed  of  earth  and  stone  (called  in  the 
Indian  dialect  of  that  place  tzak,  that  is,  "masonry").  The  finds 
are,  in  the  main,  simple,  undecorated  vessels.  Yet  single  richly  dec- 
orated ones  were  found  among  them,  as,  for  example,  one  which  Doctor 
Sapper  some  years  ago  gave  to  Mr  Lorenz  Eyssen,  then  in  Guatemala. 
Among  the  others  the  next  of  importance  are  the  vessels  in  the  form 
of  kneeling  female  figures,  whose  removable  heads  form  the  covers  of 
the  vessels.  Three  such  vessels  were  found  in  the  mound.  One  fell 
to  the  share  of  Mr  Dieseldorff  when  the  results  of  the  excavations 
were  divided,  and  he  had  the  great  kindness  to  present  it  to  the  Royal 


E 

1  1 

[9] 

B 

D 

G 

104 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


Museum  when  he  was  in  Berlin.  The  second  was  given  to  Consul- 
General  Sarg  in  Guatemala  some  years  ago  by  Doctor  Sapper.  The 
third  was  unfortunately  lost  on  its  way  to  Guatemala. 

Of  the  plainer  vessels  some  are  cup-shaped,  some  are  jar-shaped,  while 
some  of  them  have  handles,  and  others  have  not.  The  size,  too,  varies 
greatly.    But  they  had  all  been  covered,  it  seems,  with  a  shallow  bowl, 


c 


d  e 
Fig.  22.    Pottery  vessels  from  Guatemala. 

or  had  simple  disklike  covers  (see  ^,  figure  22).  The  vessel  figure 
22,  is  made  of  light-gra}^  clay  and  seems  to  have  been  without  a  col- 
ored coating.  Various  others  are  not  only  carefully  smoothed,  but 
have  a  coating  of  yellowish-red  or  brown.  A  small  vessel  in  the  shape 
of  a  bird,  was  likewise  found  among  them,  but  I  am  not  informed 
whether  it,  too,  had  a  cover  and  whether  its  contents  were  the  same 
as  those  named  above. 

The  middle  mound,  B,  and  the  northern  mound,  C,  were  less  rich 


seler] 


ANTIQUITIES  OF  GUATEMALA 


105 


in  finds.  From  the  latter  the  Sapper  collection  contains  a  cup- shaped 
vessel,  with  a  wide  opening,  about  10  cm.  high,  d.  From  the  middle 
one  it  contains  a  cup-like  vessel,  17  cm.  high,  ^,  of  a  form  frequent  in 
Yucatan  and  Tabasco.  Both  have  the  reddish-yellow  coating  which  is 
quite  common  among  the  clay  vessels  of  this  region  and  of  the  neigh- 
boring Yucatan  and  Tabasco. 

The  figure  vessel,  a,  contained  an  obsidian  knife  and  the  phalanges 
of  the  left  little  finger  of  a  human  hand.  It  is  possibly,  even  proba})ly, 
merely  accidental  that  the  figure  which  forms  the  vessel  has  only  four 
fingers  on  the  left  hand.  In  the  same  way,  it  seems,  all  the  other 
vessels  which  were  found  covered  with  a  bowl  or  a  cover  contained 
obsidian  knives  and  finger  joints.  Some  contained,  in  addition,  pot- 
tery fragments,  rattle  balls,  and  pieces  (feet)  of  clay  figures.  This 
fact,  which  I  can  not  compare  with  anything  among  other  sculpture 
finds  of  Mexico  and  Central  America,  seemed  very  strange  to  me  at 
the  first  glance.  Cutting  off  the  finger  joints  is  known  to  be  a  sacri- 
fice to  the  deity  in  the  sun  dance  of  the  North  American  Indians.  The 
women  of  the  Charrua  and  other  neighboring  South  American  races 
cut  off  single  finger  joints  at  the  death  of  their  husbands.  But  noth- 
ing of  this  sort  has  been  known  up  to  this  time  of  the  ancient  races 
of  Central  America. 

Neither  do  1  believe  it  is  necessary  to  suppose  a  sacrifice  in  this 
case.  On  the  other  hand,  a  certain  passage  in  the  Quiche  tradition 
which  is  known  under  the  name  "Titulo  de  los  Senores  de  Totonica- 
pam"  appears  to  me  to  contain  a  definite  allusion  to  the  custom  which 
we  are  considering. 

It  is  related  that  the  Quiche,  together  with  the  kindred  tribes  of  the 
Tam  and  the  Hoc  and  the  thirteen  tribes  of  the  Vuk  ama'k  Tecpani, 
b}^  whom  are  apparently  understood  the  Cakchiquel  and  the  Tzutu- 
hil,  left  their  homes  and  went  b}^  way  of  Chicpach  and  Chiquiche  to 
the  mountain  of  Hacavitz  Chipal.  There  the  Tam  separated  from  the 
rest  and  went  to  the  mountain  of  Ama'k  Tan,  and  the  Hoc,  together 
with  the  Vuk  ama'k,  settled  on  the  mountain  of  U'kin,  while  the 
Quiche  themselves  remained  behind  on  the  Hacavitz  Chipal  mountain. 
Here  the  Vuk  ama'k  threatened  them  with  war,  but  the  Quiche, 
advised  by  their  nagual,  were  able  to  defend  themselves  b}^  magic  arts 
against  three  successive  attacks.  The  first  trick  played  on  the  Vuk 
ama'k  was  by  magic,  to  cause  them  to  fall  into  a  deep  sleep,  and  when 
they  were  asleep  not  only  to  take  away  their  weapons,  but  also  to  cut 
off  their  little  fingers  and  little  toes,  so  that  when  the}^  awoke  they  felt 
so  disgraced  that  they  returned  to  their  homes  filled  with  shame. 

In  reference  to  this  passage,  I  am  of  the  opinion  that  these  were  spolia 
opima  taken  from  slain  enemies,  which  were  buried  in  the  various  pots 


a  Alii  les  acometio  tan  profundo  sueno  que  no  sintleron  cuando  nuestros  padres  les  despojaron  de 
sus  arcos,  flechas  y  toda  arma  y  demas  el  dedo  menique  de  pi^s  y  manos,  de  suerte  que  cuando 
acordaron,  se  vieron  en  estado  tan  afrentado,  que  se  volvieron  avergonzados  a  sus  hogares. 


10()  BUREAU   OF  AMERICAN   ETHNOLOGY  [bull. 28 

in  the  southern  mound  of  the  settlement  of  LaCueva,  near  Santa  Cruz. 
It  agrees  very  well  with  this  explanation  that  it  was  the  southern 
mound  in  which  the  pots  with  the  obsidian  knives  and  the  finger  joints 
were  found,  for  the  south  was  consecrated  to  the  war  god  and  to  vic- 
tory. This  we  see  in  the  familiar  picture  of  the  Cortesian  codex 
which  represents  the  tonalamatl  divided  into  four  divisions,  which, 
with  the  deities  belonging  to  them,  are  arranged  around  the  two  gods 


a 


^«j»^m..n«,,...^,..a|,,^■»u«...«,<.^>ml.^^.n^Hl^^«.NfMj(f^m^ 


d 

Fio.  28.    Animal-.shaped  vessel  from  Guatemala. 


of  creation,  forming  the  center.  Here,  in  the  last  division  of  the 
tonalamatl,  which  consequently  belongs  to  the  south,  the  picture  («, 
figure  23)  is  seen  showing  the  hieroglyph  of  the  south  (Nohol)  and  the 
war  gods  with  the  bound  captive.  That  one  is  the  division  belonging 
to  the  south  and  the  other  the  sign  belonging  to  the  south  1  have 
already  pointed  out  in  my  paper  on  Mexican  chronology.^ 


aZeitschrift  fiir  Ethnologie,  1891,  v.  23,  pp.  104,105. 


SKLER] 


ANTIQUITTER  OF  GUATEMALA 


107 


The  settlement  of  Panquip,  or  Las  Pacayas,  belongs  to  the  Pokonchi 
territory,  where  Messrs  Sapper  and  Dieseldorff  also  made  ex(!avations. 
From  this  locality  the  Royal  Musemn  possesses  only  a  few  fine  obsid- 
ian lance  points,  one  of  flint,  and  a  few  pottery  fragments,  among 
them  thin  quadrangular  tablets  with  perforations  near  the  corners,  the 
meaning  of  which  is  not  clear  to  me. 

There  still  remain  some  classes  of  antiquities  which  1  have  not  yet 
discussed,  because  they  cover  a  wider  range  of  territory  and  l)ecause 
there  is  greater  probability  that  they  were  imported  articles  of  trade. 
These  are  the  vessels  covered  with  hierogl3^phs  and  delicate  painting 
and  the  green  and  gra}^  enameled  or  glazed  vessels. 

The  Royal  Museum  possesses  a  few  fragments  of  vessels  with  deli- 
cate painting  from  this  territory,  and  also  from  San  Juan  Chamelco. 
Two  types,  at  least,  are  to  be  distinguished  among  them,  and  it  seems 
to  me  that  the  same  two  types  can  also  ])e  recognized  among  fragments 
from  the  ruins  of  Copan. 

As  to  the  hieroglyphs,  it  is  frequently  impossible  in  a  particular  case 
to  sa}^  whether  we  have  before  us  a  mere  ornament  or  a  hieroglyph, 
although,  perhaps,  in  most  cases  a  definite  symbolic  meaning  must 
finally  be  ascribed  to  an  ornament.  Among  the  fragments  of  the 
Sapper  collection  from  San  Juan  Chamelco  the  two  ornaments  or 
hieroglyphs  shown  in  the  cut,  symmetrically  repeated  on  a  band 
running  around  near  the  upper  edge  of  the  vessel,  are  plainly  to 
be  seen.  One  (J,  figure  23),  is  scratched  on  a  vessel  of  dark  color. 
The  ornament  and  the  two  borders  are  painted  in  white.  The 
ornament  c  is  painted  in  red  on  a  light,  yellowish- white  vessel. 
The  former  vessel  appears  to  have  no  other  decoration.  Figures 
were  painted  on  the  second  one,  but,  unfortunately,  some  of  them 
are  obliterated,  and  some  are  unrecognizable.  I  can  find  no  anal- 
ogy for  these  two  ornaments  among  the  familiar  hieroglyphs  of  the 
manuscripts. 

The  existence  of  enameled  vessels  from  Vera  Paz  is  now  also  proved, 
partly  by  isolated  specimens  of  the  Sarg  collection  and  partly  by 
various  fragments  collected  by  Doctor  Sapper  in  the  ancient  Indian 
settlements  visited  b}^  him.  Some  of  these  vessels  are  greenish,  some 
gray,  and  others,  occasionally  found  in  considerable  quantities,  are 
light-red.  These  vessels  are  distinguished  from  the  well-known  ancient 
American  pottery  by  apparently  having  an  actual  glaze.  As  a  rule 
the}^  are  beautifully  made  vessels  in  animal  or  human  form,  or  they 
are  face  jars.  From  the  Karwinski  collection  the  Royal  Musuem 
possesses  a  fine  piece  of  this  kind,  6?,  representing  the  peche-xolo,  or 
tlacaxolotl,  thetzimin  of  the  Maya  nations,  the  "tapir".  Two  others 
came  into  possession  of  the  Royal  Museum  with  the  Uhle  collection. 
One  represents  a  parrot  with  open  jaws  holding  a  human  face,  like  as 


108  BUREAU  OF   AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY  [bull. 28 

in  d.  The  other  has  the  form  of  a  beast  of  prey,  a  pitzotl  (coati)  or 
something  of  the  sort. 

The  Sarg  collection  contains  the  beautiful  vessel  from  Coban  [a, 
tigure  24),  which  represents  a  toad,  and  another  vessel  of  the  same  kind 


6 

Fig.  24.   Ornamented  bowls  from  Guatemala. 


from  Zamac,  near  Coban,  which,  it  seems,  is  intended  to  represent  a 
monkey,  but  the  front  part  of  it  is  unfortunately  broken  off.  These 
vessels  appear  to  be  more  frequent  in  Yucatan.  The  Archbishop  of 
Merida,  Dr  Crescentio  Carrillo  y  Ancona,  describes  a  similar  vessel,  in 


SELER]  ANTIQUITIES  OF  GUATEMALA  109 

the  third  volume  of  the  Afiales  del  Museo  Nacional  de  Mexico,  which 
was  found  when  digging-  the  foundation  for  a  new  building  in  Puerto 
Progreso,  near  Merida  {a^  figure  25).  These  pieces  seem  to  have  been 
carried  far  to  the  north.  In  the  Strebel  collection  is  found  the  curious 
specimen  (J,  hgure  which  comes  from  the  region  of  Atotonilco  and 
Quimistlan,  and  also  belongs  to  this  class  of  vessels.  Several  face 
jars  with  bearded  faces  were  found  in  Yucatan.  Maudslay  copies  a 
similar  glazed  one  from  Copan.  Entirely  similar  fragments  of  appar- 
ently glazed  vessels  were  found  in  the  excavations  made  by  Mr 
Strebel  at  Zoncuautla  in  the  district  of  Coatepec  of  the  state  of  Vera 
Cruz.  I  have  hitherto  been  unable  to  determine  what  kind  of  glaze 
is  on  these  vessels,  as  rare  and  beautiful  pieces  were  always  concerned 
which  could  not  be  sacrificed  to  chemical  investigation.  However, 
there  is  hope  that  Mr  Holmes,  of  Chicago,"  who  at  present  is  making  a 


6  c 
Fig.  25.    Pottery  vessels  from  Guatemala. 


special  study  of  these  vessels,  will  throw  light  on  this  question.  The 
broad  geographic  area  within  which  these  pieces  are  found  proves  that 
in  them  we  have  to  deal  with  ware  which  was  distributed  by  trade. 
Even  to-day,  isolated  places  of  manufacture — as,  for  example,  Chi- 
nautla  in  Guatemala — provide  the  whole  region  within  a  radius  of  many 
days'  journey  with  pottery  wares. 

In  ancient  times  beautiful  pottery  vessels  were  a  much-prized  ware. 
Landa  tells  of  the  Ma3^as  that  custom  required  them  at  the  close  of  a 
feast  to  give  to  each  guest  a  mantle,  a  carved  stool,  and  a  pottery 
vessel,  as  delicate  and  costly  as  the  host  could  afford.  In  the  present 
state  of  our  knowledge  it  can  not  be  stated  in  what  region  these  glazed 
vessels  were  made.  Only  so  much  can  be  said,  that  it  must  have  been 
a  region  of  the  tierra  caliente,  or  lying  very  near  it,  where  the  tapir, 
the  parrot,  the  coati,  the  monkey,  and  the  toad  of  the  tierra  caliente 


«  Now  of  the  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology.  Ed. 


110 


BUREAU  OF  AMEBIC  AN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


were  known/*  My  suspicion  turns  to  Tabasco  or  the  neighboring 
Chiapas.  In  ancient  times  the  former  was  a  famous  commercial  cen- 
ter, and  the  industrial  centers  can  not  have  been  far  from  there. 

If  we  sum  up  what  the  authentic  discoveries  from  the  territory  of 
Vera  Paz,  the  lands  of  Qu'ekchi  and  Pokonchi,  teach  us,  it  follows  with 
certainty  from  the  abundance  and  variety  of  objects  and  from  their 
artistic  conception  and  peculiar  manner  of  decoration  that  the  ancient 
inhabitants  of  these  regions  were  a  people  of  advanced  civilization, 
and  that  their  culture  was  of  the  same  peculiar  stamp  to  be  met  with 
in  the  monuments  of  Copan  and  Quirigua,  although  in  an  entirely  dif- 
ferent degree  of  grandeur.  At  the  same  time  it  seems  that  we  must 
conclude  from  various  evidences  that  the  active  intercourse  existing 
between  Laguna  de  Terminos  and  Honduras  in  ancient  times,  to  which 
doubtless  the  above-named  places  owed  their  prosperity,  also  made 
itself  felt  in  the  valleys  of  Vera  Paz  b}^  influencing  their  progress 
and  by  stimulating  and  developing  them. 

It  would  be  a  grateful  task  to  determine  whether  for  the  other  Maya 
tribes  of  Gruatemala,  who  were  especially  prominent  in  its  political 
development,  the  Quiche  and  Cakchiquel,  the  Mame  in  the  north,  the 
Pokomam  in  the  south,  a  similar  close  connection  with  those  brilliant 
centers  of  Maya  culture  can  be  determined,  and,  on  the  other  hand,  to 
make  plain  the  possible  differences  which  existed.  Unfortunately,  I 
have  not  the  material  to  do  so.  I  can  only  sa}^  this,  that  the  few  origi- 
nals and  copies  from  those  regions  with  which  I  am  familiar  are  in  fact 
of  a  different  character,  and  have  not  the  artistic  perfection  which 
we  see  in  the  finds  from  Vera  Paz.  Circular  bowls,  6  cm.  deep  and 
16  cm.  in  diameter,  are  characteristic  of  Amatitlan,  a  locality  in  the 
Pokomam  territory.  These  vessels  have  a  broad,  flat,  turned-over 
rim,  and  their  outer  surface  has  two  or  three  rows  of  long  teeth  (see 

figure  25).  A  toothed  vessel  of  another  form  somewhat  higher  and 
smaller,  and  with  rather  long  feet,  was  obtained  by  Consul-General 
Sarg  in  Nebah — that  is,  in  the  Ixil  (Mame)  territory.  Shoe  vessels, 
which  are  properly  called  xe  lahuh,  ""'foot  of  the  ten",  seem  to  be 
peculiar  to  the  place  called  Quetzaltenango,  in  the  Quiche  territory; 
^,  figure  25,  is  a  copy  of  one  of  these  vessels.  This  difi'ers  from  the 
familiar  shoe  vessels  of  Nicaragua  chiefly  in  the  pointed  tip. 

1  know  of  a  few  beautiful  pottery  heads  and  a  fragment  of  a  finely 
smoothed  vessel  from  Saculeu,  which  is  in  the  department  of  Huehue- 
tenango,  and  thus  belongs  also  to  the  Mame  territory.  On  these  are 
seen  the  signs  reproduced  in  figure  26.  The  ornament  on  the  left 
side,  an  eye  with  a  double  (upper  and  lower)  eyebrow,  also  appears 

«Toad  figures  with  the  same  indented  warts  on  the  sides  of  the  neck  as  shown  in  the  vessel  (a,  fig. 
24),  I  have  also  seen  in  large  vessels  from  Yucatan  and  in  little  pottery  pipes  of  the  Strebel  collec- 
tion which  came  from  the  region  south  of  the  city  of  Vera  Cruz,  on  the  boundary  of  Mistequilla,  where 
excavations  have  recently  been  begun  by  him. 


SELEU] 


ANTIQUITIES  OF  GUATEMALA 


111 


on  fragments  from  Copan/'  There  is,  further,  a  vessel  now  in  the  Uni- 
versity Museum  in  Philadelphia  said  to  have  come  from  the  region  of 
Huehuetenango,  which,  T  believe,  1  saw  at  the  exposition  in  Madrid, 
the  hieroglyphs  of  which  Professor  Brinton  has  reproduced.  The}^ 
are  actualh^  the  same  characters  which  we  see  on  the  stelae  of  Copan, 
executed  in  very  curious  and,  in  places,  rather  carelessl}^  drawn  lines — 
namely,  the  katun  sign  in  the  same  two  modifications  which  occur, 
for  instance,  on  Stela  C  of  Copan,  and  among  them  are  also  katun 
numerals  and  a  row  of  other  hieroglyphs.  In  figure  26,  1  give  the 
tirst  two  signs  on  the  right  side  of  this  vessel,  as  I  copied  them  two 
years  ago  in  Madrid,  and  beside  them  the  corresponding  hieroglyphs 
of  Stela  A  of  Copan.    Doubtless  we  are  here  concerned  with  a  piece 


a  b 


A  BCDE  FGH 


C 

Fig.  26.    Symbolic  figures  from  Guatemalan  pottery . 


which  came,  either  through  trade  or  as  a  present,  from  the  region  of 
the  Chols  or  Chortis  in  the  western  highlands,  whose  inhabitants  were 
familiar  with  the  art  of  writing.  Finally,  I  will  mention  that  one  of 
the  remarkable  stone  yokes — a  simple,  undecorated  one — that  came 
into  possession  of  the  Royal  Museum  from  the  collection  of  Professor 
von  Seebach,  is  said  to  have  come  originally  from  Quiche  or  Cakchiquel 
territory,  namel^^,  from  Solola.  This  would  be  remarkable,  for  the 
reason  that  most  of  the  regions  where  these  inexplicable  articles  have 
been  found  are  on  the  Atlantic  slope,  in  the  present  States  of  Vera 
Cruz  and  Tabasco. 

Wedged  in  between  the  Quiche  and  theChorti  tribes,  separating  the 
Pokomams  from  the  kindred  Pokonchis,  there  is  found  in  the  valley  of 

a  See  Brinton,  A  Primer  of  Mayan  Hieroglyphs,  1894,  p.  107,  fig.  63. 


112 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


the  Rio  Grande,  or  Motagua,  and  the  heights  rising  above  it,  another 
separate  territory  whose  extreme  boundaries  are  formed  by  the  region 
of  Salama  on  the  one  side  and  the  Copan  river  on  the  other,  where  in 
ancient  times  a  branch  of  the  Pipils,  a  Nahuatl-speaking  tribe,  was 
settled.  Stoll  relates  a  local  tradition  which  exists  in  Salama,  telling 
how  these  Mexicans  were  first  brought  from  Tuxtla  Grande  in  Spanish 
times.  On  this  account  the  people  of  Salama  wear  the  same  costume 
to-day  as  those  of  Tuxtla.  This  tradition  did  not  seem  very  credible 
to  Stoll  himself.  1  am  inclined  to  think  that  too  late  a  date  was  given. 
An  actual  tradition  may  have  existed  that  the  people  of  Salama  came 
from  those  regions,  but  the  immigration  must  have  occurred  in 
pre-Spanish  tinges. 

The  spread  of  the  Nahua  tribe  toward  the  south,  according  to  my 
conviction,  proceeded  in  general  from  Tabasco,  for  the  Zapotec  tribes 
have  probably  always  formed  a  barrier  in  the  way  through  Tehuantepec 
and  the  Sierra  de  los  Quelenes,  w  hich  Ahuitzotl,  the  predecessor  of  Mote- 
cuhzoma  first  succeeded  in  breaking.  But  from  Tabasco  the  Mexicans 
must  have  penetrated  at  an  early  date  to  Chiapas  and  Soconusco  on 
the  roads  which  Bernal  Diaz  and  his  companions  who  settled  at  Coat- 
zacualco  easily  found  later.  The  Nahuas  reached  the  valley  of  the 
Motagua,  and  farther  Honduras,  San  Salvador,  and  Nicaragua,  by  the 
great  overland  road  which  Cortes  traveled  with  his  army.  The 
Pipils  of  Escuintla  are  probably  a  receding  stream  of  this  migratory 
wave.  A  third  branch  must  finally  have  found  its  way  to  the  interioi 
of  Yucatan.  This  is  known  from  historical  accounts  in  the  books  of 
the  Chi  Ian  Balam,  and  to  my  mind  is  made  still  clearer  by  the  reliefs 
of  Chichenitza.  On  all  of  these  three  highways  the  Nahua  tribes 
came  into  more  or  less  close  contact  with  the  Maya  tribes.  An  inter- 
change of  cultural  elements  doubtless  took  place,  and  probably 
resulted  still  more  abundantly  from  the  peaceful  journeyings  of 
Mexican  merchants,  not  undertaken  for  the  purpose  of  finding  a  per- 
manent home.  One  of  the  most  important  and  most  interesting  prob- 
lems of  Central  American  archeology  is  the  question  how  this  giving 
and  receiving  was  distributed.  We  shall,  however,  not  be  able  to 
approach  the  solution  of  this  matter  until  carefully  collected  and  com- 
plete archeologic  material  exists  from  these  border  regions  of  inter- 
mixture, where  the  Nahua  tribes  lived  as  neighbors  of  the  Mayas. 
What  remarkable  disclosures  may  eventually  be  expected  in  this  matter 
is  shown  by  the  interesting  relief  tiles  from  Chiapas  in  the  Mnseo 
National  de  Mexico,  which  are  published  in  the  great  illustrated  work 
which  the  Junta  Colombina  de  Mexico  issued  in  commemoration  of 
the  four  hundredth  centenary  of  the  discovery  of  America.  And  then, 
too,  the  magnificent  monuments  of  Santa  Lucia  Cozumalhuapa  certainly 
originated  at  just  such  a  point  of  contact  between  Nahuatl  and  Maya 
civilizations. 


SELER] 


ANTIQUITIES  OF  GUATPMALA 


113 


The  sketches  of  three  vessels,  which  1  reproduce  bek)w,  ciiine  to  me 
through  the  kindness  of  Mr  Dieseldortf  from  the  a>)()ve-mentione(l 
Pipil  territory  on  the  Rio  Motagua.  They  come  from  the  little  place 
Rio  Hondo,  lying  on  the  Motagua  opposite  the  mouth  of  the  Copan 
river,  and  belong  to  the  collection  of  Mr  B.  Castaneda  in  Zacapa.  The 
first  vessel  (c,  figure  26)  has  a  height  of  15.3  cm.  and  a  diameter  at  the 
bottom  of  10.5  cm.  and  at  the  mouth  of  16  cm.,  and  the  thickness  of 
the  walls  is  4  mm.  The  second  vessel  (/,  figure  27)  is  17.2  cm.  high, 
13.5  cm.  in  diameter  at  the  mouth,  and  the  thickness  of  its  walls  is 
5  mm.    The  figure  and  the  hieroglyph  tablet  are  repeated  three  times 


ABODE  F  G 


t 

Fig.  27.   Glyphs  from  Maya  codices  and  design  on  Guatemalan  vessel. 


on  the  circumference  of  the  vessel,  but  the  drawing  is  badly  injured  })y 
fire.  The  third  vessel  («,  figure  28)  is  22.6  cm.  high,  the  diameter 
measures  at  the  bottom  12.7  cm.,  at  the  mouth  15.8  cm.,  and  the  walls 
are  6  mm.  thick. 

The  first  of  these  three  vessels  is  of  pure  Maya  character.  The 
figures,  as  well  as  the  hieroglyphs,  might  have  been  copied  directly 
from  a  Mava  manuscript.  The  second  is  also  unmistakably  of  Maya 
character,  though  the  position  of  the  figure  is  decidedly  stiffer.  The 
third,  however,  has  an  especial  character.  The  models  of  its  figures  can 
only  be  found  in  Mexican  or  kindred  manuscripts  (Mixtec  and  Zapotec), 
and  what  hieroglyphs  there  are  difi^er  in  every  way  from  the  familiar 
7288— No.  28—05  8 


114 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


forms  in  Maya  hieroglyphs.  If  it  is  true  of  any  specimen,  we  have 
in  this  vessel  the  artistic  production  of  a  nation  foreign  to  the  Maya 
soil.  It  is  in  all  probability  to  be  ascribed  to  the  Pipils,  the  Nahua 
tribe,  who  undoubtedly  lived  here  a  long  time  before  the  conquest. 

To  begin  with,  the  vessel  of  pure  Maya  type  (c,  figure  26),  the  person- 
ages represented  on  it  are  women.  This  is  especially  proved  by  the 
long  wisps  of  hair  flying  down  in  front,  which  can  be  seen  in  quite 
similar  fashion  on  the  female  forms  in  the  Dresden  manuscript.  The 
position  of  the  arms  and  hands  is  a  favorite  one  in  the  figures  of  gods 
in  the  Mexican  picture  writings,  especially  in  the  Borgian  codex  and 
Codex  Vatican  us  B,  which,  however,  appears  also  in  the  Dresden 
manuscript,  for  example,  in  the  Moan  bird,  on  page  11^.  The  raised 
or  outstretched  hand  is  evidently  a  gesture  of  speech  or  of  command, 


h  c  d 

Fig.  28.    Design  on  Guatemalan  vessel  and  figures  from  Mexican  codices. 


which,  in  fact,  and  especially  in  this  case,  are  the  same  thing,  for 
tlahtouani,  or  tlauto,  ''the  speaker",  means  the  ruler,  the  prince. 
The  clothing  of  the  figures  seems  to  consist  of  an  enagua,  a  cloth 
wrapped  about  the  hips  like  a  petticoat  and  fastened  about  the  middle 
of  the  body  with  a  band.  Those  objects  seem  to  be  the  ends  of  this  band 
which  are  seen  to  rise  above  the  enagua  and  fall  down  behind.  The 
figures  are  represented  sitting  with  crossed  legs.  Protruding  from  the 
enagua  is  the  bare  left  thigh  and  below  this  the  naked  sole  of  the  right 
foot,  a  typical  position  which  is  very  often  drawn  in  the  Dresden  man- 
uscript. But  the  lines  in  our  picture  are  so  displaced  as  to  give  the 
impression  that  the  drawing  is  not  from  life,  but  from  a  familiar  picture 
repeated  in  a  stereotyped  way. 

The  same  impression  is  made  in  studying  the  hieroglyphs.    I  have 


skler] 


ANTIQUITIES  OF  GUATEMALA 


115 


every  reason  to  believe  that  the  drawing  which  I  reproduce  here  is  an 
exact  copy.  Yet  I  have  the  impression  that  the  artist,  whether  man 
or  woman,  who  painted  these  characters  on  the  vessel  was  not  con- 
scious of  the  meaning  of  their  different  elements  and  lines,  and  there- 
fore drew  them  with  an  uncertain  hand.  An  exact  identification  is, 
of  course,  only  possible  in  the  case  of  a  few.  All  eight  hieroglyphs 
differ  one  from  another,  so  the  next  question  is,  Where  should  we 
begin  to  read?  The  relative  position  of  the  hieroglyphs  shows  that 
they  must  be  read  from  left  to  right.  I  believe  we  must  begin  with 
the  hieroglyph  which  in  the  drawing  provided  by  Mr  Dieseldorflf, 
(our  figure  26),  stands  in  the  first  place  at  the  left.  1  will  designate 
this  by  A. 

I  believe  that  two  elements  must  be  recognized  in  this  first  hiero- 
glyph: First,  the  head  of  a  woman  (see  the  hieroglyph  a,  figure  27), 
but  having  a  peculiar  element  which  is  contained  in  the  day  sign  Eb, 
"broom",  h\  second,  the  day  sign  Manik,  whose  phonetic  sound  is 
chi,  which  is  contained  in  the  hieroglyph  Chikin,  "west".  A  com- 
bination of  these  two  elements  exists  in  the  hieroglyph  which  is 
found  on  page  62  of  the  Dresden  manuscript,  in  combination,  to  be 
sure,  with  a  third  element  which  has  the  form  of  the  day  sign  Imix. 

The  second  hieroglyph,  b,  must,  it  seems  to  me,  refer  to  the  hiero- 
glyph which  appears  in  the  Dresden  codex,  page  12^,  as  one  of  the 
accompanying  hieroglyphs  of  the  death  god  in  place  of  the  hieroglyph 
y,  otherwise  indicated  in  this  place.  Hieroglyphs  b  and  e  are  especiall}^ 
characterized  as  death  hieroglyphs  by  the  cross  design  on  the  cheek. 

It  is  possible  that  hieroglyph  d  also  refers  to  one  of  the  hieroglyphs 
accompanying  the  death  god,  the  one  of  which  I  have  reproduced  two 
variants  in  g  and  h. 

The  hieroglyphs  c  and  e  show  the  head  of  a  bird  which  in  both  cases 
has  a  curious  projection  on  the  beak.  One  might  think  that  the  great 
vulture  was  represented  here  whose  hieroglyph,  A\  is  alwa}  s  drawn 
with  a  peculiar  projection  on  the  beak  and  which,  in  fact,  is  character- 
ized by  a  fleshy  growth  on  the  cere  covering  the  root  of  the  upper 
mandible.  I  believe,  however,  that,  at  least  in  one  of  the  hieroglyphs, 
it  seems  to  suggest  a  bird  which  generally  appears  accompanying  the 
black  god.  I  have  reproduced  the  whole  of  this  bird  in  and  its 
hieroglyph,  as  it  is  found  in  the  Troano  codex,  page  4*  <?,  in  I.  The  bird 
probably  represents  the  wild  fowl  of  the  forest  region  of  the  tierra 
caliente,  which  was  generally  called  "  pheasant"  by  the  Spaniards,  and 
for  which  the  Maya  has  the  two  names  cox  and  mut.  The  Mexicans 
designate  this  bird  by  the  former  name,  and  also  by  the  word  cox- 
coxtli.  I  believe  that  this  bird  must  be  mentioned  in  connection  with 
a  female  deity  known  among  the  Mayas  of  Yucatan  under  the  name  of 
Yax  cocahmut,  in  honor  of  whom  feasts  were  celebrated  in  the  Muluc 
years,  which  belonged  to  the  north.    From  her  they  feared  dryness 


116 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


and  drought.  The  old  women  danced  at  her  festivals,  sacrificed  a  young 
female  dog  to  her,  and  brought  her  a  simple,  unembroidered  white 
garment.  I  think  that  it  certainly  follows  from  these  characteristics 
that  it  was  a  form  of  the  ancient  earth  goddess  who  was  worshipped 
under  this  name.  I  call  to  mind  that  the  earth  goddess  is  also  repre- 
sented repeatedly  in  the  form  of  a  bird  in  the  Borgian  codex  and  the 
Codex  Vaticanus  B;  that  in  Maya  the  word  cox,  or  cocox,  means  not 
only  ''pheasant",  but  also  ''dry,  withered,  woody  fruit",  and  that  the 
mythical  king  of  Colhuacan,  where  Ciauocuatl,  the  earth  goddess,  was 
tribal  goddess,  is  called  Coxcoxtli. 

I  find  the  sixth  hieroglyph  of  our  picture,  f,  again  in  n  from  the 
Troano  codex,  page  19*c,  where  it  appears  interchangeably  with  the 
hieroglyph  o  as  companion  of  the  hieroglyph y;.  The  latter  hieroglj^ph, 
which  is  the  leading  hieroglyph  in  this  passage,  appears  to  me  to 
express  the  oft'ering  of  copal  or  incense.  In  the  former  I  think  I 
recognize  the  rattle  which  regularly  accompanies  such  acts  of  worship. 
Compare  the  pictures  of  the  rattle  which  I  have  given  in  q.  I  call  to 
mind  that  in  Mexican  representations,  both  in  stone  and  picture 
painting,  and  also  in  the  Borgian  codex  and  in  Codex  Vaticanus  B, 
the  earth  goddess  is  always  represented  with  the  Chicauaztli,  the  rattle 
board,  in  her  hand. 

The  remaining  hieroglyphs  of  our  picture,  G  and  h,  are  not  clear  to 
me,  but  I  notice  that  the  first  element  of  the  hieroglyph  g  appears  in 
the  chief  hieroglyph,  of  the  bat  god  on  the  vessel  from  Chama,^*^  pub- 
lished by  Mr  Dieseldorfi',  and  that  another  hieroglyph  of  this  vessel,  s, 
is  perhaps  directly  analogous  to  our  hieroglyph  g. 

The  hieroglyphs  as  a  whole  appear  to  me  to  express  an  ancient  earth 
goddess  who  received  in  her  lap  the  sun  and  the  light  and  everything 
living. 

We  will  now  pass  to  the  vessel  t,  figure  27.  The  figure  which,  with 
the  hieroglyph  tablet,  is  repeated  on.  this  vessel  three  times  is  that  of  a 
man.  This  is  shown  by  the  breechcloth,  with  ends  hanging  far  down, 
but  which  is  here  accompanied  by  a  short  cloth  about  the  hips  made 
of  thin  veiling  or  netlike  woven  material.  The  body  is  painted  yellow. 
The  position  of  the  arms  and  hands  corresponds  to  that  of  the  female 
figures  in  the  vessel  just  discussed,  and  probably  has  the  same  mean- 
ing. Two  appendages  hang  out  from  the  gigantic  headdress  formed  of 
loops  and  bands,  and  these  have  apparently  at  their  ends  two  jaguar 
ears.  The  reading  of  the  hieroglyphs  begins  at  the  right  with  g.  It 
is  evident  that  the  hieroglyphs  g,  e,  c  and,  in  a  similar  way,  f,  d,  b 
seem  to  be  related,  while  a  is  apparentl}^  identical  with  the  two  heads 
of  birds  on  the  vertical  hieroglyph  tablet  of  the  lower  principal  part 
of  the  vessel.  Thus  we  have  here  a  case  similar  to  that  presented  in 
the  curious  varnished  vessel  of  Jaina,  near  Campeche,^'  described  by 

rtZeitschrift  fiir  Ethnologie,  1894,  v.  26,  pi.  xiii. 

6  Verhandlungen  des  Vereins  fiir  Naturwissenschaftliche  Unterhaltung,  Hamburg,  1881,  v.  f). 


SKLER] 


ANTIQUITIES   OF  GUATEMALA 


117 


Mr  Strebel — that  is,  primarily  an  oriuuucntal  adaptation  of  one  or  more 
hieroglyphs,  which  are  repeated  with  variations.  Mr  Strebel  is  of 
opinion  that  each  of  these  variants  has  its  own  special  meaning,  and  it 
may  indeed  have  been  so  in  that  particular  case,  for  the  symbols  near 
the  ear  pegs  partly  recall  the  dili'erent  signs  on  the  so-called  celestial 
shields,  but  in  regard  to  our  1  incline  to  the  opinion  that  we  have 
here  mere  variants,  and  I  consider  the  hieroglyphs  g,  e,  c  as  the  chief 
hieroglyphs  of  the  person  represented  below,  and  f,  d,  b  and  the  bird 
heads  as  companion  hieroglyphs. 

The  same  case  of  the  employment  of  ornamental  hieroglyphs  is  also 
undoubtedly  seen  on  the  remarkable  third  vessel  from  Rio  Hondo, 
whose  decoration  is  reproduced  in  figure  28.  This  vessel,  as  I  have 
already  stated  above,  in  all  probability  is  to  be  considered  as  an  artistic 
production  of  the  Nahua  tribe  of  the  Pipils,  which  doubtless  had  been 
settled  for  a  long  time  in  these  regions.  We  must  not  seek  the  proto- 
types of  the  figures  represented  on  it  in  Maya  manuscripts  or  in  Maya 
sculptures,  but  in  Mexican  picture  writings,  or  in  those  of  the  Mixtecs 
or  Zapotecs,  which  are  akin  to  them  in  style.  Similarity  of  style 
between  our  vessel  and  the  last  named  appears  clearly,  both  in  the  posi- 
tion and  in  the  dress  of  the  figures.  The  figures  are  clothed  with  a  sort 
of  shirt,  the  xicolli,  which  is  worn  by  the  rain  god  Tlaloc,  and  also  by 
the  priests,  in  Mexican  picture  writings,  and  which  is  especially 
frequent  on  the  figures  in  the  Mixtec  picture  writings  as  the  Colom- 
bino  codex  (Dorenberg  codex),  Becker  codex,  and  the  Vienna  codex. 
Besides  this  shirt,  the  figures  seem  to  wear  a  short  loin  cloth,  which  is 
also  quite  commonly  drawn  on  the  figures  of  the  Colombino  codex 
(Dorenberg  codex).  On  the  front  of  this,  in  our  figures,  there  is  a 
mask.  This  is  a  peculiarity  of  dress  which  I  have  not  yet  met  with  in 
purely  Mexican  documents,  but  have  in  those  from  the  more  southerly 
regions  of  the  Mixtecs  and  the  Zapotecs.  In  the  collection  of  Doctor 
Sologuren,  in  Oaxaca,  I  saw  two  pottery  figures  which  came  from  La 
Cienaga,  in  the  department  of  Zimatlan,  which  plainly  show  this 
peculiarity  of  dress.  On  a  sheet  of  the  Aubin-Goupil  collection,  a 
piece  of  leather  painted  in  gay  colors,  evidently  also  of  Mixtec  origin, 
the  five  male  deities  all  wear  a  mask  in  front  on  the  girdle.  This  page 
is  reproduced  in  page  20  of  the  Goupil-Boban  Atlas  with  the  legend 
"Le  culte  rendu  a  Tonatiuh".^' 

Further,  the  large  headdress  is  conspicuous  on  the  figures  in  our 

"In  fact,  the  page  forms  one  of  the  frequent  representations  of  the  tonalamatl,  divided  according 
to  the  five  points,  the  center,  or  the  direction  up  and  down,  and  the  four  points  of  the  com])ass.  To 
each  division  were  assigned  a  male  and  a  female  deity  and  their  different  attributes.  The  2  x  5, 
that  is,  10,  dates  in  the  circle  doubtless  refer  to  these  deities.  Their  names  are;Ce  Mazatl,  Ce  Quiauitl, 
Ce  Ozomatli,  Ce  Calli,  Ce  Quauhtli,  and  Macuil  Cuetzpalin,  Macuil  Cozcaquauhtli,  Macuil  Tochtli, 
Macuil  Xochitl.  and  Macuil  Malinalli.  They  correspond  to  the  directions  in  the  order  E.,  N.,  up, 
down,  W.,  and  S. 

It  may  be  added  that  this  is  the  page  which  Alfred  Chavero  copied  in  the  first  volume  of  the  work 
Mexico  a  traves  de  los  siglos  imder  the  name,  "  Parte  superior  de  la  piedra  policroma  del  sacrihcio 
gladiatorio"  (!) 


118 


BUREAU  OF   AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


picture.  It  consists,  as  usual,  of  a  crown  of  stiff  feathers,  from  which 
rise  long,  slender,  flexible  feathers.  On  the  forehead  is  seen  an  open 
jaw  with  prominent  teeth,  and  at  the  back  of  the  head  a  disk  and  a 
bandlike  piece  with  crosshatching.  These  three  elements,  and  the 
black  stripes  connected  with  them,  seem  to  me  like  the  rudiments  of  a 
head  decoration  which  occurs  with  great  regularity  in  the  pictures  of 
the  sun  god  and  its  allied  forms  in  Mexican  picture  writings,  especially 
in  the  Borgian  codex,  the  Laud  codex,  etc.  This  head  ornament  con- 
sists of  a  leather  strap  ornamented  with  disks  of  turquoise,  or  chal- 
chiuitl,  and  has  on  the  front  part  a  kind  of  bird's  head  with  open  jaws 
and  prominent  teeth.  In  5,  figure  28, 1  reproduce  the  head  of  the  sun 
god  according  to  the  Laud  codex,  and  I  have  marked  the  leather  strap 
(painted  red  in  the  original)  with  its  bands  at  the  back  of  the  head 
with  crosshatching.  I  remark  further  that  not  only  is  this  decoration 
peculiar  to  the  sun  god  and  his  allied  forms,  but  that  other  deities 
wear  a  different  symbol  in  the  same  place.  I  have  pictured  in  c  and  d 
two  other  deities  from  the  related  Fejervar}^  codex.  The  first,  a  dark, 
aged,  bearded  god,  perhaps  the  moon  god,  wears  on  his  forehead  a 
sea-snail  shell.  The  other,  the  god  Quetzalcoatl,  vulgarly  called 
the  "wind  god",  wears  on  his  forehead  the  hieroglyph  turquoise". 

Under  the  upper  disk,  fastened  to  the  head  strap,  there  is  still  a  sec- 
ond disk  visible  on  the  figures  in  our  picture,  which  is,  of  course,  the 
ear  peg.  1  should  prefer  to  explain  the  curved  strip  which  is  seen 
under  the  lower  edge  as  a  lock  of  hair,  in  connection  with  what  is 
seen  in  h  to  d.  Still  it  might  be  a  ribbon  or  an  ornament  pendent  from 
the  ear  peg.  Ends  of  locks  of  hair  are  also  seen  in  the  first  of  the  two 
figures,  (2,  under  the  head  strap  above  the  forehead.  The  peculiarly 
bordered  and  peculiarly  painted  portion  at  the  back  of  the  cheek  prob- 
ably indicates  a  special  manner  of  painting  the  face.  In  the  pictures 
of  the  pulque  gods,  and  also  in  those  of  Quetzalcoatl,  and  of  the  moon 
god  and  others,  the  back  part  of  the  face  is  painted  in  a  color  different 
from  that  of  the  front  part. 

Like  the  majority  of  the  Mexican  mythologic  characters,  the  fig- 
ures in  our  picture  wear  a  feather  decoration  on  the  back — their  device. 
This  consists  of  a  basketlike  frame,  something  like  that  with  which 
the  godXolotl  is  represented  in  the  calendars  of  the  Codices  Telleriano- 
Remensis  and  Vaticanus  A,  from  which  rise  immense  feathers,  while 
a  mask  is  placed  behind  this,  and  one  on  the  girdle  in  front. 

If  we  further  examine  the  hieroglyphs,  it  is  at  once  evident  that  in 
the  upper  row  three  of  the  hieroglyphs,  f,  d,  and  b,  figure  28,  are 
only  recapitulations  of  the  heads  of  the  personages  represented  below. 
The  face  is  the  same.  The  back  part  of  the  cheek  is  also  specially 
defined  in  the  hieroglyphs,  and  marked  by  special  coloring.  Behind 
this  is  the  ear  peg  with  its  appendage.  Above  that  rises  the  bandlike 
piece  with  the  crosshatched  ornamentation — the  loop  of  the  head  strap, 


seler] 


ANTIQUITIES  OF  GUATEMALA 


119 


I  suppose — the  upper  (head  strap)  part,  of  course,  incomplete.  Over 
the  forehead  we  have  again  the  two  locks  of  hair  as  in  the  lirst  of  the 
persons  represented  below  in  full  figure.  The  only  element  which 
might  appear  doubtful  is  that  which  projects  from  the  forehead  in  the 
three  hieroglyphs.  But  even  that  is  in  no  way  doubtful  to  me.  The 
wide-open  jaws,  bristling  with  prominent  teeth,  which  the  full  figures 
wear  over  the  forehead,  fastened  to  the  strap,  are  replaced  in  the 
hieroglyphs  by  a  row  of  teeth,  such,  for  example,  as  are  frequently 
indicated  on  the  stone,  or  sacrificial,  knives,  to  designate  their  sharp 
edge. 

While  in  this  way  the  hieroglyphs  f,  d,  and  b  are  perfectly  clear  in 
all  their  details,  I  unfortunately  can  not  say  the  same  of  the  three 
others,  e,  c,  and  a.  I  do  not  know  their  meaning;  but  the  study  of 
them  reveals  that  they  are  probably  mere  variants  of  the  same  accom- 
panying hieroglyph. 

If  we  finall}^  turn  to  the  hieroglyphs  drawn  on  the  two  vertical  tab- 
lets, we  again  see  that  there  are  but  two  hieroglyphs,  with  three  vari- 
ants of  each.  If  I  designate  the  hieroglyphs  of  the  left  tablet,  passing 
from  the  upper  one  to  the  lowest,  as  g,  h,  i,  and  those  of  the  right 
one,  as  k,  l,  m,  then  g,  k,  l  are  one  hieroglyph,  and  apparently  the 
chief  one,  and  h,  i,  m,  the  other,  the  companion  hieroglyph.  Since 
both  are  forms  with  which  I  have  not  met  elsewhere  I  can  only  ven- 
ture to  advance  a  conjecture  as  to  their  meaning. 

The  hieroglyphs  h,  i,  and  m  show,  as  the  most  characteristic  and 
essential  element,  a  double  zigzag  line  passing  obliquely  across  the 
rest  of  the  hierogylph,  in  addition  to  the  crosshatched  space  at 
the  side,  outlined  by  a  double  curved  line.  I  can  not  help  thinking 
that  this  double  line,  zigzag  or  wavy,  is  the  same  essential  element 
which  appears  in  the  hierogylphs  a  and  c,  otherwise  a  puzzle  to  me, 
and  on  this  account  I  am  led  to  suppose  that  h,  i,  m  is  only  the  com- 
panion hieroglyph,  e,  c,  a,  become  alcul-shaped  and  abbreviated  into 
one  character.  If  this  be  the  case,  one  might  be  led  to  suppose  that 
G,  K,  L  is  the  principal  hieroglyph  abbreviated  into  one  character  and 
changed  to  alcul-shaped.  Indeed,  it  seems  to  me  as  though  some 
essential  element  of  the  latter  were  contained  in  the  alcul-shaped  char- 
acter G,  K,  L— the  eye,  the  locks  of  hair  over  the  forehead,  and  per- 
haps the  cross-hatched  piece  at  the  back  of  the  head.  With  these  the 
analogy  appears  to  stop.  But  there  is  still  another  element  of  the 
chief  hieroglyph  contained  in  G,  K,  l,  and  perhaps  precisely  the  one 
which  seemed  most  essential  to  the  artist;  I  mean  the  row  of  teeth  on 
the  forehead. 

In  the  comparative  examination  of  the  separate  elements  which  are 
employed  in  the  Maya  hieroglyphs,  I  have  previously  noticed  that 
certain  signs,  which  I  was  obliged  to  explain  as  expressing  an  open 


a  See  my  treatise  on  the  character  of  the  Aztec  and  Maya  manuscripts  in  Zeitschrift  fur  Ethnologic, 
1888,  V.  20,  p.  8. 


120 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


jaw  containing  formidable  teeth,  appear  a.s  substitutes  for  and  have 
the  same  value  as  others  which  I  am  forced  to  explain  as  signs  for 
"'stone  knives".  The  former,  which  1  copy,  d  to  ^,  tigure  29,  Doctor 
Brinton  reproduced  in  his  latest  treatise  on  Maya  hieroglyphs  under 
the  name  of  "crescentic  signs".  This  designation  is,  to  my  mind, 
somewhat  misleading.  He  considers  these  signs,  especially  i\  which 
is  quite  frequently  placed  on  the  neck,  that  is,  at  the  mouth  of  jars 
and  vessels,  as  neckbands.  I  observe  in  this  connection  that y  appears 
in  relief  tablets  from  Palenque  in  the  form  of  J,  and  that  the  sign 
Ahau,  which  usually  has  the  form  of  <:-,  appears  in  the  same  tablets 
from  Palenque  in  the  form  of  c«,  that  is,  what  in  c  is  a  simple  mouth 
opening  in  a  has  the  form  of  the  element  that  Brinton  explains  as  a 
neckband.  I  need  not  dwell  longer  on  this,  and  merel}"  observe  that 
I  can  cite  a  dozen  hieroglyphs  where  the  element  d  to     which,  as  is 


d  e  f  g  h  i  k 


Fig.  29.    Adjunct  glyphs  from  Maya  codices. 

shown  by  comparing  these  with  figures  d  and  J,  is,  in  fact,  a  toothed 
jaw,  replaced  by  the  element  h.  If  we  turn  back  to  figure  28,  we 
may  admit,  I  think,  that  the  element  seen  below  in  the  hieroglyphs 
G,  K,  L,  and  also  in  h  has  a  certain  relation  to  which  means  a  stone 
knife  and  is  analogous  to  the  elements  which  mean  "jaw",  "mouth". 
Should  not,  therefore,  the  essential  element  in  G,  k,  l,  the  row  of 
teeth  on  the  forehead  of  the  principal  hieroglyph  f,  d,  b,  be  consid- 
ered equal  to  the  open  jaw  bristling  with  teeth  on  the  forehead  of  the 
personages  represented  in  full  figure? 

But  even  if  we  leave  out  these  doubtful  points,  it  is  nevertheless 
definitely  shown  by  the  form  and  nature  of  the  principal  hieroglyph, 
F,  D,  B,  that  we  do  not  see  in  this  third  vessel  from  Rio  Hondo — that 
is,  the  Pipil  vessel-  an  imitation  of  Maya  decoration  and  of  Maya 
hieroglyphs.    The  hieroglyphs  f,  d,  b,  perhaps  also  the  others,  have 


skler] 


THE   MEXICAN  CHRONOLOGY 


121 


^rowH  out  of  the  eleineuts  of  the  person  represented  on  the  vessel,  and 
represent  rather  an  earlier  stage  of  alciil-shaped  hieroglyplis  of  tlie 
Ma}  a  kind  than  an  imitation  of  them. 

In  conclusion  I  would  say  that  I  have  been  able  to  emphasize  only  a 
few  defiiute  points  in  a  wide  and  interesting  territory,  which,  unfor- 
tunately, like  most  of  the  regions 'of  ancient  Mexican  and  Central 
American  civilizations,  is  little  explored.  But  I  believe  the  preceding 
remarks  will  show  that  we  may  hope  that  more  complete  archeologic 
research  will  further  enlighten  us  in  regard  to  the  early  history  of 
these  ancient  peoples,  and  will  make  comprehensible  the  incomplete, 
uncertain,  and  contradictory  reports  of  the  historian.  It  is  to  be 
hoped  that  our  3  oung  countrymen  who  go  to  these  regions  will  follow 
the  example  of  Mr  Dieseldortf  and  Doctor  Sapper,  and  will,  above  all, 
bear  in  mind  that  the  dumb  witnesses  of  a  past  world,  recovered  from 
the  earth,  should  not  be  buried  anew  in  a  drawing  room,  but  that  their 
place  is  in  a  public  institution,  where  they  can  be  preserved  for  pos- 
terity, and  where,  classed  with  kindred  documents,  they  may  be  sub- 
jected to  careful  comparison,  and  in  this  way  be  made  to  speak. 


THE  MEXICA?f  PICTURE  WRITmGS  OF  ALEXANDER 
VON  HUMBOLDT 

IN  THP:  royal  LIbRARY  AT  BERLIN 

BY 

EDIIAPtD  SELER 


123 


CONTENTS 


Page 


Preface   127 

Fragment  I,  plates  i-v  ;   128 

Fragment  II,  plate  vi   154 

Fragments  III  and  IV,  plates  vii  and  viii   176 

Fragment  V,  plate  ix    187 

Fragment  VI,  plate  X   190 

Fragment  VII,  plate  xi   196 

Fragment  VIII,  plate  xii   200 

Fragments  IX,  plate  x;  X,  XI,  and  XII,  ])lates  xiii,  xiv  (A  and  B)  xv   209 

Fragment  XIII,  plate  xvi   212 

Fragment  XIV,  plate  xvii   217 

Fragment  XV,  plate  xviii  ^   221 

Fragment  XVI,  plate  xix   221 

Conclusion   228 


125 


MEXICAN  PICTURE  WEITINGS  OF  ALEXANDER 
VON  HUMBOLDT" 


By  Eduard  Seler 


PREFACE 

The  sixteen  fragments  of  ancient  Mexican  picture  writing,  which 
are  reproduced  in  colored  plates,  belong  to  a  "  remarkable  collection 
made  in  the  year  1803  in  the  kingdom  of  New  Spain  ",  which  was 
"  presented  to  the  Royal  Library  by  Baron  Alexander  von  Hum- 
boldt, in  January,  1806".  This  statement  is  made  by  Friedrich 
AVilken,  on  pages  155-156  of  his  History  of  the  Royal  Library  of 
Berlin,  printed  in  the  year  1828.  Wilken  mentions  "  thirteen  frag- 
ments of  historical  hieroglyphic  writing  of  the  Aztecs  upon  paper 
made  from  the  fiber  of  the  Agave  americana,  together  with  a  codex 
14  feet  in  length  belonging  to  it,  in  similar  hieroglyphic  writing 
The  number  does  not  correspond  with  the  number  of  pieces  now  in 
the  library,  for,  according  to  his  statement,  there  should  be  but  14. 
The  reason  of  this  is  that  two  of  the  original  strips  were  cut  in  half, 
lengthwise,  and  pasted  on  the  same  folio  page,  side  by  side.  These 
are  the  pieces  shown  in  plates  ix,  x,  xi,  and  xii,  as  I  shall  describe 
more  in  detail  in  the  course  of  my  explanation  of  these  pieces.  With 
the  exception  of  fragment  I,  which  has  been  preserved  in  its  original 
form  as  "  the  folded  codex  all  the  pieces  are  pasted  upon  folio 
pages  and  bound  together  in  an  atlas.  The  title  page  is  reproduced 
in  the  heliotype  atlas.  It  has  been  retained,  although  the  historic 
and  archeologic  remarks  which  it  contains  do  not  harmonize  with 
our  present  knowledge  of  these  subjects. 

Alexander  von  Humboldt,  who  copies  and  describes  fragment  II 
of  the  collection  in  his  Vues  des  Cordilleres  et  Monuments  des  Peuples 
Indigenes  de  I'Amerique,  plate  xii,  under  the  title  "  Genealogie  des 
Princes  d'Azcapozalco states  that  he  bought  the  document  in 
Mexico  at  the  public  sale  of  the  collections  of  Gama  (the  well- 
known  astronomer  and  author  of  the  work  Las  dos  Piedras,  whose 
full  name  was  Antonio  de  Le(5n  y  Gama).    Humboldt  suggests  that 


a  Berlin,  1893. 


127 


128 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


it  may  formerly  have  belonged  to  the  "  Museo  Incliano "  of  the 
Milanese  historian  and  antiquary,  Cavaliere  Lorenzo  Boturini  Ber- 
naducci.  Since  various  other  of  these  fragments,  as  I  shall  here- 
after show,  certainly  did  belong  to  Boturini's  collection,  and  we 
know  that  Gama  actually  knew  of,  used,  and  possessed  a  great  part 
of  Boturini's  collection,  we  may  venture  to  conjecture  that  the 
other  pieces  of  the  collection  brought  together  by  Alexander  von 
Humboldt  were  acquired  in  the  same  way. 

Fragments  II  and  VI  were  published  and  described  by  von  Hum- 
boldt in  the  above-mentioned  illustrated  work,  Vues  des  Cordilleres 
et  Monuments  des  Peuples  Indigenes  de  I'Amerique.  Only  a  small 
part  of  fragment  II,  however,  was  reproduced,  and  that  without  the 
explanatory  notes  which  accompany  it,  and  neither  of  the  two  frag- 
ments was  quite  perfectly  and  correctly  reproduced.  Fragments  I 
and  II  have  also  appeared  in  colors  in  the  second  volume  of  Kings- 
borough's  great  work,  Mexican  Antiquities.  Fragment  II,  however, 
is  without  the  explanatory  notes.  Close  examination  readily  shows 
that  neither  is  by  any  means  accurately  nor  exactly  reproduced,  either 
in  drawing  or  color.  The  whole  collection  was  exhibited  in  the  year 
1888  in  the  rooms  of  the  Royal  Library,  with  the  other  manuscripts 
and  printed  matter  relating  to  the  history  and  languages  of  America, 
during  the  sessions  of  the  International  Americanist  Congress  at 
Berlin.  The  four  hundredth  anniversary  of  the  day  on  Avhich 
Columbus  first  trod  the  soil  of  the  New  World  gave  the  managers  of 
the  Royal  Library  the  desired  opportunity  to  render  the  entire  col- 
lection more  accessible  for  general  use  by  multiplying  it,  photograph- 
ically at  least,  as  their  means  did  not  then  admit  of  reproduction  in 
colors.  To  me  was  intrusted  the  honorable  task  of  accompanying 
those  pages  with  a  few  words  of  explanation,  for  which  I  herewith 
express  my  thanks  to  the  administration  of  the  Royal  Library. 

FRAGMENT  I 

This  fragment  (plates  ii  to  vi)  is  a  strip  of  agave  paper  4.3  m.  long 
and  somewhat  more  than  8  cm.  wide,  painted  on  one  side  and  then 
folded  fourteen  times,  thus  making  a  book  about  a  foot  in  length. 
The  painted  side  is  divided  lengthwise  by  vertical  lines  into  5  strips, 
and  by  other  lines  cutting  the  former  at  right  angles  into  75  sections. 
I  will  designate  the  longitudinal  strips  from  right  to  left  by  the  let- 
ters A,  B.  c,  D,  and  E  (plates  ii  to  vi) ,  and  the  subdivisions  beginning  at 
the  bottom — for  there  the  reading  begins — by  the  figures  1  to  75. 
The  lower  end  is  imperfect.  It  is  obvious  that  there  was  still  another 
section  below,  which  was  painted  in  similar  fashion  and  possibly 
formed  the  end  of  an  entire  missing  row.  The  upper  end  looks  as 
if  it  had  been  sharply  cut  off.    As  the  entries  of  material  objects 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY  BULLETIN  28    PLATE  II 


MEXICAN    PAINTING-HUMBOLDT   FRAGMENT   I,    PART  1 


sblbr] 


MEXICAN  PICTURE  WRITINGS  B^RAGMENT  I 


129 


(columns  c  to  e)  cease  in  the  fifth  section  from  the  top,  it  may  he 
assumed  that  this  was  the  end  of  the  strip,  and  that  it  was  not  further 
written  upon  because,  for  some  reason,  the  entries  ceased  altogether. 

In  column  b  four  pictures  follow  one  another  in  regular  repetition. 
These  I  will  designate  by  a,  b,  c,  and  d,  proceeding  from  below 
upward.  Thus  we  have  a  in  sections  1,  5,  9,  13,  etc..  b  in  sections  2,  6, 
10,  14,  etc.,  c  in  3,  7, 11,  15,  etc..  d  in  4,  8,  12,  16,  etc. 

The  picture  a,  plate  ii,  shows  a  dark-colored  face  with  a  large 
round  eye,  a  row  of  long  tusks,  and  over  the  lips  an  angular  blue 
stripe  curved  downward  and  rolled  up  at  the  ends.  This  is  the 
familiar  face  of  the  rain,  thunder,  and  motintain  god  of  the  Mexi- 
cans— Tlaloc  by  name — a  face  the  features  of  which  were  supposed 
to  be  produced  originally  by  the  coils  of  two  snakes,  their  mouths, 
with  long  fangs  in  the  upper  jaw,  meeting  in  the  middle  of  the  upper 
lip."  The  face  of  the  rain  god  here  stands  for  his  chief  festival,  the 
sixth  (according  to  the  usual  reckoning)  of  the  eighteen  annual  fes- 
tivals of  the  Mexicans,  known  as  Etzalqualiztli,  that  is,  when  they 
eat  bean  food  "  (beans  cooked  with  whole  kernels  of  maize).'' 

The  second  of  the  four  pictures  (b,  column  b)  is  a  white  strip 
painted  over  with  black  acute-angled  figures,  wound  about  with  a  red 
band,  from  which  two  yellow  tufts  protrude  at  the  top.  The  white 
strip  painted  with  angular  figures  represents  a  so-called  teteuitl,  or 
ama-teteuitl,  a  strip  of  white  bark  paper  (the  inner  bark  of  a  variety 
of  fig)  upon  which  certain  figures  are  drawn  with  liquid  caoutchouc. 
These  teteuitl  were  in  general  use  as  sacrificial  gifts.  At  the  feast 
of  the  rain  gods  they  were  hung  upon  long  poles  in  the  courtyard  of 
the  house ;  they  were  fastened  on  the  breast  of  the  small  idols  of  the 
mountain  gods,'^  and  were  burned  in  honor  of  the  fire  gods.^ 

These  were  easiW  prepared  images  of  the  gods  to  which  they  were 
offered.  The  picture  of  the  god,  or  his  symbol,  was  drawn  on  the 
paper  with  caoutchouc.^  The  red  band  which  is  wound  aroimd  the 
paper  is  a  leather  strap  of  the  kind  that  were  much  used,  either  col- 
ored or  gilded,  as  ribbons  and  for  ornamental  purposes.^^  And, finally, 
the  yellow  tufts  which  protrude  at  the  top  represent  a  broom.  These 
brooms  were  made  of  a  hard,  stifl',  pointed  grass,  which  was  cut  with 
sickles  in  the  mountainous  forests  of  Popocatepetl  and  Ajusco.''  The 
whole  picture  is  a  symbol  of  the  old  earth  goddess  called  Toci,  "  our 

"See  Seler,  Das  Tonalamatl  der  Aubinschen  Sammlung,  in  Comptes  Rendus  du  Sep- 
tierae  Session  du  Congres  International  des  Americanistes,  Berlin,  1888,  p.  584. 
"  See  Diu-an,  v.  3,  see.  6  ;  Sahagun,  v.  2,  chap.  6. 

Sahagun,  v.  2,  chaps.  20  and  35. 
"  Sahagun,  v.  2,  chap.  32. 
«  Sahagun,  v.  9,  chap.  3  ;  v.  2,  chap.  34. 
f  See  Sahagun,  v.  9.  chap.  3. 
See  the  hieroglyph  of  Cuetlaxtlan,  "  The  Land  of  Leather  ",  in  the  Mendoza  codex,  v.  8, 
p.  21  ;  V.  51,  p.  1. 

''See  Sahagun,  v.  10,  p.  24;  v.  8,  p.  61  (Bustamante  edition),  and  a  comment  on  the 
passage  by  the  editor. 

7238— No.  28—05  9 


130  BUKEAU  OF  AMEBIC  AN  ETHNOLOGY  [bull.  28 

progenitrix  or  Teteo  innan,  "  mother  of  the  gods  and  of  the 
eleventh  (according  to  the  usual  reckoning)  of  the  eighteen  annual 
festivals  of  the  Mexicans,  Ochpaniztli,  the  "  broom  feast  "  or  "  house- 
cleaning  festival  celebrated  in  honor  of  this  goddess.  For  the 
broom,  which  symbolizes  one  of  the  first  domestic,  that  is,  feminine, 
occupations,  was  a  special  symbol  of  this  goddess,  who  was  therefore 
also  the  goddess  of  purity,  of  purification  and  eradication  -of  sin.« 
The  teteuitl  paper  with  which  the  broom  is  bound  together  is  in  our 


Fig.  80.    Headdresses  and  f.ag&  from  Mexican  codices. 


picture  b  painted  with  figures  which  again  denote  an  attribute  of 
the  same  goddess.  The  Mexicans  in  their  paintings  represented  the 
raw,  unspun  cotton  by  acute-angled  figures  or  groups  of  parallel  lines 
on  a  white  ground.  Cotton,  as  a  material  for  woman's  w^ork,  was  for 
that  reason  one  of  the  chief  attributes  of  the  above-mentioned  deity. 
Her  headband  (see  a,  figure  ?)0)  called  i-ichcaxochiuh,  "her headband 
of  cotton  '',  was  made  of  that  material.^  A  strip  of  unspun  cotton 
hung  from  her  ear  peg  and  loose  cotton  was  bound  to  the  end  of  the 
spindle  which  she  wore  between  the  hair  and  the  headband  (c  and  d, 
figure  30). 


«  Seler,  Das  Tonalamatl  der  Aubinschen  Sammlung,  volume  cited,  p.  651. 

*  Veroffentlichungen  aus  dem  Koniglichen  Museum  fiir  Vollterltunde,  v.  1,  p.  148. 


SELER]  MEXICAN  PICTURE  WRITINGS  FRAGMENT  I  131 

In  c  and  r/,  figure  30,  we  also  see  a  paper  covered  with  drawings  of 
cotton  fastened  to  the  back  of  the  goddess's  head.  That  the  paper  in 
our  picture  b,  painted  Avith  the  acute-angled  figures,  is,  like  the 
broom,  a  symbol  of  the  earth  goddess  is  most  clearly  shown  by  the 
fact  that  the  broom  which,  in  her  picture,  the  goddess  Toci  carries  in 
her  hand  is  wound  round  with  paper  similarly  painted.  Thus  we 
see  it  in  figure  30,  which  is  taken  from  the  picture  in  the  Sahagun 
manuscript  of  the  Bibliotheca  del  Palacio  at  Madrid,  which  repre- 
sents the  various  ceremonies  of  the  feast  Ochpaniztli. 

The  third  picture  in  the  column,  which  I  designate  by  c  (plate  ii), 
represents  a  flag  apparently  made  of  striped  w^oven  stuff,  with  stream- 
ers of  the  same  material  fastened  to  its  top.  Such  flags  were,  it 
seems,  called  quachpamitl — derived  from  quachtli,  "  a  square  piece  of 
woven  cloth  and  pamitl,  "  flag  Among  the  Mexicans,  as  among 
the  nations  of  the  Old  World,  flags  and  other  insignia  played  an 
important  part  in  war.  The  Mexicans,  however,  as  a  rule,  did  not 
carry  these  insignia  free  in  their  hands,  but  strapped  upon  their 
backs,  though  it  seems  that  flags  of  the  same  sort  and  shape  as  the 
one  represented  in  our  picture  c  were  also  waved  in  the  hand.  The 
signal  for  battle  w^as  given  Avith  them,  as  Ave  learn  from  Sahagun. 
Thus  Ave  read  in  the  Aztec  manuscript  of  the  Academia  de  la  His- 
toria  at  Madrid:  "  Yn  quachpanitl,  coztic  teocuitlapanitl  yoan  quet- 
zalpanitl,  yn  teeuitia  yyaoc:  A^n  omottac  ye  meuatiquetzaya  izqui 
quachpanitl,  niman  cemeua  yaoquizque  ynic  miccali ".  Sahagun 
(book  8,  chapter  12)  translates  it  someAvhat  inexactly:  Tambien  usa- 
ban  de  unas  vanderillas  de  oro,  las  cuales  en  tocando  al  arma  las 
levantaban  en  las  manos,  porque  comenzasen  a  pelear  los  soldados 
("  They  also  used  certain  golden  flags,  which,  when  the  call  to  arms 
was  sounded,  they  raised  in  their  hands,  because  the  soldiers  began 
to  fight").  The  correct  translation  is  as  follows:  "The  flag  of 
woven  stuff,  the  flag  of  plates  of  gold,  and  the  one  made  of  quetzal 
feathers,  they  call  the  people  in  war  time  to  prepare  for  battle. 
When  men  see  hoAV  the  quachpamitl  (flags  of  AvoA^en  stuff)  are  raised 
on  every  hand,  then  the  warriors  go  forth  to  battle  ".  The  raising 
of  the  flag,  then,  Avas  the  signal  to  begin  battle.  Panquetzaliztli, 
the  raising  of  the  flag,  therefore,  was  the  name  of  the  festival — the 
fifteenth,  according  to  the  usual  reckoning — which  the  Mexicans 
celebrated  in  honor  of  the  god  Ilitzilopochtli,  Avho  Avas  especially 
regarded  as  the  god  of  combat  and  war.  In  Codices  Telleriano- 
Eemensis  and  Vaticanus  A  this  festival  is  represented  by  the  figure 
of  the  god  himself  holding  a  flag  in  his  hand  (^,  figure  30),  which 
shows  essentially  the  same  characteristics  as  the  one  in  the  picture  c, 
plate  II.    Elsewhere  the  quachpamitl  is  painted  by  itself,  as  in  later 


132 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


calendars,  from  which  I  reproduce  the  figure  with  the  legend  in 
e  and  /,  figure  30,  and  also  in  our  picture  c,  plate  ii,  which  illustrates 
the  fifteenth  annual  festival,  the  feast  Panquetzaliztli. 

Finally,  the  fourth  picture,  which  I  designated  by  d,  plate  ii,  shows 
us  the  head  of  a  well-known  deity,  the  red  god  Xipe,  whose  original 
home  was  near  Yopi,  in  the  deep  ravines  of  the  Pacific  slope,  but 
whose  worship  was  widely  spread  throughout  the  highlands,  and  par- 
ticularly in  the  capital,  where  it  was  celebrated  with  special  pomp. 
It  is  a  peculiar  characteristic  of  this  god  that  he  goes  about  clad  in  a 
flayed  human  skin.  Therefore,  at  his  feast  victims  were  not  only 
slaughtered  in  the  usual  manner  by  tearing  out  the  heart,  which  was 
offered  up  to  him,  but  afterward  the  corpse  was  flayed  and  its  skin 
put  on  by  such  persons  as,  for  any  reason,  wished  to  show  the  god 
special  devotion.  It  was  worn  by  them  continually  during  the  twenty 
days  following  the  festival.  This  feast,  called  Tlacaxipeualiztli, 
"  man  flaying  " — the  second,  according  to  the  usual  reckoning — is 
represented  in  our  picture  d  by  the  head  of  the  god  Xipe. 

Thus  we  have  in  a,  b,  c,  and  d  of  column  b,  plates  ii  and  iii,  the  pic- 
tures of  four  yearly  festivals,  namely,  the  sixth,  eleventh,  fifteenth, 
and  second,  according  to  the  usual  reckoning.  The  sixth  feast  was 
separated  from  the  eleventh  by  5X20,  or  100,  days:  the  eleventh 
from  the  fifteenth  by  4X20,  or  80,  days;  the  fifteenth  from  the  second 
by  5X20-1-5,  or  105,  daj^s  (in  this  interval  fall  the  nemontemi, 
the  five  superfluous  days,  which  were  counted  at  the  end  of  Izcalli), 
and,  lastly,  the  second  was  4X20,  or  80,  days,  distant  from  the  sixth, 
giving  a  total  of  100-|-80-[-105-|-80,  or  365.  These  four  festivals,  it 
is  true,  do  not  divide  the  year  into  four  quarters,  except  approxi- 
mately. It  is  as  exact  and  regular  as  is  possible  in  a  year  composed 
of  eighteen  parts  of  20  days  each  and  5  superfluous  days. 

We  will  now  consider  column  a  (see  plates  ii  and  iii),  the  first  on 
the  right  hand  of  the  strip.  Here  we  invariably  find,  together  with 
the  feast  Etzalqualiztli  (a  of  column  b),  a  picture  and  several  small 
circles,  which  express  a  certain  number.  Here,  again,  we  have  four 
pictures,  which  follow  one  another  from  below  upward  in  regu- 
lar alternation.    I  will  designate  these,  beginning  at  the  bottom,  by 

/?,      and  S. 

The  first  character,  ol^  is  composed  of  an  eye,  a  vertical  ray,  and 
two  lateral  parts,  probably  deriA^ed  from  the  drawing  of  a  cross,  the 
arms  of  which  cut  each  other  at  a  somewhat  acute  angle.  This  is 
the  symbol  of  the  four  cardinal  points  (see  the  variant  of  this  char- 
acter, 6,  figure  31,  from  the  Sahagun  manuscript  of  the  Biblioteca 
Laurenziana) ,  but  may,  perhaps,  have  some  connection  with  the 
drawing  often  found  on  spindle  whorls  (see     6,  c,  and  c?,  same  figure) 


SELERl 


MEXICAN  PICTURE   WRITIINGS  P^RAGMENT  I 


133 


of  two  eyebrows  siirrouiiding  the  hole  of  the  spindle,  supposed  to  be 
the  eye.  Compare  /'  and  /,  figure  31,  taken  from  a  list  of  persons  in 
the  tow^ns  of  Uexotzinco  and  Xaltepetlapan  (Mexican  manuscript  No 
3  of  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale  in  Paris)  and  denoting  persons  of 
the  name  of  Olin.  The  whole  character  stands  for  the  word  olin, 
that  which  rolls  It  is  the  seventeenth  of  the  twenty  day  signs  of 
the  Mexicans,  and  was  regarded  as  standing  in  special  relation  to  the 
sun.  The  form  Avhich  the  character  takes  in  our  picture  plate  ii, 
most  resembles  that  which  we  see  in  Codices  Telleriano-Remensis 
and  Yaticanus  A  (see  /,  figure  31),  and  it  is  not  wholly  without  sig- 


l 


Fig.  31.    Variations  of  the  Mexican  seventeenth  day  symbol. 

nificance  in  deciding  the  question  of  the  origin  of  the  picture  writing 
under  consideration. 

The  second  sign  of  column  a,  which  I  call  ft  (plate  ii),  represents 
the  head  of  the  wind  god,  Ehecatl,  or  Quetzalcoatl.  He  has  a  pro- 
truding, trumpetlike  mouth,  for  the  wind  god  blows  (see  also  d. 
and  figure  41).  Generally  speaking,  this  figure  suggested  whirls 
and  circles.  Hence  his  temples  were  built  in  circular  form.  The  cap 
which  he  wears  is  cone-shaped.  The  ends  of  his  headband  and  his 
breechclout  are  rounded.  His  head  ornament  is  the  spiral  snail  shell. 
He  wears  snail  shells  as  a  necklace,  and  his  breast  ornament,  the  eca- 
ilacatzcozcatl,"  as  well  as  his  ear  ornament,  is  carved  from  a  huge 

"  Veroffentlichungen  aus  dem  Koniglichen  Museum  fiir  Volkerkunde  zu  Berlin,  v.  1, 
pp.  128,  129. 


134 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


whelk  shell.  The  head  of  the  wind  god  here  stands  for  the  second  of 
the  twenty  day  signs  of  the  Mexicans,  which  was  called  Ehecatl, 
"  wind  ".  The  form  which  the  character  has  in  our  figure  likeAvise 
resembles  most  the  form  which  is  drawn  in  Codices  Telleriano- 
Kemensis  and  Vaticanus  A. 

The  third  sign  {y,  plate  iii)  in  column  a  shows  us  the  head  of  a 
deer,  which  is  most  unnaturally  drawn,  having  upper  incisors,  but  is 
plainly  intended  to  represent  a  deer,  as  is  shown  by  the  branching 
antlers.  The  seventh  of  the  twenty  day  signs  of  the  Mexicans  was 
designated  by  the  picture  of  the  deer  (Mazatl). 

The  fourth  sign,  is  a  death's-head,  with  fleshless  jaw,  a  great, 
round  eye  with  an  eyebrow,  and  a  protruding  tongue,  such  a  head  as 
was  customarily  used  among  the  Mexicans  to  represent  death  or  the 
death  god.  But  here  the  skull  is  covered  with  a  green  bush,  the  sepa- 
rate stalks  of  which  end  in  small  yellow  knobs.  This  green  bush  rep- 
resents grass,  and  is  illustratiA^e  of  the  rope  twisted  of  grass  (mali- 
nalli),  which  has  been  used  from  remote  antiquity  down  to  the  pres- 
ent day  for  cording  heavy  burdens,  such  as  charcoal,  etc.  The  whole 
denotes  the  twelfth  of  the  twenty  day  signs  of  the  Mexicans,  called 
malinalli,  that  which  is  twisted  ".  The  green  bush  is  combined 
with  the  death's-head  in  this  picture,  because  the  rope  twisted  of 
grass  suggested  the  mummy  bales  corded  with  rope,  like  a  burden 
which  has  the  form  given  to  the  bodies  of  the  dead.  Perhaps,  too, 
the  grass  itself,  shooting  up  anew  with  the  first  showers  of  rain  and 
then  withering  quickly,  awakened  the  thought  of  the  transitoriness  of 
earthly  things.  At  any  rate,  it  is  a  fact  that  malinalli  was  consid- 
ered a  sign  of  misfortune;  that  decay,  destruction,  and  change  were 
supposed  to  follow  swiftly  in  its  train.  AVe  may  also  note  in  regard 
to  the  form  of  the  sign  that  our  picture  S  most  closely  resembles  the 
forms  in  which  this  sign  of  ill  omen,  malinalli,  is  represented  in 
Codices  Telleriano-Remensis  and  Vaticanus  A. 

The  Mexican  numerical  system  was  vigesimal.  Therefore  the  num- 
ber 20  naturally  formed  the  basis  of  computation  of  time.  The  peo- 
ple designated  each  one  of  the  20  consecutive  days  by  a  particular 
sign.  But  with  these  twenty  signs  they  combine  the  numerals  1  to  13 
in  such  a  way  that  each  of  the  consecutive  days  was  designated  by  a 
sign  and  a  numeral.  If,  therefore,  the  numeral  1 ,  combined  with  the 
first  sign,  served  to  designate  the  first  day,  then  the  fourteenth  day 
took  the  fourteenth  sign,  and  also  the  numeral  1  again.  Thus  a  period 
of  13X20,  or  260,  days  was  reached  as  a  higher  chronologic  unit.  For 
no  day  received  the  same  numeral  and  the  same  sign  until  after  the 
expiration  of  this  period.  The  period  of  13X20,  or  260,  days  was 
called  tonalamatl,  "  the  book  of  the  day  signs  ". 


MEXICAN  PAINTING-HUMBO 


I,  PART  2 


BULLETIN  28    PLATE  III 


sklek] 


MEXICAN   PICTURE   WRITINGS  FF.AGMENT  I 


135 


The  Mexicans  reckoned  305  days  to  the  year,  and  I  have  already 
stated  that  they  divided  the  year  into  eighteen  periods  of  20  (hiys 
each  and  5  superfluous  days,  called  nemontemi.  These  5  superfluous 
days  were  regarded  as  unlucky  days,  as  useless,  fit  for  no  serious 
business.  Hence  the  ancient  Mexicans  said  of  them  "  acani  pouhqui  ". 
This  undoubtedly  means  '*  they  were  held  in  no  esteem  but  accord- 
ing to  the  original  meaning  of  the  words  they  may  also  signify  they 
were  not  counted  ".  It  has  therefore  been  inferred  that  these  5  days 
were  left  blank;  that  the  continuous  series  of  signs  and  numerals 
was  not  applied  to  them.  In  an  article  which  I  presented  to  the 
Anthropologic  Society  at  Berlin  in  the  year  189 1,«  I  pointed  out  that 
the  whole  Mexican  system  of  designating  the  year — namely,  that  the 
consecutive  days  were  designated  by  four  signs,  each  two  of  which 
were  4  days  apart — and  the  Mexican  periods  of  52  years  were  intel- 
ligible only  if  we  assume  that  the  5  nemontemi,  the  superfluous  days, 
were  named  and  numbered  in  the  same  Avay  as  the  others.  Our 
manuscript,  plate  i  of  the  present  series,  affords  the  best  proof  of 
this  theory. 

In  column  b  the  pictures  follow  in  regular  alternation,  and  ap- 
proximately denote  the  beginning  of  every  quarter  of  a  year  for  a 
consecutive  series  of  years.  Besides  the  first  of  these,  the  symbol  of  the 
feast  Etzalqualiztli,  there  are  in  column  a  numerals  and  signs  which, 
taken  together,  denote  each  the  date  of  a  certain  day.  In  the  lowest 
of  them,  in  square  1a  (plate  ii),  the  small  circles,  which  represent  the 
numerals,  are  imperfectly  preserved.  But  from  what  remains,  and 
from  the  connection  of  the  whole  series,  it  may  be  inferred  that  the 
numeral  12  should  stand  here.  If  we  introduce  this  numeral  we  see 
that  in  column  a  (side  by  side  with  the  Etzalqualiztli  of  column  b, 
plates  II  to  vi)  the  following  dates  of  days  are  given: 


01  in 

Ehecatl 

Mazatl 

Malinalli 

12 

13 

14 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

14 

2 

3 

4 

Here  the  numeral  14,^  which  does  not  really  belong  to  the  designa- 
tion of  the  days,  is  invariably  to  be  read  as  1  ",  for  only  the  numerals 
1  to  13,  as  I  have  stated,  are  used  in  addition  to  the  twenty  characters 
to  designate  the  consecutive  days. 


"Zeitschrift  fiir  Ethnologie,  v.  13,  pp.  89-133. 
The  14  in  the  manuscript  is  an  error  of  the  native  artist.    C.  T, 


136  BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY  [bull.  28 


Table  III. 


Etzalqualiztli 

1  Tecuilhuitonli 

Uei  tecuilhuitl 

1  Tlaxochimaco 

Xocouetzi 

Ochpaniztli 

Teotleco  | 

Tepeilhuit 

Quecholli 

1  Panquetzaliztli 

1  Atemoztli  1 

Tititl 

Izcalli 

Nemontemi  1 

Atlcaualco 

Tlacaxipeualiztli  1 

Tozoztontli  | 

Uei  tocoztli 

Toxcatl 

Etzalqualiztli 

Olein 

12 

a 

13 

7 

i 

8 

2 

9 

3 

10 

4 

11 

5 

12 

6 

13 

7 

1 

8 

±  cCpcil  i 

13 

rf 
i 

1 

8 

2 

9 

3 

10 

4 

11 

5 

12 

6 

13 

7 

1 

8 

2 

9 

(^n  1 Q  ni  "f  1 

\^KX1<X  til  Irl 

1 

Q 
O 

2 

9 

3 

10 

4 

11 

5 

12 

6 

13 

7 

1 

8 

2 

9 

3 

10 

2 

o 

3 

10 

4 

11 

5 

12 

6 

13 

7 

1 

8 

2 

9 

3 

10 

4 

11 

V_/l^Ctl^  Lll 

Q 

in 

A 

4 

li 

K 

o 

1  9 
1.2 

D 

13 

1 

8 

2 

9 

3 

10 

4 

11 

5 

12 

4 

11 

5 

12 

6 

13 

7 

1 

8 

2 

9 

3 

10 

4 

11 

5 

12 

6 

13 

Calli 

5 

12 

6 

13 

7 

1 

8 

2 

9 

3 

10 

4 

5 

12 

6 

13 

7 

C^ncxi''7'rm  1 1  n 

\j  IXXD  UAjJctllll 

6 

13 

7 

1 

8 

2 

9 

3 

10 

4 

11 

5 

19 

6 

13 

7 

1 

8 

7 

1 

8 

2 

9 

3 

10 

4 

11 

5 

12 

6 

1Q 
lo 

7 

1 

8 

2 

9 

]VIic["iiiztli 

8 

2 

9 

3 

10 

4 

11 

5 

12 

6 

13 

7 

1 

8 

2 

9 

3 

10 

9 

3 

10 

4 

11 

5 

12 

6 

13 

7 

1 

8 

9 

3 

10 

4 

11 

X  Ul/11  Lll 

10 

4 

11 

5 

12 

6 

13 

7 

1 

8 

2 

9 

10 

4 

11 

5 

12 

Atl 

11 

5 

12 

6 

13 

7 

1 

8 

2 

9 

3 

10 

4 

11 

5 

12 

6 

13 

Itzcuintli 

12 

6 

13 

7 

1 

8 

2 

9 

3 

10 

4 

11 

5 

12 

6 

13 

7 

1 

Ozomatli 

13 

7 

1 

8 

2 

9 

3 

10 

4 

11 

5 

12 

6 

13 

7 

1 

8 

2 

Malinalli 

1 

8 

2 

9 

3 

10 

4 

11 

5 

12 

6 

13 

7 

1 

8 

2 

9 

3 

Acatl 

2 

9 

3 

10 

4 

11 

5 

12 

6 

13 

7 

1 

8 

2 

9 

3 

10 

4 

Ocelotl 

3 

10 

4 

11 

5 

12 

6 

13 

7 

1 

8 

2 

9 

3 

10 

4 

11 

5 

Quauhtli 

4 

11 

5 

12 

6 

13 

7 

1 

8 

2 

9 

3 

10 

4 

11 

5 

12 

6 

Cozcaquauhtli 

5 

12 

6 

13 

1 

8 

2 

9 

3 

10 

4 

11 

5 

12 

6 

13 

7 

If,  after  making  this  correction,  we  consult  a  table  of  the  Mexican 
calendar,  we  see,  assuming  that  the  5  nemontemi  were  named  and 
numbered  continuously  in  the  same  way  as  the  other  days,  that  the 
dates  of  the  days  given  in  column  a  are  always  exactly  365  days 
apart. 

This,  I  think,  clearly  proves,  first,  that  the  pictures  drawn  in  col- 
umn B  are  actually  the  beginnings  of  quarters  of  years,  and  the  dif- 
ferent pictures  a  are  meant  to  show  the  annual  recurrence  of  the  feast 
Etzalqualiztli;  second,  that  the  statement  that  the  5  nemontemi 
were  riot  counted  can  rest  only  on  a  misunderstanding. 

But  our  manuscript  is  of  importance  to  chronology  in  yet  another 
respect.    It  is  well  known  that  the  Mexicans  called  their  years  by  the 
four  day  signs  Acatl,  "  reed  "  ;  Tecpatl,  "  flint "  ;  Calli,  "  house 
and  Tochtli,  "  rabbit     which  they  combined  with  the  numerals  1  to 
13  in  the  same  way  as  in  naming  the  days. 


sELEKl  MEXICAN  PICTITRE   WRITINGS  FRAGMENT  I  137 


Table  IV. 


Acatl 

J 

X  ccpati 

1 
1 

Pa  1 1  i 

1 

T^#-k^»Vi  +  H 

i  ocntii 

1  Acatl 

2 

X  OCHtil 

£, 

Acaii 

and  so  on 

q 
o 

q 

C) 

X  ocntii 

q 
o 

Acatl 

3 

1  ecpatl 

as  before. 

X  OCULll 

4 

Acatl 

4 

X  et  pati 

4 

Uaili 

Acatl 

O 

X  eCpa  Ll 

K 

0 

v^aiii 

e 
O 

1  ocntli 

6 

Tecpatl " 

6 

Calli 

6 

Tochtli 

6 

Acatl 

7 

Calli 

7 

Tochtli 

7 

Acatl 

7 

Tecpatl 

8 

Tochtll 

8 

Acatl 

8 

Tecpatl 

8 

Calli 

9 

Acatl 

9 

Tecpatl 

.  9 

Calli 

9 

Tochtli 

10 

Tecpatl 

10 

Calli 

10 

Tochtli 

10 

Acatl 

11 

Calli 

11 

Tochtli 

11 

Acatl 

11 

Tecpatl 

12 

Tochtli 

12 

Acatl 

12 

Tecpatl 

12 

Calli 

13 

Acatl 

13 

Tecpatl 

13 

Calli 

13 

Tochtli 

In  my  treatise,  already  mentioned  above,"  I  laid  stress  on  the  fact 
that  the  origin  of  this  nomenclature  lies  in  the  acceptance  of  a  year  of 
365  days,  and  that  the  years  were  simply  named  after  a  certain  lead- 
ing day.  In  fact,  if  we  assume,  for  instance,  that  in  one  year  the 
leading  day  was  the  second  one  in  table  III,  page  136,  bearing  the  sign 
Tecpatl  and  the  numeral  13,  then  in  the  next  year,  that  is,  after  the 
lapse  of  365  days,  the  same  day  would  take  the  sign  Calli  and  the 
numeral  1,  and  so  on.  Now,  at  the  outset  it  is  most  natural  to  suppose 
that  this  leading  day,  from  which  the  year  was  first  named,  was  the 
first  day  of  the  year,  and  that  the  first  days  of  the  consecutive  years 
bore  the  signs  Acatl,  Tecpatl,  Calli,  and  Tochtli.  It  can  not  well 
be  denied,  as  I  demonstrated  in  the  above-mentioned  article,^  that  at 
the  time  and  place  it  first  occurred  to  scholars  that  only  four  of  the 
twenty  day  signs  fell  upon  the  first  days  of  the  years,  it  was  those 
very  days  Acatl,  Tecpatl,  Calli,  and  Tochtli  with  which  the  years 
then  and  in  that  place  began,  or  at  least  that  these  days  were  then  and 
in  that  place,  for  whatsoever  reason,  chosen  as  the  first  days  of  the 
years.  To  be  sure,  the  admission  of  this  contradicts  the  assertions  of 
Duran  and  those  of  Cristobal  del  Castillo,  quoted  and  used  by  Leon  y 
Gama,  as  these  make  the  Mexican  year  begin  with  Cipactli,  that  is, 
Avith  Cipactli,  Miquiztli,  Ozomatli,  and  Cozcaquauhtli,  respectively. 
But  I  saw  an  indirect  proof  of  my  theory  in  the  circumstance  that 
ancient  records  from  two  remote  and  widely  separated  places,  Mez- 
titlan  on  the  borders  of  Huaxteca  and  Nicaragua,  made  the  series  of 
twenty  day  signs  begin  with  Acatl;  and  I  furnished  a  direct  proof 
by  showing  that  in  the  Mayan  manuscript  at  Dresden  the  years  do 
not  indeed  begin  with  Kan,  Muluc,  Ix,  and  Cauac,  with  which, 
according  to  Landa  and  the  books  of  Chilam  Balam,  the  Mayas  began 
their  years  in  later  times,  but  with  Been,  Ezanab,  Akbal,  and  Lamat, 


°  Zeitschrift  fiir  Ethnologie,  1891,  v.  22. 
*  Zeitschrif t  fiir  Ethnologie,  v.  23,  p.  102. 


138 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


the  characters  which  corresi^ond  to  the  Mexican  Acatl,  Tecpatl,  Calli, 
and  Tochtli. 

It  is  true  our  manuscript  (plate  i)  does  not  mention  the  first  days 
of  the  years,  but  in  cohimn  a  it  gives  the  days  on  which  the  sixth  feast 
of  the  year,  Etzalqualiztli,  felL 

We  know  that  in  the  so-called  months,  or  periods  of  20  days,  which 
were  named  for  the  various  yearly  festivals,  the  actual  feast  of  the 
respective  name  always  fell  on  the  last  day  of  the  period.  If,  there- 
fore, as  our  column  a  shows,  in  the  19  years  presented  here  the  feast 
Etzalqualiztli,  the  sixth  festival  of  the  year,  fell  on  the  days 


Oleiii 

Ehecatl 

Mazatl 

Malinalli 

12 

13 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

1 

2 

3 

4 

then  it  directly  follows  that  the  first  day  of  the  seventh  period  (named 
for  the  feast  Tecuilhuitontli)  must  fall  on  the  days 


Tecpatl 

Calli 

Tochtli 

Acatl 

13 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

*7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

And  if,  with  Sahagun,  we  put  the  beginning  of  the  year  on  the  first 
day  of  the  period  named  for  the  feast  Atlcaualco  we  shall  have  the 
following  series  for  the  first  days  of  these  19  years : 


Tecpatl 

Calli 

Tochtli 

Acatl 

10 

11 

12 

13 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

1 

2 

From  our  manuscript,  which,  so  far  as  I  know,  is  the  only  Mexican 
manuscript  that  contains  a  long  series  of  A^ears,  or,  more  exactly 
speaking,  dates  of  days  extending  over  a  long  series  of  years,  it  there- 
fore follows  positively  that  the  Mexicans  began  their  years  with  the 
characters  Acatl,  Tecpatl,  Calli,  and  Tochtli,  just  as  the  Maya  priests 
who  wrote  the  Dresden  manuscript  began  their  years  with  the  days 
corresponding  to  the  same  four  characters. 

This  result,  which  I  reached  on  grounds  of  a  more  general  na- 
ture, and  which,  as  we  see,  is  directly  obtainable  from  our  manu- 
script, has  been  still  further  confirmed  by  evidence  very  recently 
published.  At  the  last  session  of  the  Americanist  congress  which  met 
at  Huelva  Mrs.  Zelia  Nuttall  exhibited  upon  a  large  chart  a  recon- 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


S  S  g  Lj  JjS  g 


MEXICAN  PAINTING 


:^  2  gS  •  g  J3 

DLDT   FRAGMENT  I    PART  3 


kMLLeTIN  'l'-',    PLATE  IV 


SRLEKl 


MEXICAN  PICTURE   WRITINGS  FRAGMENT  I 


139 


struction  devised  by  her  of  the  Mexican  calendar,  further  particidars 
concerning  which  she  has  reserved.  Upon  this  chart  was  tlie  follow- 
ing passage  from  an  important  Mexican  picture  manuscript,  which 
bek)ngs  to  the  Biblioteca  Nazionale  at  Florence,  and  which  will  soon 
l>e  published  in  facsimile  b}^  Mrs  Nuttall:  Es  de  notar  que  siempre 
comienga  el  ano  en  un  dia  de  quatro,  el  uno  que  llaman  acatl.  Y  de 
alii  toman  nonbre.  O  en  otro  que  llaman  calli.  Y  de  alii  toman  non- 
bre.  O  en  otro  que  llaman  tecpatl.  Y  de  alii  toman  nonbre.  Y  de 
otro  que  llaman  tochtli.  Y  de  alii  toman  nonbre  ("  It  is  to  be  noted 
that  the  year  always^  begins  on  one  of  four  days — the  one  which  they 
call  Acatl,  and  from  there  they  take  the  name;  or  on  another  which 
they  call  Calli,  and  from  there  they  take  the  name;  or  on  another 
which  they  call  Tecpatl,  and  from  there  they  take  the  name;  and 
from  another  which  they  call  Tochtli,  and  from  there  they  take  the 
name  ").  This  is  clear  and  intelligible,  and  Mrs  Nuttall  has  correctly 
made  this  passage  the  starting  point  for  her  researches. 

It  is  quite  another  question,  and  one  which  I  must  touch  upon  here, 
whether  the  month  Atlcaualco,  stated  by  Sahagun  and  others  to  be 
the  first  month  of  the  3^ear,  is  really  the  one  which  was  the  leading, 
or  first,  month  at  the  time  when  the  designation  of  the  years,  accord- 
ing to  the  four  days  Acatl,  Tecpatl,  Calli,  and  Tochtli,  first  came  into 
use.    This  question,  it  seems,  should  be  answered  in  the  negative. 

The  most  important  statement  by  the  old  writers  which  makes  an 
agreement  betAveen  the  Mexican  and  our  chronolog}^  and  a  compari- 
son of  the  Mexican  designations  of  the  years  with  certain  days  of  any 
one  year  possible  is  that  made  in  Sahagun,  book  12,  chapter  40,  where 
it  is  stated  that  the  capture  of  Quauhtemoctzin,  which  put  an  end  to 
the  desperate  defense  of  the  city  of  Mexico,  occurred  on  the  day  ce 
Coatl,  "  1  snake  of  the  year  yei  Calli,  "  3  house  " :  Auhin  omoman 
chimalli  inic  tixitinque  in  xiuhtonalli  ei  calli,  auh  in  cemilhuitlapoalli 
ce  Coatl  ("When  the  shield  was  laid  down  (the  war  ceased),  while 
we  fell  to  the  ground,  that  was  the  year  '  3  house '  and  the  day  '  1 
snake'").  (Biblioteca  Lorenziana  manuscript.)  This  day  was,  as 
we  know^  from  the  letters  of  Cortes  and  Gomara's  history,  Tuesday, 
St.  Hippolytus's  day,  August  13,  1521."  The  Aztec  writer  Chimal- 
pahin  says  the  same  thing  in  his  Seventh  Relation :  Yhcuac  canque 
yn  tlatohuani  Cuauhtemoctzin  ypan  cemilhuitonalli  ce  cohuatl 
*  *  *  ic  matlactlomey  mani  metztli  agosto,  ypan  ylhuitzin  S.  Tipo- 
lito,  martyr  ("  They  took  King  Quauhtemoctzin  prisoner  on  the  day 
'  1  snake  '  *  *  *  on  the  13th  day  of  August,  the  feast  of  the  holy 
martyr  Hippolytus  ")  On  the  basis  of  this  statement  Orozco  y 
Berra,  in  the  second  volume  of  his  Historia  Antigua  y  de  la  Conquista 
de  Mexico,  tried  to  find  an  agreement  between  the  Mexican  and  Euro- 

«  Cartas  de  Hernan  Cortes,  ed.  Gayangos,  Paris,  1866,  p.  257  ;  Gomara,  Cronica,  chap. 
143. 

"  Anales  de  Domingo  Francisco  de  San  Anton  Munoz  Chimalpahiu  Quauhtlehiianitzin. 
Seventh  Relation,  edid.  Remi  Simeon,  p.  194. 


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pean  chronologies ;  but  the  attempt  failed  in  the  most  essential  points, 
since  Orozco  favored  the  erroneous  vieAv  that  the  Mexicans  began 
their  years,  and  therefore  also  what  they  called  their  months,  with 
the  days  Cipactli,  Miquiztli,  Ozomatli,  and  Cozcaquauhtli. 

In  order  to  make  the  matter  clear,  I  will  mention  still  another  point 
of  agreement.  In  the  Seventh  Relation  of  Chimalpahin  (page  188 
of  Remi  Simeon's  edition)  we  read  that  the  entrance  of  Hernan 
Cortes  into  Mexico  and  his  reception  by  the  kings  of  the  three  allied 
kingdoms,  Mexico,  Tetzcoco,  and  Tlacopan,  took  place  on  the  day 
chicuey  Ehecatl,  "  8  wind  ",  the  ninth  day  of  the  month  Quecholli : 
"  ypan  cem  ilhuitlapohnalli  chicuey  ehcatl,  auh  yn  ipan  ynin  metz- 
tlapohual  catca  huehuetque  chiucnahuilhuitia  quecholli  We  have 
also  a  statement  in  regard  to  the  same  da}^  in  the  Aztec  account  which 
is  preserved  in  the  Sahagun  manuscript  of  the  Biblioteca  Lorenziana. 
This  latter  account  agrees  Avith  the  former  in  stating  that  the  coming 
of  the  Spanish  occurred  in  the  year  ce  Acatl,  "  1  reed  on  the  9th  of 
the  month  Quecholli — or,  as  the  author  says,  on  the  eve  of  the  10th 
of  the  month  Quecholli — but  it  differs  from  it  in  saying  that  this  day 
was  not  designated  as  a  day  8  wind  but  as  ce  Ehecatl,  "  1  wind 
and  that  would  be  a  day  20  days  previous  to  the  other :  "  auh  in 
izquilhuitico  in  Mexico  in  ic  calaquico  in  Espanoles:  ipan  ce  hecatl 
in  cemilhuitlapoalli :  auh  in  xiuhtonalli  ce  acatl,  oc  muztla  tlamat- 
lactiz  quecholli :  auh  in  cemilhuitique  ome  calli :  vel  iquac  in  tlama- 
tlactli  quecholli  If  we  consult  Spanish  historians  we  find,  in  Ber- 
nal  Diaz  del  Castillo's  Historia  Verdadera,  the  day  of  the  Spanish 
entrance  given  as  November  8  of  the  year  1519. 

The  writer  of  the  account  in  the  Sahagun  manuscript  continues 
his  computation  from  the  date  given  above  by  counting  each  month, 
to  which  fact  I  would  call  attention  here.  This  was,  no  doubt,  the 
usual  historic  chronology,  for  on  page  136  of  Codex  Vaticanus  A 
we  see  the  months  which  elapsed  during  the  stay  of  the  Spaniards  in 
the  city  similarly  set  down.  The  writer  of  the  Sahagun  account 
reckons  in  this  way  to  the  feast  Toxcatl,  w^hen  AJvarado  fell  upon  the 
unarmed  Mexicans  decked  for  the  feast  and  slaughtered  the  flower  of 
the  Mexican  nobility,  and  then  onward  to  the  feast  Tecuilhuitontli, 
that  is,  the  completion  of  the  month  Tecuilhuitontli.  On  this  day. 
he  says,  the  Spanish  fled  by  night  from  the  city :  "  Niman  quival- 
toquilia  tecuilhuitontli,  ie  oncan  in  quizque,  vel  ipan  in  ilhuitl  in 
quizque  in  Espanoles  in  moioalpoloque There  were  altogether, 
he  says,  235  days,  that  is,  195  days  during  which  the  Spaniards  and 
Mexicans  were  friends  and  40  days  during  which  they  fought  each 
other.  Computed  accurately  this  can  not  mean  the  feast  Tecuilhui- 
tontli itself,  but  the  eve  of  the  feast.  For  counting  235  days  from 
the  ninth  day  of  the  month  Quecholli  we  come  to  the  19th  and  not  to 


SELER]  MEXICAN  PICTURE  WRITINGS  FRAGMENT  I  141 


the  20th,  the  hist  day  of  the  month  Tecuilhuitoiitli.  The  Spaniards 
probably  left  the  hostile  city  on  the  night  before  the  feast,  and  the 
narrator  counts  the  whole  days  which  lay  between  the  ninth  day  of 
Quecholli  and  the  feast  Teciiilhuitontli.  It  can  be  computed  with 
tolerable  accuracy  that  this  day,  the  "noche  triste  "  of  unhallowed 
memory  to  the  Spanish,  was  the  30th  of  June,  1520.<^  But  from  Nov- 
ember 8,  1519,  to  June  30,  1520,  there  are  actualW  235  days,  since  1520 
was  a  leap  year.  The  authenticated  European  chronology  and  that 
of  our  Indian  informant  thus  agree  perfectly. 

If  we  now  compare  these  newly  acquired  dates  with  the  one  first 
quoted,  the  clay  of  Quauhtemoc's  capture,  we  have  the  following  com- 
putation: Betw^een  November  8,  1519,  and  August  13,  1521,  there 
elapsed  644  days.  If  Ave  count  644  days  from  the  9th  day  of  Que- 
cholli in  the  Indian  calendar  of  feasts,  in  doing  which  we  should  take 
into  account  that  the  Mexicans  had  no  leap  years,  we  come  to  the  third 
day  of  the  month  Xocotluetzi.  We  must  conclude  that  in  the  Indian 
calendar  of  feasts  this  was  the  day  of  Quauhtemoc's  capture. 

But  now,  before  I  draw"  further  conclusions  from  this  result,  I 
must  mention  that  it  contradicts  certain  other  records.  According 
to  an  account  quoted  by  Leon  y  Gama  Quauhtemoc's  capture  did  not 
take  place  in  the  month  Xocotluetzi,  but  in  Nexochimaco,  or  Tlaxo- 
chimaco,  the  preceding  month.  Chimalpahin  seems  to  make  a  simi- 
lar statement,  for  he  says,  in  the  passage  from  which  I  quoted 
above:  Auh  yye  ohuacic  nauhpohuallonmatlaqu-ilhuitl  yn  otech 
icalque  tlaxochimaco  yye  .  .  .  yc  tixitinque  ("  after  they  had 
striven  against  us  90  days,  we  at  last  surrendered  in  Tlaxochi- 
maco (?)"). 

It  is  obvious  that  this  can  not  be  reconciled  with  the  statements 
mentioned  above.  As,  however,  those  other  statements  are  to  a 
certain  extent  controlled  by  European  computation,  it  is  very  pos- 
sible that  there  is  an  error  here,  the  more  so  because,  by  our  calcu- 
lation, the  day  of  Quauhtemoc's  capture  was  comparatively  close  to 
the  feast  Tlaxochimaco,  being  on  the  third  day  following  it.  The 
beginning  of  the  battle  and  the  appearance  of  the  Spanish  caravels 
at  Nonoucalco,  which,  according  to  Chimalpahin's  repeated  assertion, 
occurred  90  da^^s  before,  are  placed  by  Chimalpahin  in  the  month 
Toxcatl.  This  coincides  with  our  reckoning.  But  when  he  says 
in  the  passage  in  question  ^  that  it  was  on  the  day  ce  Cozcaquauhtli, 

1  king  vulture  it  is  incorrect.  It  is  undoubtedly  a  slip  of  the  pen 
or,  perhaps,  an  error  in  reading.   It  should  rather  be  ei  Cozcaquauhtli, 

The  letter  of  Cortes  states  that  the  army  reached  Tlaxcala  on  the  Sth  of  July,  and 
from  the  general's  accurate  account  of  their  progress  each  day  it  appears  that  they  left 
the  capital  on  the  last  night  of  June,  or  rather  the  morning  of  July  1  (Prescott,  Hist. 
Conquest  Mexico) 

Dos  I'iedras,  2d  ed.,  p.  79,  note,  and  p.  80. 
'  Page  193  of  the  R€mi  Simeon  edition. 


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[BULL.  28 


"  3  king  vulture  ".  This  latter  day  occurs  90  days  before  the  day 
ce  Coatl,  the  day  of  Quauhtemoc's  capture. 

Now,  if  the  day  of  Quauhtemoc's  capture  was  August  13,  1521, 
the  third  day  of  the  month  Xocotluetzi,  it  follows,  as  this  was  said 
to  have  been  likewise  a  day  ce  Coatl,  "  1  snake  ",  that  the  first  day  of 
the  month  must  have  been  the  day  12  Calli  and  the  first  day  of  the 
year  1  Calli.  Hence  it  follows,  as  I  stated  above,  and  as  can  safely 
be  concluded  from  the  dates  in  our  manuscript,  that  the  years  of  the 
Mexicans  began  with  the  signs  Acatl,  Tecpatl,  Calli,  and  Tochtli, 
and  not,  as  was  hitherto  generally  supposed,  Avith  the  signs  Cipactli, 
Miquiztli,  Ozomatli,  and  Cozcaquauhtli ;  and  it  follows,  since  the  year 
1521  is  said  to  have  been  a  year  3  Calli,  that  the  years  of  the  Mexicans 
were  not  named  for  the  first  day  of  the  first  month,  Atlcaualco,  as 
has  been  commonly  believed,  but,  as  the  computation  shows,  for  the 
first  day  of  the  fifth  month,  on  whose  last  day  the  feast  Toxcatl  was 
celebrated ;  lastly,  it  follows  that  the  beginning  of  the  month  Atlcau- 
alco in  the  year  of  the  conquest  did  not  fall  on  the  2d  of  February,  as 
was  decided  after  much  discussion  at  the  Indian  conference  held  at 
Tlatelalco  in  Sahagun's  time,"  but  that  it  must  have  fallen  on  the  12th 
of  February.  The  latter  result  is  of  special  importance  because  it 
proves  that  in  the  forty  odd  years  which  elapsed  between  the  year  of 
the  conquest  and  the  time  when  the  Sahagun  manuscript  was  com- 
posed ^  the  beginning  of  the  Mexican  year  was  set  forward  10  days. 
This  is  exactlj^  the  sum  of  the  intercalary  days,  which  occur  in  this 
period  of  time,  and  proves  that  the  Mexicans  did  not  know  how  to 
regulate  their  chronology  by  intercalations  at  short  intervals. 

If  this  is  firmly  established,  then  we  may  further  conclude  that  the 
day  of  the  arrival  of  the  Spaniards,  said  to  have  been  the  ninth  day 
of  the  month  Quecholli,  can  have  been  neither  8  Ehecatl  (as  Chimalpa- 
hin  states)  nor  1  Ehecatl  (as  the  writer  of  the  account  in  the  Sahagun 
manuscript  asserts),  but  must  have  been  the  day  before  7  Cipactli 
or  13  Cipactli.  Otherwise,  the  month  must  have  begun  with  a  day 
Ocelotl,  which,  as  we  have  seen,  is  incorrect.  But  if  from  1  Coatl, 
the  day  of  Quauhtemoc's  capture,  we  count  644  days  backward  in  the 
Indian  calendar  we  do  not  arrive  at  1  Cipactli,  but  at  7  Cipactli. 
Chimalpahin's  statement  was,  therefore,  relatively  correct  (within 
1  day),  and  the  writer  of  the  account  in  the  Sahagun  manuscript 
made  an  error  of  20  days.  The  only  explanation  I  can  give  for  the 
fact  that  both  sources  agree  in  mentioning  a  da}^  Ehecatl  instead  of  a 
day  Cipactli  is  that  tradition  confused  the  day  and  its  eve  or  that  the 
name  of  the  day  was  not  held  fast  by  tradition,  but  Avas  only  recov- 

«  See  Sahagun,  v,  7,  chap.  12. 

•*  In  tLe  Sahagun  manuscript  of  the  Academia  de  la  Histoiia  the  year  ome  Acatl  (  = 
A.  D.  1559)  is  given  as  the  year  of  writing  down  at  least  certain  parts  (the  historical 
ones)  of  the  manuscript. 


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MEXICAN  PICTURE  WRITINGS  FRAGMENT  I 


143 


ered  by  computation,  and  that  perhaps  in  doing  this  they  reckoned 
back  not  ()44,  but  643,  days,  possibly  because  leap  year  was  not  taken 
into  account. 

If  this  be  denied,  and  if  the  assertions  of  Chimalpahin  nnd  the 
account  in  the  Sahagun  manuscript  that  the  ninth  day  of  the  month 
Quecholli  was  a  day  Ehecatl — the  only  statements  to  my  knowledge 
where  there  is  a  distinct  agreement  between  the  day  of  the  month  and 
the  name  of  the  day — be  considered  correct,  we  should  arrive  at  the 
days  Ocelotl,  Quiauitl,  Cuetzpalin,  and  Atl  as  the  first  days  of  the 
years  named  for  the  characters  Acatl,  Tecpatl,  Calli,  and  Tochtli. 
This  result  is  at  first  sight  rather  attractive.  We  should  thus  r.rrive 
at  precisely  the  characters  which  answer  to  the  signs  Ix,  Cauac,  Kan, 
and  Muluc,  with  which  the  Mayas  began  their  years  in  later  times.  It 
would  then  follow  that  the  correction  which  was  made  by  the  Mayas 
also  found  acceptance  among  the  Mexicans.  I  believe,  however, 
since  there  are  no  other  proofs,  and  since  our  computation  is  upheld 
by  the  statements  of  historians,  that  if  the  ninth  day  of  Quecholli 
had  been  a  day  Ehecatl  only  643  days  would  have  elapsed  before  the 
capture  of  Quauhtemoc,  and  then  one  of  the  two  above  dates,  that 
given  by  Bernal  Diaz  or  that  given  b}^  Cortes,  would  have  to  be  cor- 
rected; and  since  reasons  of  a  general  nature,  as  I  have  said  before, 
favor  the  view  I  have  advanced  we  must  not  lay  too  nmch  stress  on 
this  one  assertion,  especially  as  an  error  seems  very  probable.  As  I 
have  already  said,  it  is  our  manuscript,  Avith  its  festival  dates  run- 
ning through  nearly  nineteen  years,  which  furnishes  decisive  evi- 
dence. Chimalpahin  wrote  at  the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth 
century  and  the  Sahagun  manuscript  was  composed  about  the  3^ear 
1559.  At  those  periods  the  ancient  mode  of  reckoning  the  festival 
dates  had  long  since  fallen  into  disuse.  The  manuscript  of  the  Hum- 
boldt collection  is  of  ancient  date,  as  is  shown  by  the  style  of  the 
drawing  and  by  the  dress  of  the  figures.  Its  testimony  is  of  decisive 
value. 

After  settling  these  points,  w^hich  are  generally  necessary  and 
also  useful  for  the  proper  understanding  of  our  manuscript,  I  now 
return  to  the  dates  given  in  columns  a  and  b  of  our  manuscript.  In 
the  beginning  of  this  chapter  I  mentioned  that  the  lower  part  of  the 
manuscript  is  incomplete,  that  the  upper  part  seems  to  be  the  actual 
end  of  the  strip,  and  that  the  strip  was  not  farther  written  upon 
because,  for  some  reason,  entries  were  no  longer  made.  It  would-be 
interesting  if  we  could  determine  to  which  one  of  our  years  the  }ear 
corresponds  in  which  the  last  entries  w^ere  made.  The  entries  qf. 
material  objects,  of  w^hose  nature  I  shall  speak  directly,  fill  columns 
c  and  E.  The  last  entries  were  made,  as  a  glance  at  the  manuscript 
shows,  in  the  month  Ochpaniztli  of  that  3^ear  in  vrhich  the  fejist 
Etzalqualiztli  was  celebrated  on  the  day  3  Ehecatl.    In  this  year,  as 


144 


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[bull.  28 


I  have  already  stated  above,  the  first  day  of  the  first  month  (accord- 
ing to  the  usual  method  of  calculation)  fell  on  the  day  1  Calli.  And 
this  is  precisely  the  year  designated  by  the  numeral  B  and  the  sign 
Calli,  in  xiuhtonalli  ei  calli,  which  corresponds  to  the  year  1521  of 
our  chronology,  in  which  Quauhtemoc  surrendered  himself  and  the 
ruins  of  the  city  of  Mexico  to  the  victorious  Cortes.  The  last  entries 
of  material  objects  in  our  manuscript  were  made  on  the  feast  Och- 
paniztli  of  that  year,  about  37  days  after  the  fall  of  the  city  of 
Mexico. 

I  shall  now  proceed  to  discuss  the  nature  of  these  entries  of  material 
objects.  They  begin  at  the  bottom  of  column  c  and  for  the  first  28 
squares  are  confined  to  this  column  alone.  From  the  twenty-ninth 
square  on  other  entries  occur,  which  fill  column  d,  and  from  the 
forty-fifth  square  on  the  last  column,  e,  is  also  filled  with  entries. 

These  entries  doubtless  record  entrance  duties  or  other  revenues, 
which  were  payable  quarterly  in  equal  amounts.    They  embrace  five 

classes  of  objects:  (1)  small  square 
plates,  which  are  always  entered  by 
tens;  (2)  oblong  rectangular  strips, 
which  occur  singly  or  in  pairs;  (3) 
narrow  triangular  strips,  which  oc- 
cur singly,  in  pairs,  or  in  fours;  (4) 
shallow  bowls  filled  with  some  pow- 
dered substance,  which  are  set  down 
singly  or  in  pairs,  and  (5)  bundles 
of  textiles  or  articles  of  clothing, 
Avhich  also  occur  singly  or  in  pairs. 

Fig.  32.  Symbols  of  gold  bars,  plates,  and  All  are  painted  in  the  Same  brown- 
bowls  of  gold  dust  from  Mexican  codices.       '1,11  i 

ish-yellow  color,  except  that  m  class 
4  the  bowls  are  frequently  distinguished  by  a  darker  greenish  coloring 
from  the  yellow  contents. 

The  small  number  of  articles  of  each  class  which  were  to  be  deliv- 
ered during  the  quarter  leads  to  the  supposition  that  they  were 
articles  of  value.  Indeed,  I  am  of  opinion  that  class  1  means  bars  of 
gold;  classes  2  and  3,  gold  plates  of  special  forms;  class  4,  bowls  of 
gold  dust;  and  class  5,  woven  coverlets  and  articles  of  clothing,  which 
were  also  used  as  a  medium  of  exchange,  as  money.  Bars  of  gold 
(a  and  h,  figure  32),  gold  plates  (c,  figure  32),  and  bowls  of  gold  dust 
(d,  figure  32)  are  enumerated  in  the  tribute  list  and  in  the  Mendoza 
codex  among  the  tributes  of  the  cities  of  Mixteca  alta  and  baja :  a  is 
described  as  "  tiles  of  fine  gold,  of  the  size  of  a  plate  and  as  thick  as  a 
man's  thumb  " ;  &  is  called  *'  golden  tiles,  of  the  size  of  a  consecrated 
wafer  and  the  thickness  of  a  man's  finger  " ;  at  c  is  shown  "  a  small 
gold  plate  four  fingers  wide  and  three-fourths  of  an  ell  long,  of  the 
thickness  of  a  sheet  of  parchment  ";  the  symbols  marked  d  represent 
^' bowls  (jicaras)  of  ^old  dust". 


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MEXICAN  PICTURE   WRITINGS  FRAGMENT  T 


145 


As  to  the  sum  of  the  articles  delivered  during  every  quarter  of  a 
year,  in  the  first  twenty-eight  quarters,  during  which  entries  were 
made  only  in  column  c,  10  gold  bars,  2  square  and  2  triangular  gold 
plates,  and  2  bowls  of  gold  dust  were  delivered  in  every  quarter. 
Beginning  with  the  twenty-ninth  quarter,  that  is,  if  our  computa- 
tions given  above  be  correct,  beginning  with  the  year  1511,  there  was 
a  new  payer  of  tribute,  as  it  seems,  the  chieftain  of  a  city,  who  is  repre- 
sented in  column  e  {rn,  plate  iv)  at  full  length,  with  his  name  hiero- 
glyph and  the  hieroglyph  of  the  city  itself.  In  the  principal  column, 
c  {n^  plate  iv),  the  sum  of  the  payments  delivered  every  quarter  is 
lessened  by  one  long  triangular  plate;  but,  on  the  other  hand,  we 
find  in  column  d  plate  iv),  beginning  with  this  square,  entries  for 
every  quarter  of  a  year  consisting  of  a  bundle  of  textiles,  a  square  and 
a  long  triangular  gold  plate,  and  a  bowl  of  gold  dust.  Beginning 
with  the  thirty-third  square,  in  the  year  1512,  a  second  new  tributary 
seems  to  have  been  added,  the  chieftain  of  the  city  of  Zacatlan,  who 
is  also  portrayed  in  column  y.  (q^  plate  iv)  at  full  length,  with  his 
name  hieroglyph  and  the  hieroglyph  of  his  city.  From  this  square 
onward,  the  amounts  paid  during  ever}^  quarter  are  doubled  in  col- 
wmn  D.  There  are  2  bundles  of  textiles,  2  oblong  rectangular  and  2 
long  triangular  gold  plates,  and  2  bowls  of  gold  dust.  Beginning 
with  the  forty-fifth  square,  three  years  later  (1515),  we  have  a  third 
new  tributary,  the  chieftain  of  Tenanco,  who  is  depicted  in  the  corre- 
sponding section  of  column  e  (?',  plate  v)  at  full  length,  wdth  his  name 
hieroglyph  and  the  hieroglyph  of  the  city  of  Tenanco.  After  this 
section  the  amount  of  tribute  paid  in  each  quarter  is  increased  by  a 
bale  of  articles  of  clothing,  2  long  triangular  gold  plates,  and  a  bowl 
of  gold  dust,  which  are  regularly  entered  in  the  fifth  column,  e.  And 
finally,  beginning  with  the  sixtieth  section,  the  month  Tlacaxipeua- 
liztli  of  the  year  1519,  the  last  payments,  those  set  down  in  column  e 
(plate  vi),  are  also  doubled.  This  is  the  first  section  in  column  d  in 
which  a  figure  occurs.  Thus  the  entries  go  on  uniformly  up  to  the 
seventieth  section,  the  last  in  which  entries  were  made. 

The  question  now  arises.  To  whom  were  these  regular  quarterly 
payments  made  which  are  entered  in  columns  c  to  e.  At  the  outset, 
it  should  not  be  supposed  that  the  name  of  the  receiver  of  the  tribute, 
whether  a  city,  a  king,  or  a  temple,  or  whatever  else,  is  given  on  the 
tribute  list,  for  the  entries  Avere  undoubtedly  made  on  a  list  which 
was  in  the  hands  of  the  receiver  of  the  tribute.  Thus,  in  the  well- 
known  list  of  tribute  paid  to  the  kings  of  Mexico  neither  the  kings 
nor  the  city  of  Mexico  are  mentioned.  On  the  first  page  of  the  trib- 
ute list  (Mendoza  codex,  page  19)  the  last  Tlatelolcan  kings  are  only 
mentioned  incidentally,  together  with  the  contemporaneous  Mexican 
monarchs.  However,  our  manuscript  is  not  a  tribute  list  like  those  just 
7238— No.  28—05  10 


146 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


mentioned,  Avhich  enumerated  the  tribute  to  be  paid  by  the  various 
cities.  Our  manuscript  is  a  cashbook,  in  which  an  account  is  kept 
of  the  receipts  of  the  year.  It  is  a  kind  of  financial  record,  and  as 
such  naturally  afforded  opportunity  for  other  historical  entries.  Be- 
sides the  additions  of  new  tributaries  already  mentioned  these  consist 
of  the  notices  of  deaths  and  of  the  successors  of  the  deceased.  Deaths 
are  expressed  in  the  manner  usual  in  Mexican  picture  annals,  by  a 
mummy  bundle,  Avith  a  name  hieroglyph,  usually  seated  in  a  chair 
like  a  living  person.  Accession  to  office  is  expressed  by  the  figure  of 
the  living  person,  with  his  name  hieroglyph,  seated  according  to  his 
rank,  either  on  a  simple  straw  seat,  or  on  the  royal  chair  provided 
with  a  back;  for  omotlali,  "  he  has  taken  his  seat ",  or  motlatocatlali, 
"  he  has  seated  himself  as  a  ruler  ",  are  the  expressions  by  which  the 
Mexicans  described  accession  to  power.  Where  it  is  a  question  of 
actual  rulers,  authority  is  usually  expressed  by  the  little  tongue  in 
front  of  the  mouth,  which  in  Mexican  paintings  was  a  symbol  of 
sj^eech;  for  tlahtouani,  "  he  who  speaks  w^as  the  Mexican  name  for 
a  ruler  or  king. 

The  most  important  of  these  figures  are  undoubtedly  those  Avhich 
appear  in  column  a,  the  first,  counting  from  the  right.  For  here,  in 
a  conspicuous  place,  we  may  expect  to  fiud  the  names  and  the  dates  of 
accession  to  power  of  those  men  who  lived  where  these  lists  Avere  pre- 
pared, and  who  were  therefore  the  actual  recipients  of  tlie  tribute. 
It  is  important  to  note  here  that  of  the  four  figures  of  living  persons 
who  are  portra3^ed  in  this  column  only  the  one  in  square  53  wears  the 
xiuhuitzolli,  the  turquoise  mosaic  headband  of  secular  rulers  and 
nobles,  and  is  characterized  as  of  higher  rank,  as  a  king,  by  the  straw 
seat  with  a  back.  The  other  three  have  the  hair  merely  bound  with 
a  strap,  their  seat  is  without  a  back,  and  they  bear  on  their  backs,  by 
a  cord  slung  round  the  neck  and  knotted  in  front,  a  small  yelloAv 
object  flanked  b}^  tAvo  large  gay  tassels.  This  object  is  the  so-called 
ie-quachtli,  the  "  tobacco  cloth  ",  a  small  pouch  (taleguilla) ,  in  which 
the  priests  carried  the  incense  pellets.  The  cord  AAuth  the  tassels,  to 
Avhich  the  pouch  is  attached,  is  called  mecacozcatl,  "  necklace  of 
agave-fiber  rope  ".  The  little  pouch  is  called  ie-quachtli,  "  tobacco 
cloth  ",  because  the  incense  pellets,  which  are  called  yaqualli  and 
described  as  pills  or  pellets  shaped  like  mouse  droppings,  were  made 
of  "  tinta  that  is,  probably  of  yauhtli,  or  iauhtli,  "  incense  plant 
mixed  Avith  pulverized  tobacco  leaA^es  con  polvos  de  una  yerba  que 
ellos  llaman  yietl,  que  es  como  belenos  de  castilla  ("  with  dust  of  an 
herb  which  they  call  yietl,  Avhich  is  like  henbane").*  Tobacco 

«  One  meaning  of  the  syllable  iauh  is  "  incense  plant  ".  Compare  Sahagun,  v.  2,  pp.  25, 
35,  and  the  hieroglyph  of  Yauhtepec  in  the  Mendoza  codex,  v.  26,  p.  14,  But  it  also  means 
"black":  yaiih-tlaulli,  "  mayz  moreno  6  negro"  (Molina), 

"  Sahagun,  v.  2,  p.  25. 


MEXICAN   PICTURE   WRITINGS  FRAGMENT  I 


147 


played  precisely  the  same  part  among  the  priests  and  medicine  men  of 
ancient  Mexico  as  it  has  from  the  remotest  times  down  to  the  present 
day  among  the  varions  savage  tribes  of  North  and  South  America. 

The  tobacco  pouch  (ie-quachtli)  or  tobacco  calabash  (ie-tecomatl) 
was,  therefore,  the  special  badge  of  priests.  I  have  brought 
together,  in  a  to  ^,  figure  33,  a  number  of  figures  of  priests  from  the 
Mendoza  codex  and  the  still  unpublished  Aztec  Sahagun  manuscript 
of  the  Biblioteca  del  Palacio  at  Madrid,  with  incense  basin  and  copal 


Fig.  33.    Figures  of  priests  from  Mendoza  codex  and  Saliagun  manuscript. 


pouch,  with  sacrificial  knife  and  copal  pouch,  and  with  the  great 
rattle  stick  Chicauaztli  in  their  hands,  and  upon  the  back  of  each  is 
plainly  to  be  seen  the  tobacco  pouch  or  tobacco  box  (painted  yellow 
or  brown  in  the  original) ,  between  two  large  tassels.  Only  the  priest's 
assistants,  called  "  quacuilli  who  in  i  hold  the  victim  by  the  arms 
and  legs  and  in  I  bring  down  the  burning  billets  of  wood  from  the 
temple,  are  dressed  differently,  simply  like  messengers  of  death. 
Therefore,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  figures  drawn  in  column  a 


148 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


of  our  manuscript,  in  squares  16,  62,  and  72,  and  the  mummy  bundle 
in  square  60  are  meant  to  represent  the  figures  of  priests.  But  it 
should  be  noted  that  the  priests  in  our  manuscript  do  not  carry  an 
ie-quachtli  but  an  ie-tecomatl  on  their  back,  one  of  peculiar  shape, 
with  lateral  projections  which  Avere  probably  made  of  gold. 

But  while  the  prince  drawn  in  section  53,  column  a,  has  no  little 
tongue — the  symbol  of  speech  and  of  a  ruler  (tlahtouani) — before 
his  mouth,  the  tongue  is  plainly  to  be  seen  before  the  mouth  of  the 
figures  of  priests  in  squares  16  and  22,  which  in  the  figure  in  square 
62  has  possibly  only  been  blotted  out  by  time  or  carelessly  omitted, 
for  the  mumni}^  bundle  in  square  60  has  the  same  name  inscribed  upon 
it  as  the  living  person  in  square  16.  The  priest  in  square  62  is,  there- 
fore, the  direct  successor  in  office  to  the  priest  in  square  16,  designated 
by  the  little  tongue  as  tlahtouani.  F or  this  reason,  and  also  because 
priests  are  chiefly  represented  in  column  a,  I  believe  I  may  safely  con- 
clude that  it  was  a  temple  which  received  the  valuable  tribute  recorded 
in  columns  c,  d,  and  e.  This  also  explains  why,  as  I  stated  above, 
the  pictures  of  princes  and  cities  are  given  wherever  the  list  records 
an  increase  in  the  amount  of  the  tribute  due  every  quarter.  If  trib- 
ute wrung  from  conquered  cities  by  a  king  were  recorded  here,  then, 
doubtless,  the  conquest  of  the  city  or  the  death  of  the  king  would  be 
noted  in  the  same  place.  That  the  temple  of  an  idol  was  the  recip- 
ient of  the  tribute  very  simply  explains  the  fact  that  the  entries  must 
have  ceased  soon  after  the  fall  of  the  city  of  Mexico. 

But  now  where  was  the  temple  whose  cashbook  our  manuscript 
represents?  The  answer  ought  to  be  found  in  the  hieroglyphs  which 
accompany  the  various  figures  represented  in  the  manuscript;  but  un- 
fortunately these  are  not  numerous  enough,  nor  are  all  of  them  suffi- 
cientl}^  clear.  I  will  proceed  to  discuss  these  hieroglyphs  column  by 
coluj))n;  but  I  nuist  observe  at  the  outset  that  it  is  precisely  in  the 
hieroglyphs  that  Kingsborough's  draftsman  has  made  many  mistakes, 
both  in  drawing  and  color. 

In  column  a,  square  16,  the  name  hieroglyph  introduced  behind  the 
head  of  the  figure  shows  a  cloth,  which  is  apparently  held  up  by  two 
hands.  The  cloth  is  painted  white,  the  hands  yellowish  brown.  The 
hieroglyph  seems  to  refer  to  an  act  which  we  see  represented  several 
times  in  the  Zapotec  Vienna  codex  and  also  in  the  Mayan  Troano  codex 
(see  h  and  c,  figure  34),  which  is  the  tying  on  of  the  shoulder  cloth; 
possibly,  also,  its  exhibition,  presentation,  or  offering  for  sale.  In  the 
Manuscrit  Mexicain  number  3  of  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale  at  Paris 
there  is  a  hieroglyph  (/^,  figure  34),  which  shows  a  shoulder  cloth  and 
a  hand.  It  represents  the  name  of  a  citizen  of  Uexotzinco  who  is  set 
down  as  among  those  who,  escaping,  withdrcAV  from  the  control  of  the 
encomenderos  and  the  curas,  and  bears  the  legend  "Andres  Tilmat- 
laneuh     that  is,  "Andrew,  the  cloth-lender 


c 

I 


MEXICAN  PAINTING 


BULLETIN  28    PLATE  V 


.DT   FRAGMENT  I,   PART  4 


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MEXICAN  PICTUKE  WRITINGS — FRAGMENT  I 


149 


In  square  52,  column  a,  is  seen  a  hieroglyph  behind  the  niiunmy 
bundle,  consisting  of  a  stalk  painted  bluish-green,  holding  a  red 
object,  from  the  left  side  of  which  hangs  another  object  painted  yel- 
low. This  is  probably  meant  for  an  ear  of  corn  with  its  bunch  of 
silk  hanging  at  one  side.  The  name  of  the  person  whose  death  is 
announced  here  should  therefore  be  read  Xilotl,  or  Cacamatl,  young 
ear  of  corn  **. 


/3J 


Fig.  84.    Symbols  of  cloth  and  precious  stones. 

His  successor,  in  square  53,  decorated  with  the  princely  headband,  is 
designated  by  a  hieroglyph  painted  yellow,  which  I  can  not  interpret 
with  any  certainty. 

The  mummy  bundle,  in  square  60  of  column  a,  has  the  same  name 
hieroglyph  as  the  figure  in  square  16.  Apparently  the  death  of  the 
same  person  is  here  announced  whose  entrance  into  office  is  proclaimed 
in  square  16. 


150 


BUREAU   OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


His  successor,  in  square  G2,  has  for  his  name  hieroglyph  a  single 
bead  drawn  on  a  strap.  This  is  probably  to  be  read  Chalchiuh. 
The  principal  precious  stones  among  the  Mexicans  were  the  chal- 
chiuitl,  which  comprised  jadeite  and  other  stones  of  a  similar  green 
color,  and  xiuitl,  the  "  turquoise  ".  Both  were  represented  hieroglyph- 
ically  as  lustrous  bodies,  like  the  brilliantly  polished  mirror  tezcatl 
(marcasite  or  obsidian),  with  eyes  at  the  four  corners,  that  is,  send- 
ing out  rays  in  four  directions.  The  forms  d  to  /,  figure  34,  represent 
chalchiuitl;  /,  xiuitl;  and  tezcatl.  The  chalchiuitl  was  preferred 
for  necklaces  (cozcatl),  beads,  and  bracelets  (macuextli)  because  tur- 
quoise (xiuitl)  Avas  too  valuable,  and  was  not  found  in  such  large 
pieces.  Turquoise  was  used  especially  for  incrustations  and  mosiacs. 
The  precious  ear  pegs  (xiuhnacochtli) ,  the  diadems  of  the  Mexican 
kings  (xiuhuitzolli) ,  were  made  of  turquoise  mosaic.  AVlien,  instead 
of  the  hieroglyphs  for  chalchiuitl  and  xiuitl,  the  object  itself  was 
drawn,  the  word  xiuitl  was  rej^resented  by  an  incrusted  disk,  m,  and 
the  AYord  chalchiuitl  by  one  or  two  strung  beads,  as  Ave  see  it  in //.  and  ^, 
Avhich  are  taken  from  a  Historia  Mexicana  of  the  Aubin-Goupil  col- 
lection (Goupil-Boban  Atlas,  plates  GO,  59).  The  form  li  stands  for 
the  chalca  tribe,  Avhich  is  designated  by  the  hieroglyph  chalchiuitl, 
in  a  corresponding  representation  in  the  Boturini  codex,  published  in 
the  Kingsborough  collection.  The  form  i  expresses  the  name  of  one  of 
the  four  barrios  of  Aztlan,  Avhich  is  also  to  be  read  Chalco.  On  the 
lienzo  of  Tlaxcala  the  toAvn  of  Chalco  is  also  designated  by  a  large 
]jead.  Comparison  Avitli  these  figures  places  it,  I  think,  beyond  a 
doubt,  that  the  hieroglyph  in  square  62  of  column  a  is  likewise  to  be 
read  Chalchiuh. 

Of  the  persons  in  column  a  there  still  remains  the  one  in  square  72. 
The  name  hieroglyph  is  plainly  a  shield,  but  there  Avas  something 
else  above  it  Avhich  can  no  longer  be  deciphered,  as  only  a  few  rem- 
nants of  blue  paint  are  left  of  it.  Possibly  there  Avas  a  blue  royal 
headband  above  it,  in  Avhich  case  it  Avould  have  to  be  read  Chimalte- 
cuhtli.  A  man  by  this  name,  chieftain  of  Calixtlahuacan,  is  men- 
tioned in  the  Anales  de  Chimalpahin  in  the  year  1484. 

Finally,  there  is  still  the  hieroglyph  of  a  place,  section  68  in  column 
a.  ArroAvs  are  draAvn  flying  toAvard  it  or  sticking  into  it.  This 
is  probably  meant  to  signify  the  conquest  of  that  place.  The 
hieroglyph  consists  of  the  Avell-knoAvn  drawing  of  a  mountain 
(tepetl),  of  a  string  of  beads  laid  around  its  summit  (cozcatl,  "  neck- 
lace "),  and  a  number  of  objects  on  the  top  of  the  mountain  Avhich  I 
can  not  explain  Avith  any  degree  of  certainty.  The  object  which 
forms  the  actual  pinnacle  of  the  mountain  is  painted  brown,  and 
ol)lique  stripes  are  plainly  visible,  between  Avhich  the  color  seems  to 
be  darker.  This  may  therefore  possibly  represent  the  hieroglyph 
of  stone  (tetl).    The  square  body  above  it  is  ^^ainted  black.  This 


seler] 


MEXICAN  PICTURE  WRITINGS— FRAGMENT  T 


151 


may,  perhaps,  be  intended  for  a  piece  of  obsidian  (iztli).  Accord- 
ing to  this,  we  have  itz-te-cozca-tepe  as  elements  of  the  hieroglyph; 
but  1  can  not  construct  any  place  name  known  to  me  out  of  these 
elements. 

I  will  now  pass  on  to  columns  d  and  e.  In  d  we  have  in  square 
60  the  mummy  bundle  and  a  hieroglyph  which  in  the  Kingsborough 
drawing  is  absolutely  incompre- 
hensible, but  which  in  the  orig- 
inal, and  also  in  our  reproduc- 
tion, can  be  recognized,  with 
some  difficulty,  to  be  sure,  as  the 
head  of  a  beast  of  prey  with 
outstretched  tongue.  We  should 
read  this  Ocelotl,  "  jaguar  ".  A 
seated  figure  then  follows,  in 
square  61,  whose  head  is  not 
adorned  Avith  the  royal  head- 
band, the  xiuhuit3olli,and  whose 
lontr  hair  hangs  down  behind, 
wound  round  with  a  strap,  after 
the  manner  of  priests.  A  cac- 
tus branch  is  behind  it,  by  way 
of  name  hieroglyph.  Cactus 
branches,  with  the  blossoms, 
often  occur  in  the  register  of 
names  of  persons  of  Uexotzinco 
and  Xaltepetlapan  (Manuscrit 
Mexicain  number  3,  Bibliothe- 
que  Nationale,  Paris),  shown  in 
figure  85  (<2, 1  to  5) .  There  they 
denote  the  name  Nochuetl,  which 
is  also  frequently  mentioned  in 
the  Anales  of  Chimalpahin.  A 
cactus  branch  in  conjunction 
with  an  arrow  is  likewise  used 
there  to  represent  the  name 
Tziuac  mitl,  h.  It  seems,  there- 
fore, that  a  variety  of  cactus  was  meant  by  Tziuactli,  or  tzinuactli. 
This  name,  too,  which  likewise  occurs  in  the  Anales  of  Chimalpa- 
hin, might  be  expressed  by  the  hieroglyph  in  square  61,  column  d 
(plate  vi). 

In  the  hieroglyph  which  accompanies  the  mummy  bundle,  in  square 
64,  column  d  (plate  vi),  I  think  I  recognize  the  head  of  a  deer  and  an 
upright  tuft  of  feathers.  The  deer  is  mazatl,  and  the  upright  tuft  of 
feathers  should  probabl}^  be  read  quetzalli.    According  to  this  we 


Fig 


Symbols  of  personal  and  place  names  in 
Mexican  codices. 


152 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


should  have  mazaqiietzal,  and  this  is  a  royal  name  well  known  from 
the  Anales  of  Chimalpahin,  that  is,  in  the  territories  of  Chalco, 
Tlalmanalco,  and  Amaquemecan. 

The  next  figure  in  column  d,  square  65,  is  described  by  a  hieroglyph 
which  is  obviously  the  picture  of  a  snake.  The  head  is  above  on  the 
left,  and  is  white.  The  forked  tongue  protruding  from  the  mouth 
is  plainly  visible.  The  body  is  painted  yellow.  A  rattle  seems  to  be 
drawn  at  the  end  of  the  tail,  which  is  left  white  like  the  head.  The 
name  might  therefore  be  read  Coatl,  "  snake  '\ 

Finally,  in  column  e,  as  already  stated,  in  sections  29,  33,  and  44 
(plates  IV  and  v),  three  chieftains  are  drawn,  with  their  name  hiero- 
glyphs and  the  hieroglyphs  of  the  cities  ruled  by  them. 

The  hieroglyph  of  the  city  in  square  29  shows  us  a  mountain 
(tepetl)  which  seems  to  be  formed  of  streams  of  water  moving  in  a 
circle.  A  mountain  of  w^ater  might  be  read  Atepec.  A  city  is 
recorded  by  this  name  in  the  Mendoza  codex,  page  IG,  among  the  con- 
quests of  the  3^ounger  Motecuhzoma,  and  is  expressed  there  by  the 
drawing  of  a  mountain  with  a  stream  of  water  on  it  (^,  figure  35). 
In  Mexican  hieroglyphs  of  towns,  however,  a  mountain  often  serves 
merely  to  show  that  reference  is  made  to  a  place  or  a  place  name,  that 
is,  to  express  the  syllable  co  or  can ;  compare,  for  instance,  the  hiero- 
glyphs of  the  cities  of  Aztaquemecan,  Quauacan,  Quauhyocan,  Chicon- 
quiauhco,  and  Nepopoalco,  from  the  Mendoza  codex  {c  to  g),  and 
those  of  Tzompanco  (A),  Tlacopan,  Toltitlan,  etc.,  from  the  Osuna 
codex.  If  we  take  this  into  consideration,  then,  since  the  water  in  our 
hieroglyph  in  square  29  is  apparently  drawn  moving  in  a  circle,  we 
should  perha23S  read  it  Almoyauacan,  "  where  the  water  moves  in  a 
circle  ".  This  is  the  name  of  an  ancient  village  which  is  mentioned, 
after  Uexotzinco  and  Xaltepetlapan,  with  their  barrios  (calpulli) 
and  the  persons  belonging  to  them  in  the  Manuscrit  Mexicain  number 
3  of  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale,  Paris.  There  (k)  the  water  flowing 
in  a  circle  is  much  more  plainly  drawn  than  in  our  hieroglyph.  But 
since,  as  we  shall  see,  both  the  succeeding  hieroglyphs  also  refer  to 
territories  adjacent  or  friendly  to  Uexotzinco,  I  think  it  quite  prob- 
able that  the  place  hieroglyph  in  square  29,  column  e,  should  be  read 
Almoyauacan. 

The  chieftain  of  the  place  is  designated  hieroglyphically  by  the 
head  of  a  jaguar.  His  name  must  therefore  have  been  Ocelotl,  or 
Tequan,  "  beast  of  prey  ". 

The  place  which  is  meant  to  be  designated  in  square  33  (plate  iv) 
is  represented  by  a  bush  painted  bluish  green.  Unfortunately,  this 
hieroglyph  is  also  open  to  various  readings.  The  Mexicans  expressed 
the  word  zacatl,  "  grass  by  a  similar  bush  (see  in  the  Mendoza 
codex  the  place  names  Zacatlan,  Zacatepec,  and  Zacatollan,  shown  in 
a,  6,  and  <?,  figure  36) ;  but  they  also  painted  the  same  thing  when  they 


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153 


wished  to  say  popotl,  broom  '\  for  the  broom  was  made  of  a  variety 
of  stiff  grass  (see  the  hieroglyph  Popothui,  d  and  e)  ;  and,  finally, 
they  also  painted  it  to  express  the  green  bushes  known  as  acxoyatl,  on 
which  they  offered  the  blood  whicli  flowed  in  tortures,  self-inflicted  in 
honor  of  the  gods  (see  /,  taken  from  the  Sahagun  manuscript  of  the 


sive  of  tlie  religious  ceremoiiy 
acxoya-temaliztli,  "  the  hiyini;' 
down  of  green  l)ushes  before  the 
idols  .  For  tlie  interpretation 
of  oui'  hieroglyph  in  square  33 
we  thus  have  a  choice  of  Zacat- 
lan,  Popotlnn,  and  Acxotlan,  all 
well-known  place  names,  any 
one  of  which  might  be  correct. 
Of  these  I  think  we  may  ex- 
clude Popotlan,  for  in  its  hiero- 
glyph the  band  which  fastens 
the  bush  to  the  broom  is  usually 
given.  But  we  might  choose 
between  Zacatlan  and  Acxotlan. 
A  place  named  Zacatlan  is  quite 
regularly  mentioned,  together 
with  Uexotzinco,  Tlaxcallan, 
Tliliuhquitepec,  and  Cholollan, 
in  the  chronicle  of  Tezozomoc. 
The  Anales  of  Chimalpahin 
also  mention  together  Chichi- 
meca,  Tenanca,  Cuixcoca,  Temi- 
milolca,  Zacanca,  and  Yliuipa- 
neca.  Acxotlan  was  one  of  the 
most  important  barrios  of 
Chalco.  The  fact  that  the  grass 
(zacatl)  in  the  place  name  is 
usually  painted  yellow,  while 
green  seems  to  be  the  color  most 
naturally  applied  to  the  bush 
(acxoyatl),  militates  perhaps 
in  favor  of  the  latter  meaning. 

The  hieroglyph  of  the  chieftain  of  this  city  is  likewise  quite  unin- 
telligible in  the  Kingsborough  drawing.  In  the  original  we  can 
make  out,  with  some  difficulty,  to  be  sure,  but  still  plainly,  the  head 
of  a  deer  (mazatl),  with  the  eyelids  painted  yellow  and  with  blue 
antlers  resting  on  a  yellow  base,  quite  in  the  manner  in  w^hich  the  day 
sign  Mazatl,  is  drawn  and  colored  in  column  a.    Above  it  are  twelve 


Fig.  36. 


Symbols  of  place  and  personal  names, 

Mexican  codices. 


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BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


fBIILL.  28 


little  circles  of  various  colors,  arranged  in  divisions  of  5,  5,  and  2. 
This  is  undoubtedly  meant  for  the  number  12  (matlactii  omome). 
The  person  drawn  here  is  therefore  called  by  the  name  of  a  day,  ma- 
tlactii omome  mazatl,  "  12  deer  which  was  possibly  the  day  of  his 
birth  or  had  some  other  connection  with  him. 

Finally,  the  wall  crowned  with  battlements  under  the  figure  of  the 
chieftain,  in  sections  44  and  45,  undoubtedly  stands  for  the  place  name 
Tenanco,  "  .  t  the  place  of  inclosures  ".  The  name  hieroglyph  of 
the  chieftain  is  again  quite  unintelligible  in  Kingsborough,  and  it  is 
incorrectly  painted  green.  In  the  original  there  is  not  a  trace  of 
color  to  be  seen.  With  some  difficulty  the  hairy  head  of  an  animal 
can  be  recognized,  which  is  probably  intended  for  a  rabbit  (tochtli), 
and  the  name  should  probably  be  read  accordingly. 

If,  in  conclusion,  we  now  turn  to  the  question  of  the  origin  of  the 
manuscript,  we  see  that  the  analysis  of  the  hieroglyphs  leads  to  no 
definite  result.  The  most  important  hieroglyph,  the  place  name,  in 
section  OS,  column  a  (plate  vi),  can  not  be  interpreted  with  cert-^^ity. 
The  other  place  names  can,  indeed,  be  explained  with  some  degree  of 
certainty,  but  they  leave  room  for  doubt,  insomuch  as  places  called 
Tenanco  and  Zacatlan  occur  in  different  localities.  Nevertheless,  I 
believe  that  the  combination  of  the  names  Tenanco,  Zacatlan  (or 
Acxotlan),  and,  possibly,  if  my  interpretation  is  correct,  Almoyauacan 
points  to  a  particular  region,  the  land  of  the  Uexotzincas  and 
Chalcas,  the  valleys  and  slopes  at  the  southern  and  western  foot  of 
the  volcanoes  Popocatepetl  and  Iztaccihuatl.  In  this  region  also,  as 
we  know  from  Chimalpahin,  various  tribal  heads  bore  the  title 
Teohua  teuhctli,  "  priest-prince  ".  Nezaualcoyotl  and  the  great  Mote- 
cuhzoma,  the  elder,  went  thither  to  obtain  from  the  tribal  chief  a 
victory-insuring  fetish,  the  otlanamitl  teueuelli,  the  four  bamboo 
arrows,  and  the  shield  of  the  war  god.  I  do  not  believe  that  the 
"Monte  Sacro",  the  famous  shrine  of  Amaquemecan,  was  the  one  to 
which  our  manuscript  refers,  for  in  that  case  we  should  be  able  to 
verify  the  names  of  persons  from  Chimalpahin.  But,  besides  the 
great  sanctuary,  there  must  have  been  others  in  the  immediate  neigh- 
borhood and  more  remote.  Let  us  hope  that  among  the  many  records 
which  were  made  in  the  first  century  after  the  conquest  something 
may  yet  be  discovered  which  shall  establish  the  identity  of  the  persons 
and  places  of  our  manuscript  beyond  all  possibility  of  doubt. 

FRxiGMENT  II 

This  fragment  (plate  vii)  is  a  strip  of  agave  paper  68  cm.  long  and 
40  cm.  wide,  covered  with  drawings  and  writing  on  one  side.  It  is 
the  page  which  Alexander  von  Humboldt  describes  in  Vues  des  Cor- 


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MEXICAN  PICTURE  WRITINGS  FRAGMENT  II 


155 


dilleres  et  Monuments  des  Peuples  indigenes  de  rAmeriqiie,  under 
the  title  "  Genealogie  des  Princes  d'Azcapotzalco 

The  drawings  on  this  page  (plate  vii)  occupy  a  space  bounded  by 
straight  lines,  to  the  right  of  which  a  path  showing  footprints  and  to 
the  left  a  body  of  water,  stream  or  sea  margin,  indicated  by  drawings 
of  waves  and  whirlpools  and  by  a  light  blue  color,  run  the  whole 
length  of  the  page.  Near  the  lower  edge  a  second  path,  beginning 
at  right  angles  to  the  first,  leads  straight  across  the  page  to  the 
water,  and  about  the  center  of  the  page  a  small  body  of  Avater,  also 
beginning  at  right  angles  to  the  principal  path,  crosses  the  page  in 
like  manner.  The  whole  space  above  the  lower  path  is  divided  by 
horizontal  lines  into  27  divisions,  which,  however,  decrease  in  length 
from  the  seventeenth  doAvn  in  consequence  of  a  boundary  line  Avhich 
begins  at  the  left  and  runs  diagonally  upward  to  the  right.  In  one 
of  these  divisions,  the  fourth  counting  from  the  lower  path,  a  row 
of  dark  figures  filled  in  with  dots  and  angular  lines  runs  straight 
across  the  page.  In  Mexican  picture  writing  this  is  the  way  in  which 
the  idea  of  tlalli,  or  milli,  acre  or  "  field  is  expressed.  The 
other  divisions,  except  two  Avhich  are  empty  and  a  third  in  which  a 
kind  of  explanatory  note  is  written,  are  each  provided  with  the  liead 
and  the  hieroglyph  of  a  particular  person. 

This  general  arrangement  of  the  page  shows  that  we  can  hardly 
h-ave  to  do  here  with  a  genealogy,  as  von  Humboldt  supposed.  The 
whole  arrangement  far  more  closely  resembles  a  doomsday  book,  a 
map  of  public  lands,  or  a  register  of  landed  property;  and  this  in 
fact  it  is  proved  to  be  by  the  writing,  which  occurs  in  the  lowest 
division  below  the  lower  path. 

In  this  division  we  see  to  the  right  the  picture  of  King  Motecuh- 
zoma,  the  ninth  king  of  the  Mexicans,  known  as  Xocoyotzin,  "  the 
young  ",  in  contradistinction  to  Ueue-Motecuhzoma,  the  elder  Mote- 
cuhzoma,  the  fifth  king  of  the  Mexicans,  whose  other  name  was 
Ilhuicamina,  "  he  who  shoots  at  the  heavens  To  the  left  is  the 
picture  of  a  hut  built  of  straw  or  reeds,  painted  yellow  above  a 
white  circle.  And  between  the  picture  of  the  king  and  the  figure 
of  the  hut  are  the  words:  y  xacallo  camaca  y  tlatovani  motecuh- 
zomatzin  mochi  y tonal  catca  ("the  country  house  of  Camaca:  all 
parcels  of  land  which  belonged  to  King  Motecuhzoma  ").  The  word 
tonalli,  which  is  here  the  most  important  word,  deciding  the  mean- 
ing of  the  whole,  means  "  glow  "  warmth  of  the  sun  ",  "  summer  " 
in  its  more  literal  application;  but  it  also  means  the  "  character  "  or 
"  signs  "  of  a  day  or  a  year ;  that  is,  one  of  the  20  pictures  by  which 
the  Mexicans  designated  their  days  or  one  of  the  4  of  these  which 
designated  the  years.  Hence  follows  the  secondary  meaning,  "  fate 
decided  by  the  day  of  birth  and  lastly,  in  general  terms,  that 
which  is  assigned  to  anyone  ",  that  is,  what  is  allotted  to  him,  his 


156 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[pull.  28 


portion,  his  fate.  Thus  Molina  in  his  dictionary  gives :  "  racion  de 
alguna,  6  cosa  diputada  para  otro  "  ("  allowance  of  something,  or  a 
thing  assigned  to  another  "),  and  for  tlalli  te-tonal,  "  suerte  de  tierra 
agena  "  ("  a  piece  of  land  belonging  to  another  person  "). 

I  will  now  proceed  to  describe  the  separate  pictures  and  hiero- 
glyphs. King  Motecuhzoma,  in  the  low^est  divisions  of  the  fragment, 
below  the  lower  cross  path,  is  represented  at  full  length,  seated  on 
a  chair  woven  of  reeds  (tepotzo-icpalli) ,  which  is  like  the  others,  but 
is  provided  w^ith  a  back.  He  is  dressed  in  the  royal  blue  garment 
(xiuhtilmatli) ,  which  is  woven  in  openwork  and  trimmed  with  a  red 
border  of  eyes  (tenchilnauayo) ,  probably  of  feather  work.  On  his 
head  lie  wears  the  band  of  turquoise  mosaic  (xiuh-tzontli,  or  xiuh- 
uitzolli).  There  is  a  small  blue  tongue  before  his  mouth,  the  symbol 
of  speech  and  power  (tlahtouani  means  both  "  the  one  who  speaks 
and  "  the  king  ").  Mexican  kings  are  drawn  in  almost  precisely  the 
same  Avay  in  the  Sahagun  manuscript  belonging  to  the  Academia  de 
la  Historia  (see  figure  36),  except  that  here  is  given  the  turquoise 
bar  (xiuh-yacamitl)  which  Mexican  kings  Avore  in  the  pierced  sep- 
tum of  the  nose,  as  a  distinguishing  ornament,  when  they  put  on  gala 
dress.  I  have  also  taken  from  the  Sahagun  manuscript  the  terms 
just  used  for  the  various  articles  of  ro3^al  Mexican  dress. 

Motecuhzoma  means  "  the  angry  lord  The  idea  of  angry  could 
not  Avell  be  expressed  by  the  Mexicans  in  hieroglyphs;  but  it  Avas 
otherwise  Avith  the  idea  tecuhtli,  lord  ",  "  prince  ".  To  express  this 
idea  they  merely  drcAv  and  painted  the  turquoise  headband  (xiuht- 
zontli,  xiuhuitzolli),  the  emblem  of  kings.  Thus  Ave  find  both  the 
older  and  the  younger  Motecuhzoma  hieroglyphically  designated 
simply  by  the  xiuhtzontli  (compare  li  and  figure  36,  from  Codex 
Telleriano-Remensis,  A^olume  4,  pages  6  and  13).  The  former  is 
intended  for  the  elder  Motecuhzoma  and  the  latter  for  the  younger. 
Usuall}^,  hoAvever,  to  prevent  confusion,  the  elder  Motecuhzoma  is 
hieroglyphicall}^  designated  by  an  arrow  sticking  in  the  picture  of 
the  heavens,  i,  a  hieroglyph,  which  represents  his  other  name, 
Ilhuicamina,  "  he  Avho  shoots  at  the  heavens  ".  The  younger  Mote- 
cuhzoma, on  the  other  hand,  is  more  particularl}'-  designated  by  a 
peculiar  element  added  to  the  royal  headband,  which  is  visible  in  the 
hieroglyph  of  our  picture  as  Avell  as  in  figure  36  of  the  Mendoza 
codex,  and  Sahagun  manuscript,  Academia  de  la  Historia,  page  68. 
Why  this  element  should  express  the  idea  xocoyotl,  "  the  younger  I 
can  not  state,  and  Avould  merely  mention  that  a  similar  element  is  to  be 
seen  in  the  Sahagun  manuscript  of  the  Academia  de  la  Historia  on 
the  leg  painted  Avhite  and  dotted  Avith  black,  m,  figure  36,  Avhich  rep- 
resents the  name  of  the  seventh  Mexican  king,  Tizoc  or  Tizocic  (Tiz- 
ocicatzin).    I  still  think  it  very  doubtful  whether  6>,  Avhich  occurs 


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MEXICAN   PICTURE   WRITINGS  FRAGMENT  II 


157 


on  the  great  so-called  calendar  stone  in  the  upper  left-hand  triangular 
space,  is  meant  for  a  hieroglyph  of  Motecuhzonia,  as  is  often 
assumed.  Here  the  xiuhtzontli  is  combined  with  the  breastplate  of 
the  fire  god.  In  a  corresponding  place  on  the  other  three  triangular 
spaces  are  the  dates,"  1  Tecpatl,  1  Quiauitl,  7  Ozomatli,  which  appear 
also  to  denote  certain  deities.  I  think  that  King  Motecuhzonia  took 
his  name  from  one  of  the  cognomens  of  the  fire  god;  for  el  sehor 
enojado,  "  the  angry  god  which  is  the  meaning  of  the  name  Mote- 
cuhzonia, is  a  fit  title  for  the  god  of  devouring  fire.  I  think  I  dis- 
tinctly recognize  the  hieroglyph  of  the  younger  Motecuhzoma  in 
which  occurs  on  the  inner  side  of  the  cover  of  a  cinerary  casket,  which 
bears  on  the  outer  side  (the  top)  the  date  11  Tecpatl.  Penafiel  repro- 
duced this  casket  in  his  "  Monumentos  del  arte  mexicano ",  and 
regarded  the  hieroglyph  as  that  of  King  Nezaualpilli,  of  Tetzcoco, 
said  to  have  died  in  the  year  11  Tecpatl,  or  A.  D.  1516.  But,  in  the 
first  place,  the  year  of  Nezahualpilli's  death  has  never  been  precisely 
determined.  According  to  Chimalpahin,  he  died  a  year  earlier,  in 
the  year  10  Acatl,  or  A.  D,  1515.  Furthermore,  the  hieroglyph  has 
absolutel}^  no  connection  with  the  elements  of  the  name  Nezaualpilli. 
On  the  contrary,  all  the  elements  contained  in  the  name  Motecuh- 
zoma seem  to  be  expressed  in  this  figure.  The  royal  headband  gives 
us  the  element  tecuh,  "  prince  The  little  tongue  (symbol  of  speech) 
with  clouds  of  smoke  rising  from  it  seems  to  express  the  element  mo- 
zonia,  "  angry  fiery  speech,  as  it  were.  And  finally,  the  element 
with  which  Ave  became  familiar  in  the  hieroglyphs  k  and  /,  and  Avhich 
we  also  see  in  the  hieroglyph  of  our  manuscript,  is  plainly  contained 
here,  and  represents  the  idea  of  xocoyotla. 

Opposite  the  figure  of  Motecuhzoma  in  our  manuscript  is  the  pic- 
ture of  a  hut  built  of  reeds,  called  xacalli  in  Mexican,  or  jacal,  as  they 
still  say  in  Mexico.  The  circle  below  probably  refers  to  the  place 
wdiich  is  here  meant,  but  I  can  not  explain  it  more  fully.  As  for  the 
location  itself,  there  is  no  place  by  the  name  of  Camaca  given  on  more 
recent  maps,  and  I  have  sought  for  it  in  vain  on  the  older  ones.  On 
the  map  which  accompanies  the  text  of  the  Conquistador  anonimo 
published  by  Ramusio,"  there  seems  to  be  the  only  hint  of  it.  This 
is  probably  based  on  the  first  map  that  was  made  from  the  one 
officially  sent  in  b}^  Cortes.  It  differs  from  the  latter,  however,  inas- 
much as  the  fresh-water  lake,  which  on  Cortes's  map  is  shoAvn  in 
very  much  contracted  dimensions  on  the  left  of  the  sheet,  is  repeated 
independently  on  a  larger  scale  on  the  upper  part  of  the  sheet.^ 
Upon  this  map,  exactly  as  on  that  of  Cortes,  two  forked  causeways 
are  given  on  the  north  side  of  the  town,  which  is,  however,  incorrectly 


"  Ramusio,  Delle  navigationi  et  viaggi,  v.  3,  Venice,  1556  ;  Garcia  Icazbalceta,  Docu- 
mentos  ineditos  para  la  historia  de  Mexico,  v.  1,  p.  390. 

^Dahlgren,  "  Nagot  om  det  forna  och  nuvarande  Mexico"  (Yraer,  No.  1,  1889). 


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BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


designated  by  the  author  as  the  west  side.  One  of  these  causeways 
leads  to  the  left  toward  Azcapotzalco.  The  other  runs  back  of  the 
fork  due  north.  Where  this  causeway  reaches  the  mainland  the 
name  Calmacam  is  written  down.  Of  course,  it  is  doubtful  whether 
we  are  justified  in  connecting  this  name  with  the  Camaca  on  our 
fragment  II,  for  on  the  map  of  Alonzo  de  Santa  Cruz,  of  the  year 
1555,«  the  name  Caltlitlan  appears  in  about  the  same  place.  Never- 
theless, I  am  inclined  to  think  that  there  was  a  boundary  line  in  this 
region,  that  is,  northward  from  Azcapotzalco  toward  Guadalupe. 
Azcapotzalco  was  the  first  of  the  cities  subdued  by  Mexico,  and  it  is 
expressly  stated  that  the  lands  of  Azcapotzalco  were  divided  among 
themselves  by  the  nobles  of  Mexico,  the  king  taking  the  lead.  There 
are,  in  fact,  fertile  farm  lands  at  the  base  of  the  mountain,  traversed 
by  streams  of  water  which  come  down  from  Tliliuhyacan,  Tlalne- 
pantla,  and  Atizapam.  The  water  drawn  on  the  left  side  of  the  frag- 
ment may  be  the  seashore,  and  the  road  running  along  the  right  side 
may  be  the  one  Avhich  ran  along  the  southern  base  of  the  mountains  of 
Tenayocan  and  Guadalupe. 

Lastly,  on  the  right  side  of  our  fragment,  outside  the  path,  there  is 
drawn  a  figure  which  seems  to  represent  a  kind  of  box  provided  with 
a  mecapalli,  the  broad  band  of  woven  straw  which  was  placed  across 
the  forehead,  by  means  of  which  the  burden  resting  on  the  back  was 
carried.  Perhaps  this  was  meant  to  symbolize  agricultural  imple- 
ments. 

Above  the  figure  of  Motecuhzoma,  as  I  have  said,  runs  the  drawing 
of  a  path.  The  figures  seen  on  this  and  on  the  path  at  the  right  are 
very  realistic  reproductions  of  the  imprint  of  a  bare  foot,  the  sole  and 
the  five  toes,  in  sand  or  other  light  soil.  These  footprints  are  gen- 
erally used  in  Mexican  hieroglyphic  writing  to  denote  a  path,  travel- 
ing over  a  path,  or  journeying  or  moving  in  a  certain  direction. 

I  will  designate  the  separate  divisions  or  sections  above  this  cross 
path,  i^roceeding  from  below  upward,  by  the  figures  1  to  27.  Divi- 
sions T  and  8  are  the  most  important.  In  division  7  there  is  above 
a  hieroglyph,  which  I  will  describe  later  with  the  others.  Beside  it 
is  the  hieroglyph  and  the  head,  adorned  with  the  royal  headband,  of 
the  brave  Quauhtemoc,  upon  whom  the  Mexicans  conferred  the  office 
of  king,  that  is,  chief  military  commander,  after  the  death  of  Cui- 
tlauac.  Motecuhzoma  and  Cuitlauac  were  sons  of  Axayacatl,  the 
sixth  king  of  the  Mexicans.  Quauhtemoc  was  a  son  of  Ahuitzotl, 
eighth  king  of  Mexico,  and  the  power  was  conferred  upon  him 
although  there  were  nearer  heirs.  In  Mexico  birth  only  partially 
influenced  succession  to  the  throne,  as  also  to  the  other  high  offices  of 
state.    It  is  Avell  known  how  heroically  Quauhtemoc  defended  the 


»  Nordenskiold,  Facsimile  Atlas,  p.  109,  and  Dahlgren,  work  cited,  p.  10, 


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MEXICAN   PICTURE   WRITINGS  FRAGMENT  II 


159 


city  of  Mexico  for  90  days  against  Cortes,  in  spite  of  European  mili- 
tary science.  His  capture,  ^Yhich  took  place  on  the  date  ce  Coatl  yei 
Calli,  or  August  13,  1521  (discussed  in  the  previous  chapter),  put  an 
end  to  the  war.  Cortes  at  first  treated  him  kindl3%  but  later  (accord- 
ing to  a  marginal  note  in  Chimalpahin  it  must  have  happened  on  the 
da}^  1  Ocelotl,  that  is,  as  we  reckon  it,  IGO  days  later,  about  the  end  oi 
the  year  1521)  sent  him  and  four  other  influential  Mexicans  prisoners 
to  Coyouacan  and  strove  to  extort  from  them  by  torture  information 
as  to  where  were  hidden  the  treasures  which  the  Spaniards  had  to 


q  r  H  t  u 


Fig.  37.    Mexican  symbols  of  persons  and  places. 

leave  behind  in  Mexico  the  year  previous  at  the  time  of  their  flight. 
Quauhtemoc  was  afterward  baptized  and  named  for  his  godfather 
Don  Hernando  de  Alvarado  Quauhtemoctzin.  Cortes  appointed 
him  gobernador  of  Mexico,  but  afterward  had  him  hanged  on  sus- 
picion of  conspiracy,  together  with  Tetlepanquetzatzin  and  Couana- 
cochtzin,  the  kings  of  Tlacopan  and  Tetzcoco.  This  happened  in  the 
year  1524  at  Ueimollan  during  the  expedition  to  Honduras.  "  He 
died  in  some  sort  like  a  Christian  "  (ye  yuhqui  ye  christianoyotica 
momiquilli),  says  Chimalpahin.    "A  cross  was  put  into  his  hand,  his 


160 


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[BULL.  28 


feet  were  bound  together  with  iron  chains,  and  by  these  they  hung 
him  to  a  ceiba  tree".  The  execution  is  represented  on  page  138  of 
Codex  Vaticanus  A;  but  there  he  is  represented  as  hanged  by  the 
neck  in  the  usual  way.  From  Chimalpahin's  words,  however,  it 
would  seem  as  though  he  had  been  cruell}^  hung  up  by  the  feet. 

The  hieroglyph  of  Quauhtemoc,  "  swooping  eagle  ",  is  represented 
in  section  7  of  our  manuscript  by  the  head  of  an  eagle  and  a  foot- 
print directed  downward.  In  the  Sahagun  manuscript  of  the 
Academia  de  la  Historia  it  is  represented  by  an  entire  eagle  flying 
downward  {d  1,  figure  37).  In  Codex  Vaticanus  A,  plates  137  and 
138,  we  also  have  a  swooping  eagle  and  footprints  directed  down- 
ward {d  2  and  d  3,  same  figure). 

The  remark  added  in  the  following  division,  the  eighth  of  our 
manuscript,  apparently  by  the  same  hand  which  entered  the  other 
names  and  remarks,  also  refers  to  Quaiihtemoc's  death.  In  order 
to  read  the  words  the  fragment  must  be  turned  upside  down. 

In  this  division  we  have  two  large  circles  and  one  small  one,  filled 
with  an  irregular  network  of  lines  and  painted  blue.  These  are  hiero- 
glyphs of  the  xiuitl,  "  turquoise  ",  a  word  which,  as  I  stated  above, 
is  fre(piently  expressed  by  a  small  disk  of  turquoise  mosaic  (see  m, 
figure  35).  But  the  word  xiuitl  means  not  only  "turquoise",  but 
also  "  grass  ",  "  comet ",  and  "  year ".  It  is  used  here  in  the  last 
sense,  for  the  litth^  flag  over  the  two  large  circles  means  "  20  ".  The 
two  large  circles  and  one  small  circle  together,  therefore,  give  us  41 
years.  Accordingly,  there  is  written  below  them  hon  poval  xivitl  oce 
axca,  "(it  is)  now  41  years".  Besides  the  number  at  the  left  is  7 
Calli,  "7  house";  that  is,  the  year  1524,  the  3^ear  of  Quauhtemoc's 
death.  To  the  right,  beside  the  number,  is  8  Calli,  "8  house";  that 
is,  the  year  1565,  which  is  more  fully  explained  by  the  accompanying 

words:  (the  numeral  is  not  distinctly  legible)  del  mes  de  abril 

1565  anos  ("  on  the  —  of  April  of  the  year  1565  ").  From  the  year 
1524  to  the  year  1565  there  are  actually  41  years. 

The  year  1565,  in  Avhich  this  note  was  added,  had  a  certain  sig- 
nificance foi-  the  descendants  of  the  ancient  royal  family  of  Mexico, 
as  in  that  year  Don  Luis  de  Santa  Maria  Nanacacij:)actzin  died.  He 
was  the  son  of  Acamapichtli  and  grandson  of  Ahuitzotl,  who  was  the 
eiirhth  kinof  of  Mexico.  He  was  the  last  descendant  of  the  ancient 
royal  family,  and  was  still  nominally  recognized  as  regent  (gober- 
'nador)  of  Mexico  under  Spanish  rule :  "  Yehuatl  oytech  tlamico 
ynic  Mexica  Tenucha  tlacopipiltin  ",  says  Chimalpahin.  This  year, 
therefore,  marks  the  actual  end  of  the  ancient  royal  family,  and  for 
this  reason  Chimalpahin  here  adds  a  sketch  of  the  entire  ancient 
history  of  the  city  of  Mexico  and  of  the  Mexican  race.    We  read  «  that 


«  Chimalpahin,  Seventh  Relation,  pp.  194,  195. 


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MEXICAN  PICTURE  WRITINGS — FRAGMENT  II 


161 


when  the  city  of  Mexico  surrendered  to  the  victorious  Cortes  after 
the  capture  of  Quauhtenioc,  the  chiefs  of  tiie  Mexicans  were  assem- 
bled at  Acachinanco.  They  were  the  following:  (1)  Quauhtenioc- 
tzin,  King  of  Mexico  (tlahtohuani  Tenuchtitlan)  ;  (2)  Tlacotzin, 
cihuacohuatl,  that  is,  the  King's  deputy;  (3)  Oquiztzin,  Prince  of 
Azcapotzalco  (tlahtohuani  Azcapotzalco-Mexicapan)  ;  (4)  Panitzin 
(or  Ilanitzin),  Prince  of  Ehcatepec  (tlahtohuani  Ehcatepec)  ;  (5) 
Motelchiuhtzin,  the  keeper  of  the  royal  stores  (calpixqui),  not  a 
man  of  royal  blood,  but  a  great  war  chief  (amo  pilli,  yn  yece  huey 
yaotiacauh  catca).  Cortes  had  them  put  in  chains  and  taken  as 
prisoners  to  Coyouacan. 

The  same  four  men  who  are  mentioned  here  with  Quauhtemoc  are 
mentioned  again  in  the  same  order  in  the  account  of  Quauhtemoc's 
execution  and  that  of  the  other  two  at  Ueymollan:  Cenca  yc  tlao- 
coxque,  motequi-j^achoque,  quichoquillique,  yn  quinhuicac  Mexica 
tlahtoque  ("  The  princes  of  Mexico,  who  had  been  brought  hither, 
were  deeply  moved  and  wept  for  him  Their  names  are  given  as 
Don  Juan  Velazquez  Tlacotzin,  cihuacohuatl,  Don  Carlos  Oquiztzin, 
Don  Andres  Motelchiuhtzin,  and  Don  Diego  de  Alvarado  Huanitzin. 

There  is  still  another  native  account  of  events  that  happened  during 
the  siege  and  after  the  taking  of  the  city  of  Mexico.  This  is  the  account 
preserved  in  the  Sahagun  manuscript  of  the  Biblioteca  Ijorenziana, 
which  forms  the  tv/elfth  book  of  the  worli.  It  is  stated  there  that  on 
the  day  after  Quauhtemoc's  capture  he  and  all  the  dignitaries  Avere 
taken  to  Cortes  at  Atactzinco,  to  the  house  of  the  tlacochcalcatl 
Coyoueuetzin.  Here,  directly  after  Quauhtemoc,  are  named  Coana- 
cochtli  and  Tetlepanquetzatzin,  the  kings  of  Tetzcoco  and  Tlacopan, 
and  then  the  following  men  of  high  rank:  (1)  cioacoatl  Tlacutzin; 
(2)  tlillancalqui  Petlauhtzin;  (3)  vitznavatl  Motelchiuhtzin,  mexi- 
catl  achcauhtli;  (4)  tecutlamacazqui  ("  high  priest ")  Coatzin;  (5) 
tlatlati  (*'  steward  ")  Tlacolyautl. 

When  the  princes  came  before  Cortes,  the  three  kings  of  the  allied 
cities  of  Mexico,  Tetzcoco,  and  Tlacopan  took  their  seats  beside 
Cortes.  Then  follow  inixcoatlailotlac  Auelitoctzin  and  tlatzacutica 
yopicatl  Pupucatzin  pilli,  who,  as  a  comparison  with  previous  pas- 
sages shows,  are  to  be  regarded  as  leaders  of  the  Tlatelolcas. 

And  then  we  read  :  On  the  other  side  sat  the  Tenochcas  ".  Their 
names  are  given  as  Tlacutzin,  Petlauhtzin,  Motelchiuhtzin  mexicatl 
achcauhtli,  tecutlamacazqui  Coatzin,  and  tlatati  Tlacolyautl.  These 
names  are  mentioned  repeatedly  on  previous  pages  of  the  narrative. 

If  we  compare  the  two  accounts,  that  of  Chimalpahin  and  the  one 
in  the  Sahagun  manuscript,  Ave  must  at  the  outset  discard  the  last  tAVo 
persons  named  in  the  Sahagun  narrative,  for  the}^  are  priests.  Of 
the  other  three,  two  are  identical  with  two  of  those  mentioned  by 
7238— No.  28—05  11 


162 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


Chimalpaliin.  The  difference  between  the  two  narratives  apparently 
can  be  explained  by  the  fact  that  in  the  Anales  of  Chinialpahin  we 
have  in  the  beginning  an  account  of  the  intervicAv  held  with  the  Mexi- 
can princes  immediately  after  the  surrender  of  the  city,  while  the  list 
which  then  follows  does  not  mention  the  princes  present  at  this  inter- 
view, but  those  whom  Cortes  afterward  sent  as  prisoners  to  Coyouacan 
and  put  to  the  torture  in  order  to  wring  confessions  from  them  in 
regard  to  the  treasures  left  behind  by  the  Spaniards  in  their  flight 
from  the  city. 

If  we  now  return  to  our  manuscript  we  see  that  in  divisions  5,  3,  2, 
and  1,  below  Quauhtemoc,  the  same  four  men  are  named  whom  Chi- 
malpahin  mentions  as  Quauhtemoc's  companions;  but  the  order  of 
succession  is  somewhat  changed,  for,  whilst  we  must  always  think  of 
Tlacotzin  as  occupying  the  first  place,  Oquiztzin  must  be  in  the  fourth 
place  here  instead  of  tlie  second,  as  in  Chinialpahin. 

The  four  persons,  like  those  named  in  the  other  divisions,  are  ex- 
pressed in  our  manuscript  by  a  head  with  the  name  hieroglyph  behind 
it.  Besides  Avhich  a  scribe,  Avho,  as  we  have  seen,  made  his  entries  in 
the  year  1565,  has  added  the  names  of  the  persons  in  writing. 

Here,  as  elsewhere,  the  heads  serve  to  show  the  rank  of  the  person 
designated.  In  our  manuscript,  Uanitzin  and  Oquiztzin,  who  are 
named  above  as  kings  of  Elicatepec  and  Azcapotzalco,  have  the  royal 
headband  of  turquoise  mosaic,  like  Motecuhzoma  and  Quauhtemoc. 
These  two  alone  of  the  four  have  the  little  tongue  before  their  mouth, 
the  symbol  of  speech  and  also  of  power.  Von  Humboldt  was  of 
the  opinion  that  the  Mexicans  intended  to  designate  persons  as  living 
by  the  addition  of  this  little  tongue.  That  this  is  not  the  case  liere  is 
obvious,  for  Oquiztzin  died  earlier  than  the  three  others,  and  Mote- 
cuhzoma, who  also  has  the  little  tongue,  earlier  than  any  of  the  four 
and  before  Quauhtemoc,  who  is  represented  without  the  little  tongue. 
Apparently  the  tongue  is  meant  here  as  the  direct  hieroglyph  for 
tlahtouani,  the  one  who  speaks  or  the  lord  '',  "  the  king  ",  a  pen- 
dant, as  it  were,  to  the  royal  headband. 

The  third  of  the  four,  Motelchiuh,  who  was  described  above  as  a 
war  chief,  is  represented  by  the  peculiar  manner  of  wearing  the  hair 
which  was  a  distinguisliing  mark  of  warriors.  Sahagun  tells  us 
(App.,  chapter  5)  that  Avhen  warriors  adorned  themselves  for  the 
dance  they  bathed,  covered  their  whole  bodies,  except  the  face,  with 
black  color,  and  painted  their  faces  with  black  stripes,  and  that  in- 
stead of  combing  their  hair  "  they  made  it  stand  on  end  to  give  them- 
selves a  terrible  aspect  ".  There  were  two  different  ways,  as  the  pic- 
tures show,  in  which  it  Avas  customary  to  arrange  the  hair  on  these 
occasions.  One  was  to  draw  the  hair  together  on  the  crown  and  wind 
round  it  a  leather  strap,  to  which,  on  gala  occasions,  large  tassels  of 
ornamental  feathers  were  fastened,  while  the  rest  of  the  hair,  as  it 


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MKXT(^\N   riCTURK   WRITINCJS  FKAGMKNT  11 


108 


seems,  stood  out  short  and  stiff  all  around  the  face.  It  is  worn  thus 
by  the  figures  of  warriors  in  the  Mendoza  codex  (see  /.  figure  1^7)  and 
on  the  head  of  Yacatecuhtli,  the  god  of  traveling  merchants  and 
caraA^an  leaders,  in  the  Sahagun  manuscript  of  the  Biblioteca  del 
Palacio,  7n.    This  n)anner  of  wearing  the  hair  was  called  temillotl, 

stone-pillar  hair  dress  and  the  great  tassels  were  called  quet- 
zallalpiloni,  "  ornamental  feather  band  The  name  temillo,  "  wear- 
ing the  stone-pillar  hair  dress  (warrior's  hair  dress)",  occurs  fre- 
quently in  the  list  of  names  from  Uexotzinco  (Manuscrit  Mexicain 
number  Bibliotheque  Xationale),  already  mentioned  several  times, 
and  is  represented  there  sometimes  by  the  figure  of  a  pillar,  some- 
times by  a  stone  or  a  stone  in  a  setting,  or,  finally,  by  a  stone  in  con- 
nection with  a  head  of  dressed  hair  (see  ii,  figure  87).  In  the  other 
manner  of  wearing  the  hair  it  was  made  to  stand  up  high  over  the 
forehead  and  allowed  to  hang  down  from  the  crown  of  the  head  over 
the  neck,  where  it  was  Avound  by  a  strap,  into  which  a  feather  orna- 
ment was  stuck  on  gala  occasions.  This  fashion  is  shown  in  the  pic- 
ture of  a  chieftain  arrayed  for  the  dance,  c,  which  in  Codices  Telleri- 
ano-lvemensis  and  A^aticanus  A  designates  the  feast  Tecuilhuitl, 
and  in  the  drawing  of  the  head  of  Tlacochcalco  yaotl  in  the  Saha- 
gun manuscript  in  the  Biblioteca  del  Palacio,  p.  The  chieftains 
of  the  Tlaxcaltecs  are  also  draAvn  Avith  this  hair  dress  on  the 
lienzo  of  Tlaxcala,  in  the  representation  of  the  festiA^ties  which  the 
republic  of  Tlaxcala  prepared  for  the  reception  of  the  conqueror 
Cortes,  Avhom  they  hailed  as  their  ally.  This  manner  of  Avearing  the 
hair  Avas  called  tzotzocolli,  and  the  feather  ornament  stuck  into  the 
strap,  consisting  of  a  furcated  plume  of  heron  feathers,  was  called 
aztaxelli.^  In  q  I  give  a  picture  from  the  Sahagun  manuscript  in  the 
Biblioteca  del  Palacio,  in  Avhich  Avarriors  are  represented  executing 
a  dance  at  the  feast  of  Ochpaniztli,  Avhere  these  tAvo  modes  of  Avear- 
ing  the  hair  are  to  be  seen  side  by  side,  distinctly  draAvn.  The 
former,  the  temillotl,  is  the  distinguishing  mark  of  the  actual  chief- 
tains, the  tequiua.  Motelchiuli,  the  great  Avar  chief,  is  therefore 
represented  Avith  it  in  division  3  of  our  manuscript  (plate  aii). 

Finall}^,  Tlacotzin,  in  division  5  (counting  from  the  loAver  path), 
]»as  neither  the  royal  headband  nor  the  chieft^^in's  hair  dress,  but  is 
represented  simply  Avith  hair  hanging  straight  doAvn,  Avithout  any 
insignia  whatever.  He  Avas  draAvn  Avithout  the  royal  headband, 
because  at  that  time  he  Avas  prol)ably  not  yet  in  possession  of  the 
royal  poAver  Avhich  Avas  aftei'wai'ds  conferred  upon  him.  Xor  Avas 
the  warrior's  hair  dress  appro] )ri ate  to  him,  because  the  title  ciua- 
couatl,  Avhich  he  bore,  Avas  api)arently  not  a  military  one.  I  Avill 
mention,  hoAA^ever,  that  aboA^e  Tlacotzin,  in  division  6,  there  Avas 

«  A'eroffentlichnngen  aus  dem  Koni.Lilicheii  Museum  fiir  A^iHke/'kunde,  v.  1,  p.  140. 
*  Veroffentlichungen  aus  dem  K(3nigliclien  Museum  I'ur  A' olkerkunde,  v.  1,  p.  166. 


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BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


painted  a  head  with  the  royal  headband  like  Quauhtenioc,  but  that 
this  has  been  pasted  over ;  that  is,  expunged. 

As  for  the  hieroglyphs,  there  are  two  in  division  5  with  Tlacotzin, 
which,  however,  do  not  both  refer  to  the  name.  The  first  one  seems 
rather  to  express  the  title  and  the  second  the  name  of  the  man.  The 
latter  represents  an  implement,  a  sort  of  wooden  shovel  which  was 
used  to  work  the  ground,  but  also  served  to  shovel  earth,  lime,  etc. 
(see  t  and  u).  The  former  is  taken  from  the  Mendoza  codex.  Above 
is  the  tool,  below  the  basket  (chiquiuitl) ,  in  which  the  earth,  lime,  etc., 
was  transported,  with  the  broad  carrying  strap  (mecapalli)  to  be 
placed  over  the  forehead.  In  taken  from  the  Osuna  codex,  is 
shown  the  Mexican  laborer  using  this  tool,  the  name  of  which  is 
uictli,  or  coauacatl.  In  our  manuscript  it  serves  to  express  the 
name  Tlacotzin  because  it  was  the  symbol  of  servitude  or  bondage,  of 
slave  labor.  The  serf,  the  slave,  was  called  tlacohtli.  A  tlacotl, 
somewhat  differently  pronounced,  with  the  vowel  short  in  the  first 
syllable,  meant  the  blossoming  bough,  an  example  of  which  is 
depicted  in  the  hieroglyph  Tlacopan  (Tacuba).  As  in  the  present 
case  the  name  Tlacotzin  is  expressed  by  a  tool,  we  may  conclude  that 
the  first  pronunciation  (with  the  long  a)  and  also  the  first  meaning- 
belonged  to  it. 

The  first  hieroglyi)h  shows  the  picture  of  a  snake  with  open  jaws 
holding  a  human  face.  The  snake  is  painted  yellow,  excepting  the 
rattles  and  belly,  the  human  face  brown,  and  on  the  cheek  there  seem 
to  be  traces  of  the  tAvo  stripes  which  are  almost  invariably  drawn  in 
the  hieroglyphs  of  the  Mendoza  codex  when  a  female  face  is  to  be 
expressed  (see  )\  figure  37.  the  hieroglyph  Ciuathm,  from  the  Men- 
doza codex,  volume  40.  page  1).  The  first  hieroglyph  in  division  5  is 
therefore  the  exact  reproduction  of  the  word  ciuacouatl,  "  female 
snake  ",  the  title,  which  it  is  stated  by  Chimalpahin  and  in  the  Saha- 
gun  manuscript  Avas  borne  by  the  Tlacotzin  mentioned  here.  The  title 
ciuacouatl  belonged  to  the  highest  dignitar}^  in  the  realm,  who  was  in 
a  certain  sense  the  colleague  or  deputy  of  the  king  ( tlahtouani) .  This 
fact  is  so  often  and  emphatically  repeated  in  Tezozomoc's  CrcSnica 
mexicana  that  it  is  natural  to  suspect  intention  and  to  conclude  that 
the  power  claimed  by  the  ciuacouatl  was  not  always  recognized  by 
the  king.  In  general,  the  colleagueship  was  plainly  and  clearly 
enough  established.  When  in  the  narrative  of  the  deeds  of  the  elder 
Motecuhzoma,Tlacaelel,  ciuacouatl  of  that  period,  makes  a  suggestion, 
Motecuhzoma  ansAvers  that  he  agrees  to  everything,  "  for  indeed  I  am 
the  master;  but  I  can  not  order  cA^erything,  and  you,  ciuacoatl,  are  as 
much  master  as  I  am ;  Ave  must  both  govern  the  Mexican  state  The 
name  ciuacouatl  has  several  meanings.  It  means  "  female  snake  ", 
but  it  may  also  signify  "  female  tAvin  or  "  female  companion".  The 
name  probably  refers  to  the  ancient  earth  goddess,  who,  in  different 


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MEXICAN  PICTURE  WRITINGS  FRAGMENT  II 


places,  was  called  variously  Ciiuicoatl,  "  the  snake  woman  Ton- 
antzin,  "  our  dear  mother     or  Teteo  innan,  "  mother  of  the  gods 
and  who  was  to  the  father,  the  ancient  god  of  heaven,  exactly  what 
the  ciuacouatl  Avas  to  the  king  in  the  earthly  realm  of  the  Mexican 
commonwealth. 

I  give  in  s  a  painting  of  this  goddess  corresponding  exactly  to  the 
one  in  our  hieroglyph.  It  occurs  on  plate  08  of  the  Goupil-Bohan 
atlas,  and  there  denotes  Ciuacoatl,  tlie  goddess  of  Colhuacan,  to 
whom  Mexican  prisoners  are  being  sacrificed. 

Motelchiuh  means  the  despised  "\  The  hieroglyph  whicli  here  ex- 
presses this  name  is  the  well-known  hieroglyph  te-tl,  stone  which 
is  painted  in  brown  and  black,  to  express  the  various  colors  or  the 
veining  of  stone.  Of  course,  this  hieroglyph  is  only  an  ajjproxima- 
tion  of  the  sound  which  it  is  actually  intended  to  represent.  It  is  not 
impossible  that  there  is  some  etymologic  connection,  tliougli  only  an 
indirect  one,  between  the  words  te-tl,  "  stone  and  tel-chiua,  "  to 
despise  Besides,  Motelchiuh  is  designated  also  in  the  Sahagun 
manuscript  of  the  Acadeniica  de  la  Historia  in  precisely  the  same 
way;  that  is,  \)y  tlie  hieroglyph  te-tl    stone  "  (t,  figure  87). 

Uanitzin,  division  2,  is  hieroglyphically  denoted  by  tlie  flag 
(pamitl).  p,  b,  and  w  are  all  kindred  sounds,  and  our  (German)  w, 
or,  more  correctly,  the  English  w,  is  the  sound  which  the  old  gram- 
marians intended  to  express  by  u  or  v,  and  the  Jesuits  by  hu.  It 
seems  to  be  only  an  error  when  Chimalpahin  occasionally  writes 
Panitzin  instead  of  Iluanitzin;  that  is,  Uanitzin.  ITanitl  is  also  de- 
noted by  a  small  flag  in  the  Sahagun  manuscript  of  the  Academia  de 
la  Historia  (<7,  figure  37). 

Lastl}^,  Oquiztli,  in  the  first  division  above  the  lower  path,  is 
simply  described  by  the  hieroglyph  of  the  city  Azcapotzalco,  wdiose 
ruler  he  was.  Azcapotzalco  means  "  in  the  place  of  the  ant-hills  ". 
The  city  is  therefore  hieroglyphically  expressed  by  the  picture  of  an 
nnt-hill  (see  a  and  the  former  taken  from  the  Mendoza  codex,  the 
latter  from  a  record  preserved  in  the  library  of  the  Duke  of  Osuna). 
Here  we  see  in  the  midst  of  small  pebbles  and  grains  of  sand  a  crea- 
ture, usually  painted  red  and  of  a  somewhat  exaggerated  shape,  which 
is  intended  to  represent  an  ant  (azcatl). 

I  will  now  state  briefly  what  is  known  concerning  the  subsequent 
fate  of  the  four  2:>ersons  whom  Chimalpahin  mentions  as  companions 
of  Quauhtemoc,  the  last  free  king  of  Mexico,  and  who  in  our  manu- 
script are  set  down  in  due  order  underneath  Qmiulitemoc. 

Tlacotzin  seems  to  have  been  a  grandson  of  Ahuitzotl,  the  eighth 
king  of  the  Mexicans."    He  was  therefore  a  near  relative  of  Quauhte- 


"  See  Anales  de  Chimalpahin,  Seventh  Relation,  ed.  Remi  Simeon,  p.  266,  where  the 
yxhuiuhtzin  inyn,  "  the  grandson  cf  rhe  previous  one  can  hardly  refer  to  anyone  bnt  the 
previously  mentioned  .Ahuitzotl. 


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[bull.  28 


moc,  who  was  a  son  of  Ahuitzotl.  This  probably  explains  the  high 
position  as  ciuacouatl,  which  he  held  with  and  under  Quauhtemoc. 
He  took  a  very  energetic  part  in  the  defense  of  the  city  of  Mexico, 
according  to  the  Aztec  account  preserved  in  the  Sahagun  manu- 
script of  the  Biblioteca  Lorenziana,  which  Avas  probably  Avritten  by 
an  eyewitness  who  was  shut  up  in  the  beleaguered  city  with  him. 
Tlacotzin  is  mentioned  there  with  tlillancalqui  Petlauhtzin  and  uitz- 
nauatl  Motel chiuhtzin,  and  these  three,  as  leaders  of  the  Tenochcas, 
are  placed  opposite  tlacateccatl  Temilotzin  and  tlacochcalcatl  Coyo- 
ueuetzin,  the  leaders  of  the  Tlatek)lcas,  the  inhabitants  of  the  sister 
city  of  Tenochtitlan.  After  the  conquest  he,  too,  was  baptized,  and 
was  then  called  Don  Juan  Velasquez  Tlacotzin.  After  the  execution 
of  Quauhtemoc  and  his  companions  at  ITeymoHan,  Cortes  made  him 
King  of  Mexico  (thihtohuani  mocliiuh  yn  TiMiochhtlan)  and  equipped 
him  like  a  Spaniard,  presenting  him  Avith  a  sword,  a  dagger,  and  a 
white  horse."  Tlacotzin,  however,  was  not  destined  to  enter  his 
native  city  as  King.  After  having  been  absent  for  nearly  three  years 
with  Cortes  on  the  expedition  to  Honduras,  Avhich  was  one  of  hard- 
ships and  privations,  he  died  on  the  homeward  journey,  in  1526,  at 
Nochiztlan. 

Of  Motek'hiuh  it  has  ah'eady  been  stated  that  he  Avas  not  a  prince 
of  the  blood,  but  had  won  his  rank  by  distinguishing  himself  in  Avar. 
In  the  passage  from  Chimali)ahin  quoted  above  he  is  mentioned  Avith 
the  title  calpixqui,  "  keeper  of  the  royal  stores  ".  This  Avas  the  name 
given  to  the  governors  of  sul)jugated  proA'inces,  Avhose  chief  duty  it 
Avas  to  collect  the  tribute  and  convey  it  to  the  royal  storehouses.  In 
the  Aztec  account  in  the  Sahagun  manuscript  he  is  called  uitznauatl 
and  mexicatl  achcauhtli.  The  latter  means  simply  "  Mexican  Avar 
chief.  The  former  is  one  of  the  many  military  titles  Avhich  Avere  in 
use  among  the  Mexicans,  the  actual  meaning  of  Avhich  has  not  yet 
been  determined.  They  probably  referred  to  a  ])articular  gens  (cal- 
pulli)  and  to  its  temple.  xVfter  the  concjuest  of  the  city  Motelchiuh 
Avas  also  baptized,  like  the  other  noble  Mexicans,  and  Avas  named  for 
his  godfather,  Don  Andres  de  Tapia  Motelchiuh.  We  also  see  Thapia 
Motelchiuh  Avritten  in  our  manuscript.  After  Tlacotzin's  death  at 
Nochiztlan,  Motelchiuh  Avas  appointed  his  successor,  but,  as  he  Avas 
not  a  prince  of  the  blood,  actual  royal  dignity,  the  title  tlahtouani, 
could  not  be  conferred  on  him.  I  feel  convinced  that  Cortes  took 
this  opportunity  to  someAvhat  degrade  the  dignity.  He  is  therefore 
merely  mentioned  as  a  war  chief  of  Mexico  (Zan  quauhtlahtohuani 
omochiuh  Tenuchtitlan) ,  but  Ave  learn  nothing  of  his  activity  in  this 
capacity.  He,  too,  ruled  but  a  fcAV  years  and  died  in  the  year  1530, 
during  an  expedition  to  the  provinces  of  the  northAvest  (Teo-culhua- 
can,  the  province  of  Jalisco),  Avhere  he  Avas  serving  in  the  Spanish 


«  See  Anales  de  Cliimalpahin,  Seventh  Relation,  ed.  Remi  Simeon,  p.  207. 


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MEXICAN  PICTURE   WRITINGS  FRAGMENT  II 


167 


army  under  Nnfio  de  Guzniiin.  AVhile  bathing  in  the  neighborhood 
of  xVztathin  he  was  struck  by  the  arrow  of  a  Chichimec,  a  hostile 
Indian,  and  died  of  the  w^ound." 

Uanitzin  was  a  ne})hew  of  the  Iving  Motecuhzonia.  Hi;^  father, 
whose  name  w^as  Tezozomoctli  Acohiauacatl,  was  an  ehler  brother  of 
Motecuhzoma.  Motecuhzonia  was  cA^entually  called  to  the  throne  as 
the  successor  of  his  father,  Axayacatl,  by  the  choice  of  those  who  had 
the  ap2)ointing  power.  But,  according  to  a  passage  of  unusual  ethno- 
logic interest  in  the  annals  of  Chimalpahin,  Tezozomoctli  inherited 
the  dance  yaociuacuicatl  from  Axayacatl,  Avho  bought  it  of  the 
Tlailotlaque,  a  tribe  of  the  Chalca,  whose  property  it  seems  to  have 
been.  Uanitzin's  mother  belonged  to  the  house  of  the  princes  of 
Ehcatepec,  a  place  lying  north  of  Mexico,  at  the  northern  base  of  the 
mountains  of  Guadalupe,  near  the  lake  of  Xaltocan.  In  the  year  1519, 
shortly  before  the  arrival  of  the  Spaniards,  when  Motecuhzoma  had' 
somewhat  recovered  from  the  extreme  consternation  into  which  he 
had  been  throw^n  by  the  first  neAvs  of  the  appearance  of  the  Spaniards, 
Uanitzin  was  installed  by  his  uncle  as  ruler  of  Ecatepec,  which 
belonged  to  him  as  his  mother's  heir.  According  to  Chimalpahin, 
Uanitzin  Avas  at  that  time  20  years  old.  lie  seems  to  have  taken  no 
special  part  in  the  fighting  during  the  siege.  The  Aztec  account  in 
the  Sahagun  manuscript  of  the  l^iblioteca  Lorenziana  does  not  men- 
tion him;  but  Chimalpahin  states,  as  I  have  quoted  above,  that  he 
was  one  of  the  Mexicans  of  high  rank  Avho  were  taken  with  Quauhte- 
moc  as  prisoners  to  Coyouacan.  Cortes  had  so  much  regard  for  his 
descent  (or  for  his  youth?)  that  he  did  not  have  him  put  in  chains  like 
the  others.  After  the  princes  w-ere  released  from  prison  his  mother 
immediately  took  him  with  her  to  Ehcatepec;  as  Chimalpahin  says, 
she  concealed  him  there  (ca  ompa  quitlatito  yn  inantzin  Ehcatepec), 
and  the  people  of  Ehcatepec  recognized  him  as  their  king  (ynic  ompa 
quintlahtocatlallique  no  yehuantin  Ehcatepeca).  As  a  Christian  he 
bore  the  name  of  Don  Diego  de  Alvarado  Uanitzin. 

After  Motelchiuh's  death  in  the  year  1530  the  throne  of  Mexico  was 
for  a  time  unoccupied.  After  the  return  from  Teocolhuacan,  wdiich 
occurred  in  1532,  the  office  of  chieftain  was  conferred  on  a  certain 
Xochiquentzin,  who  also  Avas  not  a  prince  of  the  blood  (ynin  ga  no 
Mexica  amo  pilli),  but  had  only  been  a  large  landowner  (yece  huel 
chane  catca  Mexico)  and  had  held  the  office  of  a  calpixqui,  "  a 
keeper  of  the  royal  stores  "  under  the  old  kings.  His  house  Avas  in 
Calpul  Teopan,  the  southeastern  quarter  of  the  city  of  Mexico,  called 
already  at  that  time  the  barrio  of  San  Pablo.  Xochiquentzin  died, 
however,  in  the  year  1536.  The  viceroy,  Don  Antonio  de  Mendoza, 
who  had  arrived  in  Mexico  the  year  before,  at  first  hesitated  to  fill  the 


«  Chimalpahin,  pp.  200,  222,  26G. 


168 


BUKEAU  OF  AMEBICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


post  again;  but,  in  pursuance  of  his  efforts  to  regulate  the  relations 
between  the  natives  and  the  Spaniards,  he  found  it  advisable  again  to 
give  a  chief  to  the  Indian  population  of  the  capital.  In  the  year  1588 
he  appointed  to  the  office  Uanitzin,  who,  however,  was  not  proclaimed 
king  (tlahtohuani),  nor  could  he  be  quauhtlahtouani,  "war  chief", 
on  account  of  his  rank ;  therefore  he  was  installed  in  office  under  the 
Spanish  title  of  "  gobernador  He  died  as  early  as  1541.  One  of 
his  sons,  Don  Cristoval  de  Guzman  Cecetzin,  or  Cecepaticatzin,  was 
afterward,  in  1559,  the  third  gobernador  of  Mexico. 

Finally,  regarding  Oquiztli,  the  fourth  person,  set  down  in  our 
manuscript  underneath  Quauhtemoc,  we  know  from  Tezozomoc's 
Cronica  that  he  was  installed  as  king  at  Azcapotzalco '  at  the  same 
time  as  Uanitzin  at  Ecatepec.  Tezozomoc  also  designates  him  as  a 
nephew  of  Motecuhzoma;  but  I  have  no  positive  information  as 
to  who  his  parents  were.  Azcapotzalco  had  become  subject  to  the 
Mexicans  since  1429,  when  the  old  rulers  Avere  driven  out  and  the 
land  Avas  divided."  Oquiztli  also  seems  to  have  taken  no  conspicuous 
part  in  the  fighting  during  the  siege.  He  was  forced,  with  the  other 
noble  Mexicans,  to  accompany  Cortes  on  his  expedition  into  the 
forest  regions  of  Chiapas  and  Honduras,  and  died  there  soon  after 
the  execution  of  Quauhtemoc,  in  the  year  1542.'^ 

So  much  concerning  these  four.  Of  the  other  persons  set  down 
in  our  manuscript  from  the  ninth  division  upward,  only  the  one 
entered  in  division  16  (counting  from  the  lower  path)  is  better 
knoAvn.  This,  as  the  explanatory  note  tells  us,  is  Don  Diego  de  San 
Francisco  Teuetzquititzin,  the  son  of  Tezcatlpopocatzin,  Avho  again 
Avas  a  son  of  Tizocicatzin,  seventh  king  of  Mexico,  and  lived  sub- 
ject to  Spanish  rule  in  Calpul  Teopan,  the  barrio  of  San  Pablo  of 
Tenoclititlan.  He  Avas  appointed  gobernador  of  Mexico  after  Uani- 
tzin's  death,  in  1541,  and  died  there  in  the  year  1554.^^  The  name 
Teuetzquiti  means  "  the  jester  "  he  who  makes  others  laugh  ".  The 
hieroglyph  in  our  manuscript  seems  intended  to  represent  a  kind 
of  comic  mask.  Elsewhere  in  the  Sahagun  manuscript  of  the  Acade- 
mia  de  la  Historia,  he  is  represented  by  an  open  mouth,  and 
a  namesake  of  his,  Tetlaueuetzquititzin,  who  belonged  to  the  royal 
family  of  Tetzcoco,  and  Avas  gobernador  of  Tetzcoco  at  about  the 
same  time,  is  represented  by  an  open  mouth  Avith  the  little  tongue  {k, 
figure  37),  indicative  of  speech,  before  it.  The  head,  behind  which 
the  hieroglyph  in  our  manuscript  is  placed,  is  drawn  Avith  the  royal 
headband  of  turquoise  mosiac,  as  in  the  cases  of  Motecuhzoma, 
Quauhtemoc,  Uanitzin,  and  Oquiztzin.  Like  them,  Teuetzquitizin 
belonged  to  the  royal  family  of  Mexico. 

«  Chimalpahin,  p.  99. 
6  Chimalpahin,  p.  207. 

<^  Chimalpahin,  pp.  241,  250  ;  Sahagun  manuscript,  Academia  de  la  Historia. 


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169 


Of  the  other  persons,  I  will  first  mention  the  one  in  division  7 
(plate  vii),  counting  from  the  lower  path,  besides  Quauhtemoc,  whom 
the  explanatory  note  calls  Don  Martin  Cortes  Nezahual  tecolotzin. 
The  name  is  not  known  to  me  from  other  sources.  The  head  is  drawn 
with  the  hair  hanging  straight  down,  without  the  chieftain's  hair 
dress  and  the  royal  headband;  but  above  the  head  is  the  royal 
headband  of  turquoise  mosiac.  This  is  the  well-known  symbol 
used  in  the  Mendoza  codex  for  the  office  of  tlacateccatl  (see  figure 
38,  page  IT,  of  the  ^lendoza  codex).  The  hieroglyph  behind  the 
head  con-esponds  (\xactly  to  the  name  Nezahual  tecolotl,  which  means 


a  I)  c  d  e 


f 


g  J I  i 

Fig.  38.     Symbols  of  names. 


"  fasting  owl  ",  for  the  back  part  of  the  hieroglyph  shows  plainly 
the  face  of  an  owl,  and  the  front  part  a  ribbon,  w^oven  of  man}^- 
colored  strips,  with  ends  standing  out,  which  is  a  familiar  and 
universally  understood  symbol  for  nezahualli  "  fasting "  (see  the 
hieroglyphs  of  Nezahualcoyotl,  the  fasting  coyote  h  and  f',  same 
figure,  and  Nezahualpilli,  "the  fasting  prince"  or  "the  fasting  child", 
d  and  e).  Those  marked  h  and  d  are  taken  from  the  Codex  Telleri- 
ano-Remensis  and  e  and  e  from  the  Sahagun  manuscript  of  the 
Academia  de  la  Historia.    The  symbol  was  derived  from  the  custom 


170 


BUKEAU  OF  AMEKICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


of  shutting  oneself  up  for  the  purpose  of  fasting.  When  sechision 
was  not  actually  accomplished,  it  seems  to  have  been  indicated  by 
a  ring  plaited  of  the  stalks  of  the  aztapilin,  or  aztopillin,  a 
variety  of  rush  of  a  wliitish  color  below  and  green  above  (see  /, 
taken  from  the  Borgian  codex,  which  represents  the  fasting  person 
blowing  the  conch  and  carrying  a  water  jug  on  his  shoulder  within 
an  inclosure  plaited  of  green  and  white  strips).  In  ]:>arallel  pas- 
sages of  the  Borgian  codex  and  Codex  Vaticanus  B  a  man  is  drawn, 
inclosed  in  a  chest,  waving  the  thorn  of  castigation  in  one  hand  and 
the  green  acxoyatl  bush  in  the  other.  In  corresponding  passages  of 
the  Codices  Telleriano-Remensis  and  Vaticanus  A  Quetzalcoatl,  the 
god  who  was  considered  the  inventor  of  castigation,  a2)pears  armed 
in  similar  fashion  in  a  boxlike  inclosure,  consisting  of  tAvo  parts. 

A  head  follows  in  division  9  (plate  vii),  which,  like  that  of  Motel- 
chiuh  in  division  3,  wears  the  chieftain's  hair  dress  (temillotl).  The 
explanatory  note  calls  this  Anaiiacatzin,  that  is/Vfrom  the  land  by 
the  water  '\  "  from  the  seacoast  This  name  is  hieroglyphically 
represented  here  by  a  circle  (island?)  surrounded  by  water.  In  the 
list  of  names  of  persons  (Manuscrit  Mexicain  number  Bil)li()theque 
Nationale),  ah-eady  frequently  quoted,  Anauacatl  occurs  as  the  name 
of  a  citizen  of  xVlmoyauacan  and  is  expressed  by  r/,  that  is,  by  a 
stream  of  water  Avhich  is  depicted  before  the  mouth  of  a  person,  after 
the  fashion  of  the  little  tongue  which  signifies  speech.  For  atl  is 
water  and  nahuatl  clear,  or  intelligible,  speech.  I  am  unal)le  to  say 
where  the  Anauacatl  of  our  manuscript  belongs. 

In  division  10  follows  a  head  with  hair  hanging  straight  down, 
which  is  designated  in  the  accompanying  note  as  Xaxaqualtzin. 
Xaqualoua  means  "  to  rub  and  this  action  is  represented  in  the 
hieroglyph  by  two  hands  using  a  sort  of  scouring  brush. 

In  the  next  division,  11,  is  another  head  Avith  the  chieftain's  hair 
dress  (temillotl).  The  explanatory  note  calls  it  Cuetlachi\dtzin, 
"  wolf's  feather  '',  and  this  is  expressed  in  the  hieroglyph  by  the  head 
of  a  wolf  Avith  tufts  of  down.  In  Chimalpahin's  annals  a  Cuetla- 
chiuitzin  is  mentioned  Avho  Avas  installed  as  ruler  of  Tequanipan  in 
1561,  and  Avho  died  in  1572,  but  I  am  unable  to  say  whether  this  is 
the  one  referred  to  in  our  manuscript.  I  do  not  think  it  at  all  prob- 
able, as  there  is  nowhere  in  our  manuscript  an  allusion  to  the  region 
of  the  Chalcas. 

In  division  12  we  have  another  head  Avith  hair  hanging  straight 
down.  The  note  calls  it  uitznauatl,  A\hich  is  expressed  in  the  hiero- 
glyph by  the  thorny  point  of  an  agave  leaf  (uitztli,  "thorn") 
and  the  small  tongue  of  speech  in  front  of  it  (nauatl,  "  clear  speech  "). 


«  I  have  shown  in  the  comptes  rendns  of  the  eighth  session  of  the  Congres  International 
des  Aniericanistes.  Paris,  1 800,  pp.  586,  587,  that  the  word  Anauac  means  the  seacoast,  an(? 
that  it  is  absurd  to  speak  of  the  plateau  of  Anahuac. 


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MEXICAN  PICTUKE  WRITINGS  FKAGMENT  II 


171 


The  thorn,  the  sharp  point  of  the  agave  leaf,  is  divided  by  an  oblique 
line,  and  one  half  is  painted  red,  to  indicate  that  it  is  covered  with 
blood.  These  thorny  points  of  the  agave  leaf  were  used  in  religious 
self-castigations,  and,  as  we  frequently  see  on  the  last  pages  of  the 
Mendoza  codex,  also  largely  for  purjioses  of  punishment  and  edu- 
cational discipline.  The  Avord  uitznauatl  was  a  title,  which  in 
Mexico  and  elsewhere  Avas  coiniected  Avith  a  certain  niilitai-y  or  ])olit- 
ical  office.  We  saAV  aboA^e  that  Motelchiuh  bore  this  title.  Tlie  ])lu- 
ral,  uitznaua,  denoted  a  class  of  evil  spirits,  Avhich  Avere  conc^uered 
and  destroyed  by  Uitzilopochtli,  and  uitznauac,  or  uitznauatlanipa,  is 
the  region  of  the  south. 

In  diAdsion  13  we  haA^e  again  a  head  Avitli  hair  hanging  straight 
down.  The  note  says  uaxtepecatl  petlacalcatl.  The  first  name 
means  "one  from  Uaxtepec  "  (from  the  place  of  the  uaxin,  Acacia 
esculenta).  Uaxtepec  Avas  a  place  in  the  district  of  CuernaA^aca, 
therefore  in  a  temperate  region  ("  tierra  templada  ").  Here  Avas  the 
Jardin  d'Acclimation  of  the  kings  of  Mexico;  that  is,  they  trans- 
planted hither  such  trees  and  plants  from  the  tierra  caliente  as  seemed 
to  them  interesting,  and  came  themseh^es  for  rest  and  recreation. 
The  place  is  hieroglyphically  rej) resented  by  //,  figure  38,  that  is, 
by  a  mountain  and  a  tree  from  Avhose  branches  hang  the  long  knobby 
acacia  pods  (usually  painted  red).  Petlacalcatl  means  "  the  steAvard 
of  the  mat  house  This  Avas  a  kind  of  public  storehouse,  Avhere 
Avere  kept  mats  and  other  articles  of  furniture  Avhich  Avere  used  when 
foreign  royal  guests  came.  The  petlacalcatl  directed  the  public 
works,  as  shoAvn  in  /  taken  from  the  Mendoza  codex,  page  71.  Here 
the  ])etlacalatl  is  represented  on  the  left,  Avith  many  little  tongues 
before  his  mouth,  to  express  the  admonitions  Avhich  he  bestoAvs  upon 
those  commanded  to  do  the  Avork.  In  the  middle  are  the  basket 
and  the  tool  (uictli,  or  coauacatl),  with  which  we  are  already 
acquainted,  and  to  the  right  crouches  the  Aveeping  3^outh  commanded 
to  do  the  Avork.  The  hieroglyph  behind  the  man's  head  in  division 
13  of  our  manuscript  (plate  a^ii)  refers  to  this  function  of  the  petla- 
calcatl, and  represents  the  aboA^e-mentioned  implement,  Avhich  Ave 
haA^e  already  met  Avitli  as  the  hieroglyphic  expression  of  tlacohtli. 
The  first  Avord  in  the  accompanying  note,  "  uaxtepecatl  is  not  ex- 
pressed in  the  hieroglyph.  I  knoAv  of  no  person  by  this  name. 
It  is  probable  that  uaxtepecatl  "  does  not  stand  here  for  the  name 
of  a  person,  but  denotes  the  district  to  Avhich  the  official  belonged. 
AVe  often  find  the  governors  of  proAdnces  mentioned  by  the  adjectiA^e 
form  of  their  district  instead  of  by  their  proper  name — Cuetlaxtecatl, 
"  the  governor  of  Cuetlaxtlan  etc.  So  here,  too,  uaxtepecatl  petla- 
calcatl may  mean  merely  "  the  keeper  of  the  stores,  the  steward  of 
the  district  of  Uaxtepec  ". 


172 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAH  ETHHOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


Between  divisions  13  and  14  in  our  manuscript  there  is  a  lesser 
stream  of  \Yater,  which,  as  I  have  said,  leads  straight  across  the 
page,  from  the  path  on  the  right  to  the  water  on  the  left.  Then  fol- 
lows above,  in  division  14,  a  head  with  hair  hanging  straight  down,  in 
the  explanatory  note  of  which  some  of  the  letters  are  destroyed  and 
made  unintelligible  by  a  dark  stain ;  but  the  hieroglyph  behind  the 
head  informs  us  that  the  note  must  be  read  Itzj^otoncatzin ;  that  is, 
He  who  is  stuck  over  with  obsidian  knives  instead  of  with  feathers". 
The  hieroglyph  shows  us  a  stone  knife  (iztli,  kuife  "  obsidian 
with  tufts  of  down  sticking  to  it  (potonqui,  "  stuck  over  with  feath- 
ers"). Feathers  fastened  to  the  hair  and  naked  skin  were  part  of 
the  holiday  dress.    Young  girls  adorned  themselves  for  a  festival  by 


Fig.  39.    Symbols  from  Mexican  codices. 


sticking  red  feathers  to  their  arms  and  legs,  and  because  this  stick- 
ing on  of  feathers  Avas  part  of  the  holiday  dress  the  victim  of  sacrifice 
was  similarly  adorned,  except  that  white  feathers  were  used,  to  show 
that  he  was  doomed  to  death.  Those  intended  for  the  sacrificio  gla- 
diatorio,  in  particular,  were  smeared  with  white  infusorial  earth 
(tizatl)  and  stuck  over  with  white  down  (iuitl)  a,  figure  39.  To 
send  tizatl  and  iuitl  was  therefore  a  declaration  of  war.  The  oppo- 
nent was  thus  sjanbolically  doomed  to  a  sacrificial  death.  Hence  in 
Codex  Telleriano-Remensis  the  conquest  of  a  city  is  invariably  rep- 
resented by  the  picture  of  a  man  painted  white,  Avith  dots,  and  cov- 
ered with  tufts  of  down  (h,  figure  39) ,  and  in  the  Mendoza  codex,  page 
47,  we  see  the  declaration  of  war  against  an  insubordinate  cacique 


SELEKJ  MEXICAN    PICTUKE   WKITINOS  FRAGMENT  II  l73 


also  represented  in  this  way,  c.  The  envoy  of  the  kinfr  wliile  he  deliv- 
ers his  message  is  sticking  feather  tufts  upon  the  head  of  the  cacique, 
Avho  sits  in  his  chair  clothed  in  a  rich  nuintle.  Another  brings  him 
the  sliield,  \A'hich  Avas  also  part  of  the  equipment  of  those  destined  foi- 
the  sacrificio  gladiatorio. 

In  the  next  division,  15  (plate  vii),  we  have  a  head  with  hair 
hanging  straight  doAvn,  which  is  called  Ixeuatzin  in  the  accom- 
panying note.  Ix-tli  means-  ^'  face  "  front  ",  "  presence  "  eye 
euatl  means  "  the  skin  and  Avas  also  used  especially  to  denote  the 
gala  doublets,  made  of  feather  w^ork  Avhich  Avere  Avorn  by  Mexican 
warriors  of  rank  OA^er  the  Avadded  armor,  ichca-uii^illi,  Avhich  served 
for  the  actual  protection  of  their  bodies.  In  figure  39,  I  have  re- 
produced one  of  these  military  doublets  of  feather  Avork  Avhich  is  used 
in  the  Mendoza  codex,  pages  40  to  49,  as  a  hieroglyph  for  the  city 
of  Cozouipilecan  "  Avhere  the  people  wear  military  doublets  of  yellow 
feathers  A  true  euatl,  that  is,  the  skin  flayed  from  a  man  (tla- 
caeuatl),  is  Avorn  by  the  god  Xipe,  "  the  flayed  one  the  red  god  of 
the  Yopi  and  Tlapaneca.  The  hieroglyph  in  diAdsion  15  of  our  manu- 
script (plate  vii),  corresponding  to  the  meaning  given  here  for  the 
name,  is  an  eye  (ixtli)  ;  above  and  beloAv  it  is  a  shirt,  as  shoAvn  in  6?, 
flgure  39,  but  haA-ing  hands  lianging  from  it  and  with  a  gash  straight 
across  the  breast  and  a  fcAv  stains  beloAv.  It  is  evident  that  this 
draAving  is  not  meant  to  represent  a  feather  shirt,  but  a  genuine 
human  skin,  such  as  Xipe  Avore.  The  oj^ening  straight  across  the 
breast  indicates  the  incision  Avliich  Avas  made  to  tear  out  the  victim's 
heart,  and  the  stains  are  for  blood  stains.  This  is  still  more  clear  in 
the  kindred  hieroglyph  in  division  24  (plate  vii),  where  the  red 
stains — blood  stains  on  a  yellow  ground,  Avhich  indicates  the  death 
hue  of  a  human  skin — are  plainly  to  be  recognized. 

After  division  15  comes  division  16,  with  the  head  and  hieroglyph 
of  Don  Diego  de  San  Francisco  Teuetzquititzin,  of  w^hich  I  have 
already  spoken. 

In  division  IT  is  another  head  having  the  chieftain's  hair  dress, 
temillotl.  The  note  says  coua-yvitzin,  "  snake-feather  ",  and  this  is 
represented  in  the  hieroglyph  by  a  snake  covered  with  tufts  of  doAvn. 
The  name  Coua-iuitl  is  mentioned  in  the  annals  of  Chimalpahin. 
Chimalpahin  tells  us  there  that  after  the  surrender  of  the  city  the 
above-mentioned  Aat  princes  of  Mexico  Avere  taken  captiA^e  to  Coy- 
ouacan,  and  then  adds:  yhuan  teohua  Quauhcohuatl  yhuan  Cohu 
ayhuitl  Tecohuatzin  Tetlanmecatl  quintemolli  ("  and  they  sought  for 
the  priest  Quauhcoatl  and  for  Couaiuitl  Tecouatzin,  Tetlanmecatl"). 
It  is  not  impossible  that  the  Couaiuitl  mentioned ,  here,  concerning 
whom  I  know  no  further  particulars,  is  also  the  one  referred  to  in 
our  manuscript. 


174 


BUKEAU   OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


In  division  18  is  a  head  with  hair  hanging  straight  down,  which, 
according  to  the  marginal  note,  bears  the  name  Imexayacatzin. 
The  hieroglyph  is  a  human  leg,  upon  the  thigh  of  which  is  painted  a 
face.  This  exactly  reproduces  the  meaning  of  the  name.  Xayacatl 
means  "  the  face  ",  and  imexayacatl  is  literally  imex-xayacatl,  which 
is  derived,  with  syncopation  of  the  final  consonant  of  the  first  word, 
from  imetzxayacatl,  that  is,  "  the  face  made  of  her  thigh  (metz-tli)". 
The  name  refers  to  a  ceremony  which  was  performed  at  the  broom 
feast,  Ochpaniztli,  the  feast  of  the  goddess  Teteo-innan,  or  Toci.  A 
woman  was  sacrificed  at  this  feast,  who,  as  Avas  customary  at  the  feasts 
of  the  Mexicans,  w^as  considered  an  image  of  the  divinity  in  whose 
honor  the  feast  was  held,  and  who  represented  this  deity  in  dress  and 
action.  This  woman  was  sacrificed  by  decapitation,  a  priest  hold- 
ing her  on  his  back,  and  was  then  immediately  flayed.  A  priest 
dressed  himself  in  the  skin,  and  represented  the  goddess  during  the 
remainder  of  the  feast.  From  the  skin  of  the  thigh  a  mask  was 
made,  which  Avas  called  mexayacatl,  or  more  correctly  i-mex-xa3^acatl, 
"  the  face  made  of  her  thigh  ".  It  Avas  Avorn,  together  Avith  a  peculiar 
headdress,  which  Avas  called  itztlacoliuhqui,  "  the  sharply  curved 
particularl}^  described  in  the  respectiA-e  chai)ter  of  Sahagun  (volume 
2,  chapter  30).  It  Avas  considered  the  symbol  of  coldness  and  hard- 
ness, of  infatuation,  of  evil,  and  of  sin.  I  reproduce  this  mask  and 
headdress,  /,  from  the  Sahagun  manuscript  of  ,the  Academia  de  la 
Historia,  where  the  two  combined  are  depicted  as  the  insignia  of  a 
warrior,  under  the  name  mexayacatl.  The  mask  (mexayacatl)  and 
the  headdress  (itztlacoliuhqui)  Avere  put  on  by  Cinteotl,  the  god  of 
the  maize  plant,  or  more  exactly  of  the  ripe,  hard,  dry  ear  of  corn, 
which  was  called  cintli,  Avho  Avas  the  son  of  the  old  earth  mother, 
Teteoinnan,  and  a  battle  then  ensued  betAveen  him  and  his  folloAvers 
on  the  one  hand,  and  the  priest  clad  in  the  human  skin,  representing 
the  goddess,  on  the  other,  Avhich  Avas  undoubtedly  meant  to  symbolize 
the  driving  aAvay  of  frost  and  other  harmful  things  Avhich  threaten 
the  Indian  corn.  These  harmful  things  Avere  supposed  to  be  conjured 
into  the  mexayacatl.  Therefore  at  the  close  of  the  feast  a  chosen 
band  of  Avarriors  carried  it  at  a  running  pace  somewhere  across  the 
borders  into  hostile  country.'^ 

In  the  next  division,  19,  the  note  gives  the  name  xipanoctzin.  This 
should  really  read  xip-panoc-tzin,  derived  by  assimilation  from  xiuh- 
panoc-tzin,  just  as  xip-palli,  "color  turquesado",  is  derived  from  xiuh- 
palli.  Accordingly,  the  name  contains  the  elements  xiuh  (or,  with  the 
article,  xiuitl),  "turquoise",  and  panoc,  "he  Avho  crosses  a  river" 
(from  pano,  "  to  cross  a  river  ") .  Both  elements  are  clearly  expressed 
in  the  hieroglyph.    Xiuh  is  expressed  by  the  hieroglyph  for  tur- 


"  Sahagun,  v.  2,  chap.  80. 


SELEIt] 


MEXICAN  PICTURE  WRITINGS  FRAGMENT  II 


175 


quoise  (see  figure  34)  and  "crossing  the  river"  by  the  boat  which 
is  drawn  below  it. 

In  division  20  (plate  vii)  the  note  is  again  rendered  quite  illegible 
by  the  crease  m  the  page,  but  I  think  that  I  can  distinctly  make  out 
Tepotzitotzin.  The  name  contains  the  elements  tepotz-tli,  "  hump- 
back and  itoa,  "  to  speak  Hence  the  hieroglyph  shows  a  human 
body  with  a  curved  back  and  beside  it  the  little  tongue,  the  symbol  of 
speech. 

In  the  next  division,  21,  the  note  is  somewhat  illegible,  owing  to  an 
attempted  correction.  I  think  I  can  make  out  yaotequacuiltzin, 
which  might  be  translated  "  the  old  priest  of  Yaotl,  i.  e.,  Tezcatli- 
poca       There  is  no  hieroglyph. 

In  division  22  the  explanatory  note  reads  aca-zayol-tzin,  that  is, 

reed  gnat  '\  The  hieroglyph  is  the  picture  of  the  reed  (acatl)  and, 
above  it,  of  a  gnat  (zayolin),  painted  brown. 

In  division  23  we  read  Amaquemetzin,  "  he  who  wears  a  garment 
of  bark  paper  '\  By  quemitl,  garment  ",  the  Mexicans  meant  a 
kind  of  covering  usually  made  of  more  or  less  costly  feathers,  which 
Avas  tied  around  the  neck  of  idols  and  hung  down  in  front,  and  was 
therefore  commonly  called  by  the  Spaniards  delantal  Amatl  is 
the  inner  bark  of  a  variety  of  fig,  which  Avas  much  used  in  ancient 
Mexico,  especially  as  a  cheap  adornment  for  idols.  Amaqueme, 
"  dressed  in  a  garment  of  bark  paper  w  as  the  name  of  the  idol  on 
the  mountain  near  Amaquemecan,  in  the  territory  of  the  Chalca, 
Avhich,  Christianized  and  called  Monte  Sacro,  is  still  held  in  great 
veneration  by  the  inhabitants  of  all  the  neighboring  valleys,  pil- 
grimages being  made  to  it  from  great  distances.  The  hieroglyph 
in  division  23  shows  the  form  of  the  quemitl  usual  in  the  manuscripts 
(see  figure  39,  the  hieroglyph  of  Tequemecan,  and  also  r,  figure  35, 
the  hieroglyph  of  Aztaquemecan) ,  but  it  is  blank  and  nnpainted  save 
for  a  few  black  designs,  which  were  j^robably  made  with  drops  of 
hot  liquid  caoutchouc.  Similar  paper  quemitl  with  caoutchouc-drop 
markings  played  an  important  part  in  the  worship  of  the  mountain 
gods  at  least.  With  them  Avere  decked  the  little  idols  of  the  moun- 
tain gods,  the  Eecatotontin,  Avhich  were  made  during  the  Tepeilhuitl, 
the  feast  of  the  mountain  gods  (see  g  and  A,  figure  39,  the  figures  of 
the  mountains  Popocatepetl  and  Matlalcueye,  from  the  Sahagun 
manuscript  of  the  Biblioteca  del  Palacio).  I  Avill  mention,  by  the 
Avay,  that  Kingsborough's  artist  has  erroneously  colored  this  hiero- 
glyph red  and  yelloAv,  though  it  must  be  and  is  colorless. 

In  division  24  (plate  vii)  the  explanatory  note  gives  the  name  eua- 
tlatitzin,  that  is,  "  he  Avho  hides  the  sl^in  ■'.  An  euatl,  a  doublet  made 
of  a  human  skin,  forms  the  hieroglyph,  like  the  one  in  division  15. 
The  name  eua-tlati-tzin  probably  refers  to  the  ceremony  Avhich  was 
performed  at  the  close  of  Tlacaxipeualiztli,  the  feast  of  the  god  Xipe, 


176 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


when  those  who  for  20  days  had  worn  the  skins  of  the  sacrificed  vic- 
tims, out  of  special  devotion  to  Xipe,  carried  them  in  solemn  proces- 
sion to  a  certain  j^lace  in  Xipe's  temple.    This  was  called  eua-tlati-lo, 
the  hiding  or  putting  away  of  the  skins 

The  twenty-fifth  square  is  blank.  In  the  twenty-sixth  square^  a 
head  is  drawn  which  the  writing  above  it  calls  Teilpitzin,  that  is. 
"  he  who  binds  people  '\  The  hieroglyph  shows  a  rope  tied  in  a  knot, 
a  sufficiently  intelligible  symbol. 

This  ends  the  list.  Few  familiar  names  are  mentioned,  as  we  see, 
and  these  belong  to  about  the  same  period.  They  are  all  the  direct 
successors  of  Moteculizoma,  excepting  the  first  one,  Cuitlauatzin 
(c,  figure  37),  who,  it  is  well  known,  died  of  smallpox  after  reigning 
a  few  weeks,  and  who,  excepting  the  last  two  gobernadores,  Cece- 
patitzin,  who  succeeded  Teuetzquititzin,  and  his  successor,  Nanacaci- 
pactzin,  were  the  last  of  the  ancient  royal  family  to  exercise  any  kind 
of  royal  authority.  It  therefore  seems  as  though  our  fragment 
treated  of  territory  which  was  a  royal  demesne,  but  which  after  Mote- 
cuhzoma's  death  probably  did  not  pass  as  a  Avhole  to  hi^  successors, 
but  was  in  part  divided  with  others. 

It  is  my  opinion  that  this  manuscript  formed  a  part  of  the  col- 
lection brought  together  by  Boturini,  and  that  it  is  described  as  num- 
ber 8,  se(.*tion  8,  in  his  Museo  Indiano.  Boturini  there  gives  the 
following  description:  Otro  mapa  en  papel  indiano,  donde  se  pin- 
tan,  al  parecer  y  por  lo  que  se  puede  decir  ahora,  unas  tierras  sola- 
riegas  de  senores,  empezando  de  dicho  Emperador  Moteuchzuma,  y 
siguiendo  a  otros  hasta  los  tiempos  de  la  cristiandacl  ("Another 
map  on  Indian  paper,  where  are  painted,  apparently  and  so  far  as 
can  be  said  now,  lands  belonging  to  different  lords,  beginning  with 
the  said  Emperor  Moteuchzuma,  and  afterward  to  others  down  to 
the  times  of  Christianity  "). 

FRAGMENTS  III  AND  IV 

These  (plates  viii  and  ix)  are  two  fragments  of  a  larger  manu- 
script, which  belonged  to  the  collection  of  the  Cavaliere  Boturini.  In 
the  inventory  of  the  collection  made  after  Boturini's  imprisonment 
it  is  described  in  the  fourth  list,  under  number  26,  in  the  following 
words :  Un  mapa  grande,  papel  de  maguey  gordo  con  pinturas  toscas, 
muy  maltratado;  trata  de  las  cosas  de  la  conquista  de  Cuanmana  y 
otros  lugares,  de  los  Espanoles,  con  unos  rios  de  sangre,  que  indican 
las  batallas  crueles  que  hubo  de  los  Indios  ("A  large  map  on  coarse 
aloe  paper,  with  rude  paintings,  in  very  bad  condition,  treats  of 
events  during  the  conquest  of  Cuanmana  and  other  places  by  the 
Spanish,  with  rivers  of  blood,  which  indicates  the  cruel  battles  which 
they  waged  with  the  Indians")."    Boturini  himself  describes  it  as 


«  Penafiel,  Monumentos  del  arte  mexicano.    Text,  p.  61. 


I 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


MEXICAN    PAINTING-HU:  C 


)LDT   FRAGMENT  III 


SELERl      MEXICAN  PICTURE   WRITINGS  FRAGMENTS  HI,  IV  177 


number  2,  section  20,  in  the  Catalogo  del  Museo  Indiano  del  Cavallero 
Boturini,  somewhat  more  in  detail.  lie  says  there:  Otro  mapa  nuiy 
grande  de  una  pieza,  y  maltratado  a  los  dos  lados,  de  papel  grucso 
indiano.  Tiene  de  largo  algo  mas  de  ocho  varas,  y  de  ancho  dos 
varas  y  quarta,  y  trata  con  toscas  pinturas  de  las  crueles  guerras  de  hi 
gentilidad  entre  diferentes  pueblos,  cuyos  nombres  son  Hecatepec, 
Iluyatepec,  Amoltepec,  Nientlah,  Tzatzaqualan,  Hueymetlan,  Colte- 
pec,  Antlacaltepec,  Tepechalla,  Xiquipilco,  Achalalan,  Zayutepec, 
Teconhiiac,  Totolhuitzecan,  Yahueyocan,  Zacatzolah,  Mazapila,  y 
despues  de  haver  demonstrado  con  unos  rios  de  sangre,  assi  lo  cruento 
de  la  guerra,  como  de  los  prisioneros  sacrificados,  apunta  la  Hegada 
del  gran  Cortes,  y  de  los  Padres  de  San  Francisco  en  Quauhmanco, 
etc.  ("Another  map,  very  large,  in  one  piece,  in  bad  condition  at  both 
sides,  on  thick  Indian  paper.  It  is  some  8  ells  long  and  2-j  ells 
wide,  and  treats  in  rude  paintings  of  the  cruel  wars  of  the  gentry 
with  various  tribes,  whose  names  are  Hecatepec,  Huyatepec,  Amol- 
tepec, Nientlah,  Tzatzaqualan,  Hueymetlan,  Coltepec,  Antlacaltepec, 
Tepechalla,  Xiquipilco,  Achalalan,  Zayutepec,  Teconhuac,  Totol- 
huitzecan, Yahueyocan,  Zacatzotlah,  Mazapila,  and  after  having 
shown  by  rivers  of  blood  both  the  cruel  nature  of  the  war  and  the 
prisoners  who  were  sacrificed,  it  relates  to  the  coming  of  the  great 
Cortes  and  of  the  Franciscan  fathers  to  Quauhmanco,  etc.")® 

That  these  descriptions  refer  to  the  manuscript  of  which  fragments 
III  (plate  viii)  and  IV  (plate  ix)  of  the  present  collection  are  parts 
follows  from  the  general  characterization  of  the  manuscript  and  from 
the  reference  to  the  rivers  of  blood  (rios  de  sangre) ,  which  are  indeed 
very  conspicuous  on  our  page ;  unfortunately,  they  are  not  as  obvious 
in  the  uncolored  photographic  reproduction.  This  is  clearly  proved 
by  the  fact  that  three  of  the  names  of  ^^laces  mentioned  by  Bcturini 
are  actually  mentioned  in  the  explanatory  notes  of  our  fragment  III. 
The  last  three  places  mentioned  by  Boturini,  Yahuayohca,  Zacateotlah, 
and  Mazapillah  (I  read  the  names  thus),  are  the  ones  that  occur  on 
the  fragment.  Our  fragment  must  belong  to  one  of  the  original 
lateral  margins  of  the  manuscript.  The  missing  pieces,  which  must 
be  very  considerable,  since  in  Boturini's  time  the  Avhole  measured  8 
ells  in  length  and  2J  ells  in  width,  are  extant  elsewhere,  whether  intact 
or  not  I  can  not  say.  The  Museo  Xacional  de  Mexico  possesses  large 
portions  of  them.  I  saw  copies  of  them  last  year  in  the  Mexican  de- 
partment of  the  American  historical  exhibition  at  Madrid,  and  other 
parts — as  it  seems,  very  important  ones,  taken  from  what  was  origi- 
nally the  middle — I  saw  years  ago  in  the  Biblioteca  Xacional  in 
Mexico. 

Boturini  states  that  there  had  been  in  his  possession  a  second,  similar 

«  Idea  de  una  nueva  historia  general  de  la  America  septentrional.    App.,  pp.  38,  39. 
7238— No.  28—05  12 


178 


BUKEAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


manuscript,  on  which,  among  others,  were  the  place  names  Tonal xo- 
chitlan,  Quauhtepan,  Ynenechcoyan,  Tepeyahualco,  Ohocotlan,  Tlilal- 
pan,  and  Ameyalato  on  the  one  side;  and  on  the  other,  Huixocotepec, 

  Huecoyotzi,    Coyocan,  Quetzalcohuapan,  Tlacotlan,  

Atlan,  Quimichocan,  Chipetzinco,  Qnanapa,  Tepeyahualco, 

Yxtlahuaca,  Ocotzoquauhtla.  This  and  the  first  manuscript  were 
found  together — enterrados  en  una  caxa  baxo  las  ruinas  de  la  antigua 
ermita  de  la  jurisdiccion  de  Huamantla,  Provincia  de  Tlaxcallan,  y  de 
alii  los  hice  sacar  buried  in  a  box  beneath  the  ruins  of  the  ancient 
monastery  in  the  district  of  Huamantla,  province  of  Tlaxcallan,  and 
from  there  I  had  them  taken'') — and  he  adds:  "Y  solo  se  p'leden 
interpretar  en  un  todo,  en  occasion  que  se  consulten  los  manuscritos 
de  la  Historia  general  ("  and  they  can  only  be  interpreted  as  a 
Avhole,  whenever  the  manuscripts  of  the  general  history  are  con- 
sulted"). 

This  information  is  very  important,  because  the  region  from  Avhich 
fragments  III  and  IV  of  our  collection  came  is  thus  definitely  fixed. 
The  place  called  "  QuauhnuuK^o  in  Boturini's  description  of  the  leaf 
and  "  Cuanmana  "  in  the  inventory  is  undoubtedly  Huamantla,  situ- 
ated in  the  ])rovince  of  Tlaxcallan,  at  the  northeast  base  of  the  Cerro 
de  la  Malinche  (the  mountain  called  in  ancient  times  after  the  goddess 
Matlalcueye),  in  the  neighborhood  of  which  Boturini  found  the  two 
remarkable  manuscripts.  Huamantla  doubtless  stands  for  Qua- 
mantla,  which,  in  turn,  is  derived  by  contraction  from  Quauh-man- 
tlan.  In  fact,  there  are  still  extant  in  that  region  many  of  the  names 
which  Boturini  mentions  as  occurring  on  these  two  charts.  I  can  not, 
it  is  true,  accurately  define  the  position  of  the  three  several  i)laces 
whose  names  occur  on  fragment  III  (plate  viii),  but  it  is  beyond 
a  doubt  that  they  were  in  the  same  region. 

As  for  the  representations  on  these  pages,  the  j^ortions  belonging 
originall}^  to  the  middle  nuist  be  distinguished  from  those  belonging 
to  the  borders.  The  principal  part  of  the  left  side  of  fragment  III 
(plate  A' III)  belongs  to  the  part  which  was  originall}^  the  middle. 
Here  we  see,  first,  surrounded  by  flying  spears  and  fighting  warriors, 
a  curious  design  in  which  a  stream  of  water,  painted  blue,  Avith  draAv- 
ings  of  currents  and  Avhirlpools  and  with  the  usual  snail  shells  on  the 
branches,  is  intertwined  Avith  a  band  Avinding  in  a  similar  manner 
and  fra^^ed  at  the  ends,  composed  of  alternate  sections  of  gray  Avith 
dark  figures  and  yelloAv  with  red  figures.  The  alternate  dark  sections 
and  light  yelloAv  sections  Avith  red  figures  denote  fire,  and  the  entire 
symbol  is  nothing  more  than  the  pictorial  hieroglyphic  expression  for 
the  Avell-knoAvn  phrase  atl  tlachinolli,  or  teoatl  tlachinolli,  which  may 
be  understood  as  meaning  literally  "  Avater  and  fire  although  its 
original  meaning  Avas  probably  something  else,  and  Avhich  is  generally 
used  in  the  sense  of  "  Avar       The  same  symbol,  somewhat  differently 


SKLEK]      MEXICAN  PICTURE  WRITINGS  FRAGMENTS  III,  IV  179 


drawn  (see  a,  figure  40),  may  be  seen  in  the  headdress  of  the  god 
Camaxtli,  the  war  god  of  the  Tlaxcaltecs,  who  is  oj^posite  the  fire 
god,  the  ruler  of  the  ninth  week,  which  begins  with  ce  Coatl,  on 
page  9  of  the  Tonahmiatl  in  the  Aubin-Goupil  collection.  I  have 
shown  that  the  tonalaniatl  occurs  in  the  most  diverse  Mexican  pic^ture 
w^ri tings  with  the  same  regents  and  essentially  the  same  symbols  or 
symbols  derived  from  the  same  idea."  If  we  take  the  Borgian  codex, 
for  instance,  we  find  here,  too,  the  fire  god  depicted  as  the  ruler  of  the 
ninth  week,  ce  Coatl.  But  opposite  him  we  have  not  the  effigy  of 
Camaxtli,  the  war  god  of  Tlaxcala,  but  a  design  figure  40)  in 
which  w-e  clearly  recognize,  besides  a  scorpion  and  flying  arrows,  the 


Fig.  40.     Symbols  and  iisiu-es  fmui  the  Mexican  codic^. 

stream  of  water  and.  the  ascending  smoke  of  fire.  In  another  parallel 
passage  in  the  same  manuscript  there  is  again  drawn  opposite  the  fire 
god,  instead  of  the  war  god,  merely  a  scorpion,  a  stream  of  water,  and 
a  burning  house,  r-,  teoatl  tlachinolli,  the  symbol  of  w-ar. 

The  bodies  of  the  warriors  on  our  fragment  (plate  viii) ,  to  the  right 
of  the  teoatl  tlachinolli,  the  symbol  of  war,  are  painted  broAvn  and 
the  faces  yellow,  like  the  other  figures  on  this  fragment.  Moreover, 
all  the  warriors  have  a  characteristic  red  face  j^ainting,  which  con- 
sists of  one  vertical  stripe  and  two  horizontal  stripes.  This  painting 
undoubtedly  has  some  special  ethnic  significance.    At  least  it  differs 


«  Ober  den  Codex  Borgia  und  die  verwandten  aztelsischen  Bilderschriften. 


180 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


from  the  painting  customary  among  the  Mexican  warriors,  who,  as 
we  learn  from  Sahagun,  app.  3,  chapter  5,  and  as  we  see  represented 
throughout  the  Mendoza  codex,  colored  the  whole  body  black  except 
the  face,  and  this  they  painted  with  a  few  black  stripes,  on  which  they 
sprinkled  powdered  iron  pyrites — niman  michio,  mitoaya  motliltzo- 
tia,  hapetztli  ic  conpotonia  ininechival,  "  Y  en  la  cara  se  ponian  cier- 
tas  rayas  con  tinta  y  margagita  ''.'^  On  the  other  hand,  I  find  face 
painting  like  that  of  the  warriors  of  our  fragment  III  (plate  viii)  on 
the  head  set  upon  a  mountain,  which  is  given  in  the  Mendoza  codex 
as  the  hieroglyph  of  the  city  of  Otompan,  "  in  the  district  of  the  Oto- 
mis  d  (figure  40).  as  well  as  in  a  drawing,  which,  in  the  list  of 
names  of  persons  of  Uexotzinco  (Manuscrit  Mexicain  number  3,  Bib- 
liotheque  Nationale),  denotes  a  man  named  Chi'chimeca.  We  know 
that  the  name  Chicliimeca  was  borne  as  an  honorary  title  by  the  rulers 
of  Tetzcoco  and,  especially,  by  the  Tlaxcaltecs.  Red  and  yellow 
painting  is  mentioned  as  occurring  among  the  Mexicans,  but  it  was 
not  a  mark  of  distinction  regularly  conferred  by  official  consent,  as  I 
would  emphasize  in  controversion  of  some  recent  statements,  but  a 
symbolic  ceremony,  performed  but  once,  by  which  it  was  publicly 
made  known  that  a  warrior  had  taken  a  prisoner  alone,  without  help 
from  others.  This  painting,  which  consisted  in  coloring  the  body, 
and  temples  yellow  and  the  face  red,  was  applied  to  the  fortunate 
warrior  in  the  presence  of  the  king  by  the  calpixcjue,  the  governors 
of  the  provinces,  and  the  commanders  of  divisions  of  troops  stationed 
at  a  distance,  the  recipient  being  afterw^ard  rewarded  by  the  king. 
It  is  exactly  the  same  decoration  as  the  one  worn  by  those  who  sacri- 
ficed a  prisoner  by  fire  at  the  feast  Xocotl-uetzi  in  honor  of  the  fire 
god.  I  have  spoken  elsewhere  of  the  meaning  of  this  manner  of 
painting  the  face,  which  is  really  that  of  the  goddess  Ciuacouatl,  or 
Quilaztli  (see  Ausland,  1891,  page  865). 

Beside  atl  tlachinolli,  the  symbol  of  war,  we  have  six  Avarrior  fig- 
ures and  the  lower  half  of  a  seventh  in  our  fragment  III  (plate  viii). 
Five  of  them  wear  the  warrior's  hair  dress  (temillotl)  (see  I  and  m, 
figure  37,  and  the  heads  in  divisions  3,  9,  11,  and  IT,  counting  from  the 
lower  path,  on  fragment  II  (plate  vii)  of  this  collection).  All  these 
are  armed  wdth  the  shield  (chimalli)  and  the  club  (maquauitl),  which 
has  an  edge  of  obsidian  splinters  on  both  sides.''  So,  too,  the  three 
warriors  drawn  on  the'  right  side  of  the  fragment  have  the  temillotl 
and  are  armed  with  shield  and  maquauitl.  Only  one  warrior  in  the 
left-hand  row,  the  fifth  from  below,  has  the  other  style  of  hair  dress, 
which  I  described  above  as  tzotzocolli,  and  which  is  illustrated  by  <9, 

"  Zeitschrift  fiir  Ethnologic,  1887,  v.  21,  p.  175  and  following,,  "das  Tonalamatl  der 
Aubinschen  Sammlung ".  Compte  rendu,  seventh  session,  Congres  International  des 
Americanistes,  Berlin.  1888.  pp.  521-523. 

^  See  also  the  pictures  of  Mexican  warriors'  ornaments,  m,  p,  and  q,  fig.  37. 


SELER]      MEXICAN  PICTURE   WRITINGS — FRAGMENTS  III,  IV  181 


/>,  figure  37.  This  wiirrior  is  not  armed  with  shield  and  chib,  bnt 
with  arrow  (mitl),  bow  (thuiitolli ) ,  and  quiver  (mi-coniitl) .  The 
different  mode  of  wearing  tlie  hair  may  be  due  merely  to  difference  of 
rank,  for  the  hair  dress  (temillotl),  was  the  distinguishing  niar-k'  of 
the  tequiua,  the  great  war  chieftains.  Still  I  think  that  there  is  also 
an  ethnic  difference  apparent  here.  The  maquauitl  was  the  national 
weapon  of  the  Mexican  tribes,  that  is,  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  valley 
of  Mexico  and  those  who  spoke  their  language.  .  Besides  this  the  spear 
(tlacochtli,  tlatzontectli) , thrown  with  the  spear  thrower  (atlatl),was 
also  used  as  an  effective  weapon.  On  the  other  hand,  bow,  arrow,  and 
quiver  Avere  the  Aveapons  of  the  mountain  tribes,  the  Chichimecs. 
The  name  Chichimecatl  is  reproduced  in  the  Boturini  codex  and 
elsewhere  simply  by  the  picture  of  a  bow  and  arrow  (/  and  r/,  figure 
40).  The  word  Chichimecatl  includes  a  multitude  of  very  different 
tribes,  speaking  different  languages.  In  the  vicinity  of  the  highlands 
of  Mexico,  and  also  in  the  district  referred  to  on  our  fragment,  that  is, 
the  region  lying  east  and  north  of  Tlaxcala,  the  only  mountain  tribe 
of  importance  is  the  Otomi.  It  is  a  remarkable  fact  that  this  very 
tribe  wore  the  hair  in  a  mode  most  closely  resembling  that  which  I 
have  described  above  as  tzotzocolli,  which  may  be  seen  worn  by  the 
fifth  figure  from  below  in  the  left-hand  row  on  our  fragment.  The 
Otomi,  says  Sahagun  (volume  10,  chapter  29),  shaved  the  hair  on  the 
forehead  and  let  it  grow  very  long  at  the  back  of  the  head.  This 
hair  hanging  down  long  behind  was  called  piochtli.  At  the  gates  of 
Tlaxcallan,  as  we  know  from  Gomara,  Otomi  was  actually  spoken. 
The  god  of  the  Tlaxcaltecs  was  not  Tezcatlipoca  bearing  the  spear 
thrower,  but  the  arrow-shooting  Camaxtli,  who  is  never  seen  without 
the  pouch  in  wdiich  he  carries  his  arrowheads  of  flint.  And  the 
ruder,  more  rustic,  but  also  warlike,  nature  wdiich  was  attributed  to 
the  Tlaxcaltecs  Avas  undoubtedly  due  to  the  stronger  admixture  of  the 
indigenous  Chichimec,  that  is,  Otomi,  element. 

The  shields  Avhich  the  chieftains  hold  in  their  hands  are  of  three 
sorts.  The  fourth  figure  from  below  in  the  left  roAV  holds  a  shield 
whose  surface  is  decorated  Avith  five  tufts  of  doAvn  arranged  in  a  quin- 
cunx. Such  shields  are  mentioned  in  the  Sahagun  manuscript  under 
the  name  of  iui-teteyo,  "  decorated  Avith  single  balls  of  feathers  ". 
Another  shield,  on  Avhose  surface  are  five  small  gold  plates  arranged 
in  a  quincunx,  is  called,  correspondingly,  teocuitla-teteyo.  The  shield 
Avith  the  tufts  of  doAvn  arranged  in  a  (luincunx  is  carried  by  the  idol 
of  Uitzilopochtli  (see  the  picture  of  it  in  Codices  Telleriano-Remen- 
sis  I,  page  9,  and  Vaticanus  A,  page  71,  which  rei)resents  the  fifteenth 
annual  festival,  Panquetzaliztli,  the  feast  of  Uitzilopochtli) .  Uitzilo- 
pochtli's  shield  is  called  teueuelli.  It  is  described  as  folloAvs  in  the 
Sahagun  manuscript  of  the  Biblioteca  Lprenziana :  Otlatl  in  tlachi- 


182 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


valli,  otlachimalli,  nauhcan  tlapotonilli  quauhtlachcayotica,  iiiicha- 
chapanqui,  moteneua  teueuelli ;  that  is,  "  made  of  reeds,  with  eagle's 
down  stuck  on  it  in  four  places  in  conglomerate  masses;  it  is  called 
teueuelli  Together  Avith  the  shield,  Uitzilopochtli  bears  four  spears 
that  are  tipped  with  tufts  of  down  instead  of  stone  points,  which  were 
called  tlauacomalli."  The  shield  with  the  tufts  of  down  also  appears 
constantly  in  the  Mendoza  codex,  where  the  symbol  of  war — shield, 
spear  thrower,  and  bijndle  of  spears — is  represented  before  the  pic- 
ture of  the  king.  From  this  latter  fact  it  has  been  concluded  that 
this  shield  was  used  by  the  Mexican  kings;  but  I  doubt  whether 
this  was  the  case.  Uitzilopochtli  bears  this  shield,  as  he  bears  the 
tlauagomalli  (the  four  spears  tipped  with  tufts  of  doAvn  instead  of 
stone)  ;  that  is,  he  has  the  Aveapons  which  Avere  placed  in  the  liand 
of  those  destined  to  a  sacrificial  death — to  the  sacrificio  gladiatorio 
(see  a  and  6,  figure  39),  because  to  a  certain  extent  he  represents  the 
conception  of  a  AA^arrior's  death — a  death  b}^  sacrifice  on  the  round 
stone  (temalacatl) .  There  is  an  interesting  statement  in  regard  to 
these  AA^eapons  of  Uitzilopochtli  in  the  annals  of  Chimalpahin.  We 
read  there  that  the  elder  Motecuhzoma  in  the  year  1440,  before  he 
was  installed  as  a  ruler,  Avent  to  the  Chalca  to  beg  the  princes  of 
Amaquemecan  to  set  in  motion  the  otlanamitl  and  the  teueuelli  (ynic 
conolinique  in  otlanamitl  in  teueuelli),  in  order  that  the  Tepanecs 
might  be  subdued  (inic  opopoliuh  in  Tepanecatl).''  Here  teueuelli 
is  the  name  of  Uitzilopochtli's  shield  and  otlanamitl  should  read 
otlanammitl.  The  latter  word  is  derived  by  contraction  from  otla- 
nauh-mitl  and  means  "  the  four  bamboo  arroAA^s ".  The  whole  is 
undoubtedly  only  a  figure  of  speech.^"  Motecuhzoma  simply  asks  the 
Chalca  to  support  him  in  Avar  against  the  Tepanecs.  But  that  a 
figurative  expression  of  this  kind  could  be  used  proves  that  teueuelli 
universally  denoted  the  shield  of  the  Avar  god,  for  the  god  of  the 
Chalca  Avas  not  Uitzilopochtli,  but  Tezcatlipoca. 

The  shields  of  the  other  warriors  on  our  fragment  III  (plate  a^iii)  are 
of  two  types,  the  two  Avhich  occur  most  frequently  among  the  armor 
depicted  in  the  tribute  list  and  in  the  Mendoza  codex.  The  first, 
third,  and  sixth  Avarriors,  from  beloAv,  in  the  left  row  and  the  lower 
of  the  tAvo  on  the  right  side,  have  shields  Avhose  surface  exhibits  a 
stepped  meander  pattern,  undoubtedly  executed  in  feather  Avork,  as 
on  the  ancient  Mexican  shields  in  the  Museum  of  National  Antiqui- 
ties at  Stuttgart.    A  shield  of  this  kind  was  called  xicalcoliuhqui 

«  Ver()£Eentlichungen  aus  dem  Koniglichen  Museum  fiir  Volkerkunde,  v.  1,  p.  122. 
6  Chimalpahin,  Seventh  Relation,  pp.  105,  lOG. 

"  Remi  Simeon  translates  the  passage  :  qu'ils  transportassent  ies  engins  de  gaerre  pour 
renverser  les  Tepaneques  ("that  they  would  transport  the  engines  of  war  to  overthrow 
the  Tepanecs").  It  does  not  refer  to  engines  of  war,  nor  would  the  Chalcas,  if  they  had 
owned  such  a  fetish,  have  actually  given  it  out  of  their  keeping,  nor,  finally,  does  ou-oli-ni 
mean  to  transport  to  any  other  place. 


sioLEKl      MEXICAN  PICTURE   WRITINGS  FRAGMENTS   III,  IV 


188 


chimalli."  The  pattern  on  the  Stuttgart  shield  is  executed  in  green 
and  yellow,  and  the  shields  of  this  kind  on  the  tribute  list  have  the 
same  colors,  without  a  single  excej)t  ion.  On  our  fragment  the  colors 
chosen  are  blue  and  red.  The  second  warrior,  from  below,  in  the  left 
row  and  the  adjacent  uj^per  I'ight-hand  warrior  have  a  shield  with 
concave  cross  bands  curving  upward,  with  one  golden  crescent  above 
and  three  below.  Such  shields  were  called  cuexyo  chimalli.''  The 
background  of  these  shields  is  usually  red,  and  so  it  is  on  our  frag- 
ment. The  warrior  who  folloAvs  in  the  upper  row  on  the  left,  of  whom 
only  the  lower  half  is  visible,  has  a  shield  wdth  a  plain  red  surface. 
Concerning  the  other  w-eapons  and  articles  of  dress  there  is  not  nnich 
to  be  said. 

The  maquauitl,  strangely  enough,  is  painted  blue  in  every  instance. 
The  Mexicans  frequently  denoted  metal  (silver),  and  usually  tur- 
quoise mosaic,  by  blue  in  their  paintings.  But  there  can  be  no  ques- 
tion of  metal  here,  for  a  metal  club  w^ould  not  be  armed  wdth  splin- 
ters of  obsidian,  and  turquoise  mosaic  w^as  employed  only  in  the 
ornamentation  of  costly  gala  weapons,  if  at  all.  The  clubs  might 
have  been  painted  blue  in  imitation  of  tunpioise  mosaic,  just  as  w^ar- 
riors  \vore  w^ooden  ear  pegs  painted  blue  instead  of  those  incrusted 
w^ith  turquoise,  as  worn  by  the  king.' 

Arrows  and  spears  are  rej^resented,  as  in  all  Mexican  paintings, 
tipped  with  stone.  The  feathers  at  the  nock  end  are  applied  some- 
what beloAv  the  end  of  the  shaft,  so  that  the  end  of  the  arrow  can  be 
placed  on  either  the  bow  string  or  the  peg  of  the  spear  throw^er.  The 
feathers  are  drawn  en  face,  that  is,  with  the  broad  side  next  the  shaft. 
This,  how^ever,  is  probably  due  to  defective  draAving.  In  reality  they 
must  have  lain  perpendicular  to  the  shaft.  Thus,  eyes  are  never 
drawn  in  profile,  as  they  actually  are  in  a  face  drawn  in  profile,  but 
are  always  drawn  en  face.  A  ball  of  dow-n  is  invariably  attached  to 
the  base  of  the  feather.  The  quiver  worn  by  one  warrior  on  our  frag- 
ment is  painted  yellow,  wdth  black  spots,  and  is  therefore  supposed  to 
be  made  of  jaguar  skin.  All  the  figures  are  naked,  save  for  the 
maxtlatl,  "  breechcloth,"  which  is  here  painted  red  in  all  cases. 

The  w  arriors  in  the  row^  on  the  left  are  represented  as  engaged  in 
combat.  Each  of  the  three  on  the  right  side  is  dragging  a  prisoner, 
and  broad  streams  of  blood  mark  the  paths  they  have  traversed  with 
their  captives.  Opposite  the  middle  one  of  the  three  w^arriors  is  a 
man  who  seems  to  be  in  the  act  of  receiving  the  victim  wdth  animated 
gestures.  He  wears  only  a  red  cap  on  his  head,  and  is  perhaps  meant 
for  a  priest. 

«  Veroffentliclinngen  aus  dem  Koniglichen  Museum  fiir  Volkei-kunde,  v.  1,  pi).  140,  141. 

6  Zeitschrift  fiir  Ethnologie,  1S91,  v.  23,  p.  137. 
Yuan  conaquia  xiuhnacochtli,  uel  xiuitl,  auh  yu  cequintin  gan  quauitl  yn  tiacbiualli 
tlaxiuhycuilolli  ("  and  they  wear  turquoise  ear  pegs,  which  are  made  of  turquoise,  and 
others  wear  them  of  wood  only,  which  are  painted  after  the  manner  of  turquoise"). 
Sahagun,  v.  2,  chap.  37.    Manuscript  Riblioteca  del  Palacio. 


184 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


These  representations  of  war  and  capture  are  bordered  on  the  right 
side  of  the  fragment  by  another  series  of  pictures  at  right  angles  to 
the  former.  Here,  somewhat  crudely  and  awkwardly  executed,  is  a  , 
series  of  place  hieroglyphs,  before  each  of  which  is  drawn  a  person- 
age seated  on  a  chair,  w^ho  must  be  meant  for  the  ancestor  of  the  tribe 
settled  in  that  place.  Most  of  these  personages  seem  to  hold  flowers 
in  their  hands,  probably  to  express  peaceful  enjoyment,  therefore 
secure  dominion.  The  king  in  Codex  Vaticanus  A,  page  86,  is  sim- 
ilarly depicted,  richly  dressed,  with  a  tobacco  pipe  in  one  hand  and  a 
bunch  of  flowers  in  the  other. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  series  below,  on  the  left,  there  is  still  to 
be  seen  the  head  of  one  of  these  figures  and  the  bunch  of  flowers 
which  he  holds  in  his  hand.    All  the  rest  is  missing. 

Then  follows  a  mountain  with  a  thatched  house  on  its  top,  and  in 
front  of  it  sits  a  man  whose  name  is  represented  by  the  eagle's  head 
above.    The  explanatory  note  reads:  nica  yahuayohca  yn  toca  cuitli 

3^1  toconcol,  that  is,  "  here  is  the  place 
^        called  3^aua3^ohcan.    Cuitli,  '  hawk  ',  is 
^y'^j,  fj     the  ancestor ".  Yauayocan  might  mean 

^  /r-^    ^-^^^        where  they  walk  in  a  circle  Cuitli 
/^^^^^      /Jff¥\  undoubtedly  a  dialect  expression  for 

b\^lT^  cuixtli  (cuixin,  cuiztli),  the  name  of 

^        a  smaller  bird  of  prey  (cuixin,  "  mi- 

FiG.  41.   Mexican  glyphs  from  list  of       ^         ,,x       t  i         •  l^' 

names  lauo   ) .    I  find  cuixtli  as  a  proper 

name,  for  instance,  in  the  list  of  names 
of  Almoyauacan  in  the  Manuscrit  Mexicain  number  3,  Bibliotheque 
Nationale  (see  <7,  figure  41). 

Then  follows  a  house  with  a  stone  roof  and  a  person  in  front  of  it, 
above  whom  we  see  the  head  of  the  wind  god  by  way  of  name 
hieroglyph.  The  place  hieroglyph  which  doubtless  was  originally 
over  the  house  is  missing,  and  as  there  is  no  explanatory  note  there  is 
naturally  nothing  to  be  said  regarding  the  place.  According  to  the 
hieroglyph,  the  person  must  have  been  named  Ehecatl,  a  word  which 
often  occurs  as  the  name  of  a  person.  On  account  of  their  unusual 
form,  I  give  three  designs,  which  in  the  list  of  names  of 

Almoyauacan  (Manuscrit  Mexicain  number  3)  designate  persons  by 
the  name  of  Ehecatl. 

Next  follows  a  mountain  with  a  bush  on  the  top,  painted  rose- 
color;  in  front  of  it,  a  house  with  a  stone  roof;  and  before  this,  sitting 
on  the  tepotzo-icpalli,  the  woven-straw  seat  with  a  back,  a  personage 
whose  name  is  indicated  by  a  jaguar's  head  above.  The  note  says: 
Auh  nicah  zacateotlah  yn  toconcol  yn  tocah  ocenllotli  ("  and  here 
follows  Zacateotlan.  His  ancestor's  name  was  Ocelotl").  Boturini 
read  this  Zacatzotlah.    As  I  read  the  name,  it  contains  the  words 


SELER]      MEXICAN  PICTURE  WRITINGS  FRAGMENTS  III,  IV  185 


zaca-tl,  "  grass  teo-tl,  "  god  and  the  final  syllable  tla  or  tlan, 
which  has  the  significance  of  a  locative.  Oceotl,  "  jaguar  is  a  very 
common  proper  name. 

The  last  picture  in  the  series  is  again  a  house  with  a  stone  roof; 
but  the  place  hierogly])h,  which  nuist  have  been  there  originally,  is 
missing.  A  personage  is  drawn  in  front  of  the  house,  whose  name  is 
given  above  by  the  representation  of  a  stone  knife  (tecpatl).  Here, 
too,  there  is  a  note,  but  it  is  almost  illegible.    The  place  name,  in 

particular,  can  not  be  deciphered.    I  read :  Nica  mazap  Ic  

yn  toca  . 

The  notes,  few  words  as  they  contain,  are  remarkable  on  account  of 
their  dialect  form.  In  classic  Aztec,  nican  means  "  here  " ;  tococol, 
"our  ancestor";  ocelotl,  "the  jaguar".  The  writer  who  added  the 
notes  on  our  fragment  III  (plate  viii)  drops  the  final  nasal  after  the 
short  a  in  nican,  and  writes  nica  and  nicah.  And  thus  yahuayohca 
and  zacateotlah  probabh^  stand  for  yauayocan  and  zacateotlan.  After 
the  long  vowels  o  and  e,  on  the  other  hand,  he  inserts  a  nasal.  He 
distinctly  writes,  both  times,  toconcol,  "  our  ancestor  ",  and  ocenllotl, 
"  the  jaguar  ".  I  will  mention  here  that,  also  in  Tezozomoc's  Cronica 
Mexicana,  compilli  is  Avritten  for  cdpilli,  and  occasionally  also  ocen- 
lotL  So,  too,  Ave  occasionally  find  in  Sahagun  Tontec  for  Totec  (one 
of  Xipe's  names). 

Fragment  IV  is,  as  I  have  said,  and  as  inspection  shows,  a  piece  of 
the  same  manuscript  to  Avhich  fragment  III  (plate  viii)  belonged; 
but  it  is  difficult  to  determine  Avhether  it  should  be  added  to  any  part 
of  it. 

On  fragment  IV  (plate  ix)  we  have,  to  the  right,  the  figure  of  a 
warrior  and  the  shield  and  maquauitl  of  another.  The  face  painting 
and  ornaments  are  the  same  as  those  of  the  Avarrior  figures  on  the 
previous  fragment,  but  the  shield  has  a  plain  red  -surface.  Beside  the 
foremost  Avarrior  is  a  Avord  Avhich  I  read  Ehcaquiyauh.  The  quiyauh 
seems  quite  plain,  but  the  other  part  is  perhaps  doubtful.  Ehcaqui- 
yauh Avould  mean  "  Avind  and  rain  ".  Below  the  figures  of  Avarriors 
there  is  executed  on  a  large  scale  a  stream  of  Avater,  Avith  draAvings  of 
Avhirlpools  on  its  surface  and  snail  shells  on  its  branches.  On  the 
upper  edge  there  is  a  series  of  representations,  proceeding  from  the 
left,  Avhich  correspond  to  those  on  the  right  side  of  fragment  III 
(plate  viii).  But  there  are  no  explanatory  notes.  The  houses  are 
thatched  Avith  straAv.  The  small  benches  on  which  the  personages  sit 
are  all  painted  blue,  like  the  Avood  of  the  maquauitl.  The  first  person 
from  the  left  seems  to  carry  the  picture  of  a  six-rayed  or  scA^en-rayed 
star,  painted  yelloAv,  above  his  head,  by  Avay  of  a  name  hieroglyph. 
Hence  the  man's  name  Avas  probably  Citlal.  OA^er  the  head  of  the  sec- 
ond I  think  I  see  the  draAving  of  a  bone,  and  over  the  third  that  of  a 


186 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  2S 


thorn.  These  people  were  therefore  probabh^  called  Omitl  and  Uitz. 
The  angular  figure  over  the  head  of  the  fourth  person,  which  seems 
likewise  to  be  a  name  hieroglyph,  I  can  not  explain. 

Footprints  are  draAvn  on  both  fragments,  running  between  the 
various  representations,  denoting  a  road  or  a  journey  in  each  respec- 
tive direction.  On  fragment  III  (plate  viii)  the  lower  row  of  foot- 
prints leads  from  above  on  the  left  to  below  on  the  right;  the  upper 
row  from  below  on  the  right  to  above  on  the  left.  On  fragment  IV 
(plate  ix)  there  is  a  similar  indication  of  paths  leading  in  two  direc- 
tions. If  we  hold  the  fragment  as  the  figures  stand,  the  footprints 
on  the  left  lead  downward  from  above — in  this  row  there  is  but  one 


Fig.  42.    Figures  from  Mexican  manuscript,  fragment  IV. 


footprint — but  on  the  right  they  lead  upward  from  below.  The 
tracks  themselves,  rudely  sketched,  are  very  ditferent  from  the  usual 
delicate  drawing  which  Ave  saw,  for  instance,  in  the  paths  on  frag- 
ment II  (plate  vii).  But  this  very  fact  showed  me  at  a  glance  that 
a  fragment  preserved  years  ago  in  the  Biblioteca  Nacional  at  Mexico, 
from  which  I  made  a  little  drawing  at  the  time,  must  have  belonged 
to  the  same  large  manuscript.  Here,  in  a  bow-shaped  green  inclosure, 
are  to  be  seen  the  four  persons  whom  I  reproduce  in  figure  42  from 
the  drawing  just  mentioned.  Above,  on  the  right,  is  a  man  invested 
in  the  insignia  of  a  priest,  meca-cozcatl  and  ie-tecomatl  (see  pages 
146  to  148),  wearing  the  face  painting  of  the  fire  god,  the  god  who 


srler] 


MEXICAN  PICTURE  WRITINGS  FRAGMENT  V 


187 


was  considered  the  old  and  original  god,  and  holding  in  his  hand  a 
nosegay  and  a  spear.  Oj^posite  liim  is  a  goddess  with  an  erect,  horn- 
like tuft  of  feathers  on  her  head,  therefore  probably  Xochiquetzal. 
Below,  on  the  right,  is  an  attendant  god  or  priest  with  a  banner  in 
his  hand.  Below,  on  the  left,  is  another,  who  is  procuring  fire  by 
friction.  Beside  the  latter  the  date  chicney  ytzcuintli  is  written, 
which  must  be  meant  to  represent  the  name  of  this  person.  Beside 
the  banner-bearer  is  the  word  Xochitonal  (?).  Beside  the  chief 
figure  above,  on  the  right,  is  another  explanatory  note,  which  I  prob- 
ably copied  incorrectly,  for  I  can  not  interpret  it;  'out  it  begins  with 


d 


/ 


4 


/  0  p 

Fig.  43.    Mexican  name  glyphs. 


the  word  nicah,  the  same  word  in  the  same  dialect  form  with  which 
the  notes  begin  on  fragment  III  (plate  viii)  of  our  collection. 

It  is  greatly  to  be  desired  that  the  present  very  able  and  energetic 
director  of  the  Museo  Nacional  of  Mexico  may  speedily  publish  also 
the  fragments  of  this  great  manuscript,  now  in  the  possession  of 
the  museum,  for  in  spite  of  its  coarse  and  clumsy  drawings  the 
manuscript  is  very  interesting. 

FRAGMENT  V 

Next  we  have  a  piece  of  agave  paper  42  cm.  long  and  15J  cm.  wide, 
divided  into  ten  divisions  by  cross  lines  (plate  x).  The  writer  seems 
to  have  begun  in  the  old  way  (see  fragment  I,  plates  ii  to  vi  of  this 


188 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


Fbull.  28 


collection),  at  the  bottoR;i,  and  to  have  proceeded  upward,  for  there 
appears  to  have  been  nothing  above  the  topmost  line.  It  is  to  be 
noted  that  the  drawings  are  made  in  a  different  ink,  blacker  and  more 
permanent,  than  that  in  Avhicli  the  names  were  entered. 

About  the  middle  of  the  fraginent,  in  the  sixth  division  from  below, 
we  have  the  hieroglyph  of  a  place.  I  think  the  explanatory  note 
should  be  read  tezontepec.  The  hieroglyph  is  in  the  familiar  form  of 
a  mountain  (tepe-tl)  bearing  a  tree.  But  the  mountain  is  here 
divided,  as  it  were,  into  a  series  of  cliffs  and  prominences,  which  are 
painted  a  light  bluish  green  in  the  middle  and  reddish  at  the  edges, 
and  its  surface  is  diagonally  crossed  by  a  band  contrasting  sharply 
witli  the  rest  of  the  coloring.  The  light  diagonal  band  is  prol)- 
ably  intended  to  recall  the  familiar  hieroglyph  of  the  stone  (tetl) 
(see  71,  figure  37,  and  a.  figure  43,  the  hieroglyph  of  Tepoxnuac, 
"where  the  stones  are  loose").  The  alternately  lighter  and  darker 
portions  in  this  hieroglyph  reproduce  the  various  veinings  of  stone. 
In  our  hieroglyph  irregular  black  stripes  occur,  both  on  the  diagonal 
band  and  on  the  various  cliffs  and  prominences  of  the  mountain. 
This,  I  believe,  is  meant  to  indicate  the  porous  quality  of  the  stone,  for 
tezontli  means  "  stone  froth  ".  This  was  the  Mexican  name  for  a 
porous  stone  which  occurs  in  the  valley  of  Mexico,  and  which,  like 
the  Roman  travertine,  has  been  much  used  for  building  purposes  from 
the  earliest  times.  In  the  Pintura  del  (Tobernador,  Alcaldes  y  Regi- 
dores  de  Mexico,  which  is  preserved  in  the  archives  of  the  Duke  of 
Osuna,  a  village  called  Tezontepec  same  figure)  is  mentioned  in  a 
list  with  Hueypochtlan,  Tequisquiac,  Nestlalapan,  Tlemaco,  etc.,  as 
subject  to  a  *'  comandero  ".  It  is  very  likely  the  place  in  the  dis- 
trict of  Tula,  state  of  Hidalgo,  which  is  still  known  by  that  name. 
The  report  published  b}^  Doctor  Penafiel,  concerning  the  municipal 
divisions  of  the  Republic  of  Mexico  in  1884,  mentions  still  another 
Tezontepec  in  the  district  of  Pachuca.  Of  course  it  is  impossible  to 
state  w4th  certainty  which  Tezontepec  may  be  meant  here. 

In  the  other  divisions  (plate  x)  there  is  a  man  on  the  left  and  a 
woman  on  the  right,  except  the  two  uppermost  divisions,  in  which 
there  is  only  a  woman.  The  woman  is  always  recognized  by  the 
manner  of  wearing  the  hair,  which  is  marked  by  a  bunch  on  the  neck 
and  two  braids  standing  erect  above  the  forehead,  like  horns.  The 
names  of  the  persons  are  written  over  them,  and  behind  some  of 
the  heads  a  name  hieroglyph  is  given.  Several  red  dots  are 
painted  between  the  man  and  the  Avoman  in  each  division,  varying 
from  4  to  8  in  number.  They  are  usually  arranged  in  two  rows, 
and  where  the  number  is  uneven  the  row  containing  the  smaller 
number  of  dots  is  placed  uppermost.  Here  again  the  writer  seems 
to  have  proceeded  from  beloAV  upward.  The  whole  was  probably 
a  sort  of  parish  register  of  the  village  of  Tezontepec,  in  which  the 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


BULLETIN  28    PLATE  X 


MEXICAN    PAINTING-HUMBOLDT   FRAGMENT  V 


SELEU] 


MEXICAN  PICTUKE  WRITINGS  FRAGMENT  V 


189 


man  and  wife  in  every  household  were  given,  with  their  names  and 
the  number  of  their  children.  This  is  confirmed  by  the  fact  that  in 
the  two  topmost  divisions,  where  only  a  w^oman  and  a  number  of  red 
dots  are  entered,  after  the  woman's  name  is  the  remark  "  yc  ",  which 
is  the  abbreviation  for  ycnociuatl,  widow 

In  the  lowest  division,  over  the  man's  head  is  written  the  name 
lolenzo  te  s.  fo,  that  is,  Lorenzo  de  San  Francisco — for  in  the  Mexican 
language  there  is  no  r  nor  d — and  behind  it  is  a  hieroglyph  which 
is  partially  destro3^ed  and  somcAvhat  hidden  by  a  fold  in  the  paper, 
but  is  still  clearly  to  be  recognized  as  the  drawing  of  a  gridiron 
(see  f,  figure  43),  the  hieroglyph  for  the  name  Laurentius.  The 
woman  opposite  him  is  named  Ana,  and  the  number  of  red  dots  is 
eight. 

In  the  second  division  (plate  x)  from  below  the  name  Antonio  is 
written  above  the  man's  head.  Behind  it  was  a  hieroglyph,  but 
unfortunately  it  is  now  wholly  obliterated.  The  woman  opposite 
him  is  called  Catharina,  and  the  number  of  red  dots  is  eight. 

In  the  third  division  from  below  the  head,  the  name,  and  the 
hieroglyph  of  the  man  have  been  entirely  destroyed  by  the  fraying 
and  tearing  of  the  paper.  The  woman's  name  is  Ana,  and  the  num- 
ber of  red  dots  is  eight. 

In  the  fourth  division  the  name  over  the  man's  head  has  also  been 
destroyed,  and  the  hieroglyph  was  hidden  by  a  fold  in  the  paper. 
T  reproduce  in  figure  43,  as  much  of  it  as  I  could  see.  The  number 
of  red  dots  is  eight. 

In  the  fifth  division  (plate  x)  from  below  I  think  I  can  read,  above 
the  man's  head,  matheo  te  s.  sepastian.  The  hieroglyph  Is  an  arm 
painted  yellowish  brown,  and  in  the  hand  is  a  round  object  painted 
light  blueish  green.  I  thinlv  that  this  is  meant  for  the  liieroglyph 
designating  matheo,  for  ma-itl  is  the  Mexican  for  "  the  arm  "  the 
hand  ".  The  name  of  the  woman  opposite  is  not  clear  to  me.  The 
number  of  reddish  dots  is  six. 

In  the  sixth  division,  as  I  have  already  stated,  are  the  name  and 
hieroglj^ph  of  the  village  Tezontepec. 

In  the  seventh  division,  above  the  man's  head,  only  clemente  can 
still  be  read.  I  can  not  interpret  the  hieroglyph.  The  Avoman's  name 
is  missing.    Six  (or  eight)  red  dots  are  given. 

In  the  eighth  division,  from  below,  in  the  note  over  the  man's  head, 
I  can  recognize  distinctly  only  the  second  word.  It  is  osola.  The 
hieroglyph  behind  it  seems  to  be  intended  for  a  bird's  head  with  a 
tall  crest  of  feathers.  This  may  refer  to  the  name;  for  col-in  means 
the  quail.    Over  the  woman's  head  is  a  very  much  faded  explanatory 

note,  of  which  I  can  make  out  nothing  but  ana  d  Eey  tz.  The 

number  of  red  dots  is  four. 

Before  each  of  the  windoAvs  in  the  two  uppermost  divisions  there 


190 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull,  us 


are  five  red  dots.  The  lower  one  is  named  Juana,  the  upper  one 
Maria.  Behind  tlie  upper  one  is  a  design  which  looks  like  the  mono- 
gram M  A  when  cut  in  w^ood,  and  probably  stands  for  the  name  Maria. 
Elsewhere — for  instance,  in  the  Duke  of  Osuna's  Pintura — the 
name  Maria  is  represented  by  a  crown;  for  Maria  is  the  queen  of 
heaven.  Behind  Juana's  head  is  a  hieroglyph  which  represents  an 
eye  in  an  angle  pointing  upward,  and  below  it  three  drops  of 
water.  This  may  be  the  hieroglyph  for  icno,  orphaned  "  wid- 
owed ".  In  the  lists  of  names  of  persons  in  the  Manuscrit  Mexicain 
number  3  of  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale  this  idea  is  always  expressed 
by  tears  (see     Icnotlacatl;  /,  icno-ix). 

This  document,  too,  in  my  opinion,  belonged  to  the  Botarini  col- 
lection. In  the  catalogue  of  Boturini's  Museo  Indiano,  under  num- 
ber 10,  section  21,  are  mentioned  siete  pedazos  de  mapas  en  papel 
Jndiano,  de  los  pueblos  Tezarco,  Tlacoapan,  Coyotepec  y  Tezontepec 
("  seven  pieces  of  maps  on  Indian  paper,  of  the  villages  of  Tezarco, 
Tlacoapan,  Coyotepec,  and  Tezontepec").  One  of  these  seven  frag- 
ments, therefore,  Avas  designated  by  the  name  of  a  village,  Avhose 
name  and  hieroglyph  were  found  on  our  fragment  V  (plate  x). 
Since  the  nuijority  of  the  fragments  of  our  collection  belonged,  as  we 
shall  see,  to  the  Boturini  collection,  it  is  probable  that  this  is  not  an 
accidental  coincidence. 

FRAGMENT  VI 

This  is  a  piece  of  agave  paper  of  the  size  of  a  quarto  sheet  (dimen- 
sions of  fragment,  20  by  21  cm.),  and  is  covered  on  one  side  with  tig-, 
ures  and  draAvings  (plate  xi).  This  is  the  document  reproduced 
and  described  by  A.  von  Humboldt  in  his  Vues  des  Cordilleres  et 
Monuments  des  Peuples  indigenes  de  I'Amerique,  under  the  title 
"  Piece  de  proces  en  ecriture  hieroglyphique  (legal  document  in  hiero- 
glyphic Avriting)." 

In  the  middle  of  the  fragment  is  a  ground  plan  of  buildings.  To 
the  left  of  it  are  Avritten  the  Avords  ciudad  de  Tezcuco  ("  city  of 
Tezcuco  ").  It  is  therefore  clear  that  this  is  the  ground  plan  of  the 
capital  of  that  name  situated  opposite  Mexico  on  the  other  shore  of 
the  lake.  In  the  middle  of  the  right  side  a  path  leads  into,  or, 
perhaps  more  correctly,  from  the  heart  of  the  city,  as  the 
position  of  the  footprints  shows.  At  right  angles  to  the  first 
path  and  parallel  to  the  right  side,  near  the  edge,  there  is  a  path 
Avhich,  as  it  seems,  separates  Iavo  smaller  quarters  from  the  main 
body  of  the  toAvn.  In  the  center  of  the  main  part  there  is  a 
large  group  of  buildings,  Avhich  is  doubtless  me^nt  to  represent 
the  palace.  Most  conspicuous  is  a  square  room,  Avhich  is  entered 
by  a  door  on  the  right.  Door  posts  and  rafters,  Avhich  Avere 
usually  of  Avood,  are  designated  by  their  red  color.    Rows  of 


c 


SELEK]  MEXICAN  PICTURE   WRITINGS  FRAGMENT  VI 


pillars  similarly  painted,  therefore  probably  of  the  same  material, 
traverse  the  room.  This  corresponds  exactly  to  what  Juan  Bautista 
de  Pomar  tell  us  of  Nezahualcoyotl's  palace  at  Tezcuco.  He  says 
that  the  buildings  stood  on  raised  terraces.  The  principal  room  was 
a  hall  over  20  ells  in  length  and  breadth.  In  the  interior  were 
many  wooden  pillars  ^standing  at  intervals  on  stone  bases,  the  pil- 
lars in  their  turn  supporting  the  beams  and  joists:  Son  sobre 
terraplenos  de  un  estado,  lo  que  menos  de  cinco,  li  seis  el  que  mas. 
Los  principales  aposentos  que  tenian  eran  unas  salas  de  veinte  brazas 
y  mas  de  largo,  y  otras  tantas  en  ancho,  porque  eran  cuadrados,  y 
en  medio  dellos  muchos  pilares  de  madera  de  trecho  a  trecho, 
sobre  grandes  brazas  de  piedra  sobre  las  quales  ponian  las  madres 
en  que  cargaba  la  demas  madera  ("  They  stand  on  terraces  of  one 
height,  five  or  six.  The  principal  apartments  were  halls  more  than  20 
ells  in  length  and  of  w4dth  as  great,  because  they  w^ere  square,  and 
in  the  middle  were  many  wooden  columns  at  intervals  upon  great 
stones,  upon  which  pillars  rested  the  beams  of  the  ceilings  ") .  Pomar's 
other  statements  in  regard  to  the  palace  seem  also  to  correspond 
with  what  we  find  drawn  on  our  fragment.  He  says  the  entrance  to  these 
halls  led  from  a  courtyard,  the  ground  of  which  was  covered  with 
a  smooth  layer  of  cement,  and  which  was  reached  by  a  flight  of  steps. 
Besides  these  state  apartments  there  were  also  a  great  number  of 
special  buildings  for  distinguished  guests,  for  the  women,  and  for  the 
other  numerous  and  various  attendants  of  the  palace,  kitchens,  closed 
courtyards,  etc.  Abia  en  estas  casas  aposentos  dedicados  para 
los  reyes  de  Tacuba  donde  eran  aposentados,  quando  a  esta  ciudad 
venian.  Tenian  aposentos  para  los  demas  senores  inferiores  del  rey, 
sin  otras  muchas  salas  en  que  hacian  sus  audiencias  y  juzgados,  y 
otras  de  consejos  de  guerra,  y  otras  de  la  musica  y  cantos  ordinarios, 
y  otras  en  que  vivian  las  mugeres,  con  otros  muchos  palacios  y  grandes 
cocinas  y  corrales  There  were  in  these  houses  apartments  set 
apart  for  the  kings  of  Tacuba,  where  they  were  lodged  when  they 
came  to  this  city.  There  were  apartments  for  all  the  other  lords,  in- 
ferior to  the  king,  besides  many  other  halls  in  which  the}^  gave  audi- 
ences and  delivered  judgment,  and  others  for  councils  of  war,  and 
others  for  music  and  ordinary  singing,  and  others  in  which  the  women 
lived,  with  many  other  palaces  and  great  kitchens  and  courtyards  "). 
We  see  in  fact  on  our  fragment  a  staircase  leading  up  to  these  edifices. 
AVe  see,  besides  the  principal  building,  five  smaller,  straw-thatched 
houses,  and  also  a  small  square  room,  in  which  posts,  but  no  doors, 
are  indicated,  and  it  might  therefore  be  a  closed  courtyard  (corral). 
A  few  similar  courtyards,  adjacent  to  each  other,  are  indicated  on  our 
fragment,  in  addition  to  the  main  congeries  of  buildings,  the  actual 
palace,  in  the  upper  left-hand  corner  of  the  plan. 

Around  the  sides  of  the  main  body  of  the  town,  as  well  as  of  the  two 


192 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


separate  quarters,  numerals  have  been  set  down :  single  marks,  which 
must  mean  ones;  groups  of  five  marks,  of  which,  however,  there  are 
never  more  than  three  sets ;  and  black  circles,  which  must  necessarily 
mean  twenties,  and  therefore  stand  here  in  the  place  of  the  little  flag 
Avhich  is  generally  the  sign  employed  for  the  numeral  20.  Where 
more  than  five  black  circles  occur  five  of  them  are  connected  by  a  line, 
the  number  100  being  thus  emphasized.  Besides  these  numerals, 
wherever  space  allows  there  is  the  draAving  of  the  heart,  yollotl,  that 
is  literally,  yol-yo-tl, having  life  so  familiar  in  Mexican  paintings. 
Hence,  it  is  clear  that  living  beings,  the  human  souls  actually  present 
in  the  city,  are  being  counted  here.  If  we  sum  up,  beginning  on 
the  right  side  at  the  bottom,  Ave  have  the  following  numbers  for  the 
main  body  of  the  town :  96,  86,  148,  79,  158,  155,  or  a  total  of  722  per- 
sons. In  tlie  upper  of  the  tAvo  separate  quarters  of  the  town  the 
number  is  incomplete  on  the  right  side,  the  twenties  being  destroyed. 
On  the  other  tAvo  sides,  beginning  beloAv  on  the  left,  Ave  have  the 
figures  86  and  48;  total,  134  persons.  For  the  loAver  of  the  two 
separate  quarters,  on  the  right,  left,  and  loAver  sides  we  have  84,  95, 
and  50;  total,  229  j^ersons.  If  Ave  increase  the  second  sum  to  the 
amount  of  the  third  by  Avay  of  supplementing  it  w^ith  the  missing 
numbers,  the  total  Avould  amount  to  slightly  less  than  1,200.  Are  Ave 
to  suj^pose  that  this  Avas  the  amount  of  the  entire  population  of  Tez- 
cuco?  I  think  not.  The  po2)ulation  had  indeed  greatly  dimin- 
ished after  the  concpiest.  While  formerly,  says  Ixtlilxochitl,  the 
smallest  village  in  the  district  of  Tezcuco  had  1,100  heads  of  house- 
holds or  more,  as  is  proA^ed  by  the  ancient  doomsday  books  and  lists 
of  inhabitants,  they  now  numbered  scarcely  200,  and  some  families 
had  died  out  entirely.  I  do  not  think,  hoAvever,  that  at  the  time  to 
Avhich  Ave  must  attribute  this  page  the  number  of  inhabitants  in  the 
caj^ital  could  haA^e  dAvindled  to  1,200.  This  very  passage  quoted  from 
Ixtlilxochitl  proves  beyond  a  doubt  that  our  fragment  (plate  xi)  does 
not  contain  an  enumeration  of  individuals,  but  only  of  heads  ofjiouse- 
holds  (vecinos).  Therefore,  for  the  period  in.  Avhich  ouF^agment 
was  Avritten,  we  ought  to  have  a  population  of  about  7,000,  which  is 
probably  in  accordance  Avith  the  true  condition  of  things. 

I  would  further  remark  that  the  special  arrangement  of  the  num- 
bers in  this  plan  of  the  city  probably  oAves  its  origin  to  the  distribu- 
tion of  the  inhabitants  into  quarters,  or  gentes  (barrio,  calpulli). 
Each  separate  tally  probably  corresponds  to  a  separate  calpulli, 
of  Avhich  we  must  suppose  that  there  Avere  six  in  the  main  body  of  the 
town  and  three  in  each  of  the  tAvo  detached  quarters. 

Around  the  plan  of  the  town  are  seven  sitting  figures,  six  Span- 
iards and  one  Mexican.  A.  von  Humboldt  already  correctly  under- 
stood and  has  admirably  characterized  the  general  meaning  of  the 
proceeding  Avhich  is  thus  represented.    He  errs  only  in  regarding  the 


SELKR]  MEXICAN  PICTURE  WRITINGS  FRAGMENT  VI  193 

plan  of  the  city  in  the  middle  of  the  picture,  which,  as  we  have  seen, 
is  that  of  the  city  of  Tezcuco,  as  the  ground  plan  of  an  ordinary  estate 
and  as  the  object  in  dispute.  He  says  in  Vue  des  Cordilleres  et  Monu- 
ments des  peuples  indigenes  d'Amerique,  page  56 :  Le  tableau  qui 
presente  la  douzieme  Planche  parait  indiquer  un  proces  entre  des 
naturels  et  des  Espagnols.  L'objet  en  litige  est  une  metaine,  dont 
on  voit  le  dessin  en  projection  orthographique.  On  y  reconnoit  le 
grand  chemin  marque  par  les  traces  des  pieds;  des  maisons  dessinees 
en  profil;  un  Indien  dont  le  nom  indique  un  arc;  et  des  juges  espa- 
gnoles  assis  sur  des  chaises,  et  ayant  les  lois  devant  leurs  yeux.  L'Es- 
pagnol  place  immediatement  au-dessus  de  I'lndien,  s'appelle  pro- 
bablement  Aquaverde,  car  I'hieroglyphe  de  I'eau,  peint  en  verd,  se 
trouve  figure  derriere  sa  tete.  Les  langues  sont  tres  inegalement 
reparties  dans  ce  tableau.  Tout  y  annonce  I'etat  d'un  pays  conquis; 
I'indigene  ose  a  peine  defendre  sa  cause,  tandis  que  les  etrangers  a 
longues  barbes  y  parlent  beaucoup  et  a  haut  voix,  comme  descendans 
d'un  peuple  conquerant  ("  The  picture  seen  in  the  twelfth  plate 
seems  to  indicate  a  Islw  suit  between  the  natives  and  the  Spanish. 
The  object  of  the  dispute  is  a  farm,  a  plan  of  which  we  see.  We  see 
the  high  road  marked  out  by  footprints,  houses  drawn  in  profile,  an 
Indian  whose  name  means  a  bow,  and  the  Spanish  judges  seated  on 
chairs,  with  the  laws  before  them.  The  Spaniard  immediately  above 
the  Indian  is  probably  named  iVquaverde,  for  the  hieroglyph  for 
water,  painted  green,  figures  behind  his  head.  The  tongues  are  very 
unequally  distributed  in  this  picture.  Everything  declares  it  to  be  a 
conquered  country.  The  native  hardly  ventures  to  plead  his  cause, 
while  the  long-bearded  strangers  talk  much  and  in  loud  voices,  like 
descendants  of  a  conquering  race  "). 

The  three  figures  on  the  left  side  of  the  page  are  undoubtedly  three 
judges,  in  fact  the  president  of  the  audiencia  and  the  two  oydores. 
We  must  thus  explain  the  relation  in  which  the  three  stand  to  one 
another,  for  the  jvidge  in  the  middle  is  distinguished  from  the  other 
two  by  a  richer  cap.  The  illustration  as  a  whole  corresponds  per- 
fectly with  the  manner  in  which  the  oydores  are  represented  in  the 
Pintura  del  Gobernador,  Alcaldes  y  Regidores  de  Mexico  (Osuna 
codex).  The  chair  and  the  staff  are  their  badges  of  office  (see  A, 
figure  43,  the  picture  of  Doctor  Horozco,  oydor,  from  page  3  [465] 
of  the  above-mentioned  manuscript).  The  papers  lying  before  them 
are  probably  not  meant  for  the  statute  books,  but  for  the  written  rec- 
ords of  the  suit.  It  is  worthy  of  note  that  there  are  absolutely  unin- 
telligible characters  on  these  papers.  They  represent  the  confused 
impression  of  writing  made  on  one  Avho  can  not  read.  The  two  men 
sitting  beside  the  Mexican  are  his  vouchers,  the  witnesses  summoned 
7238— No.  28—05  13 


194 


BUREAU  OP  AMEBIC  AN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


by  him.  The  Spaniard  on  the  opposite  (the  upper)  side  of  the 
fragment,  who  turns  his  head  away  and  answers  at  great  length,  is 
evidently  the  defendant,  who  denies  the  accusation  brought  against 
him.  There  were  hieroglyphs  behind  all  these  persons,  except  the 
second  witness.  Unfortunately  those  behind  two  of  the  judges  are 
destroyed. 

One  of  the  persons  can  be  identified  beyond  a  doubt  by  these  hiero- 
glyphs. This  is  the  Mexican.  Behind  him  is  the  figure  of  a  bow 
(tlauitolli)  as  his  name  hieroglyph.  It  is  apparent  that  he  occupied 
a  high  position  among  the  natives,  that  he  must  have  been  of  royal 
rank,  for  he  is  represented  sitting  on  the  tepotzoicpalli,  the  straw 
chair  with  a  high  back.  Noav,  we  actually  know,  that  in  the  middle 
of  the  sixteenth  centurj^  men  by  the  name  of  Tlauitol,  descendants  of 
the  old  Tezcucan  royal  family,  ruled  in  Tezcuco.  Chimalpahin 
mentions  one,  San  Antonio  Pimentel  Tlauitoltzin,  whom  he  calls  the 
son  of  King  Nezahualpilli,  Avho  died  in  1515 — Torquemada  describes 
him  as  the  grandson  of  Nezahualpilli — who  was  installed  as  king 
(tlahtouani)  of  Tezcuco- Aculhuacan  in  the  year  1540  by  the  Span- 
iards, and  died  in  1564  after  reigning  twenty-five  years.  This  state- 
ment is  uncjuestionably  based  on  an  error.  In  the  Sahagun  manu- 
script, which  was  written  in  the  year  2  Acatl,  that  is,  1559,  Don  An- 
tonio Tlauitoltzin  is  mentioned  as  the  twelfth  king  of  Tezcuco,  the 
seventh  after  Nezahualpilli,  and  it  is  stated  that  he  reigned  six  years. 
And  after  that  Don  Hernando  Pimentel  is  mentioned  as  the  thirteenth 
king  of  Tezcuco,  his  Mexican  name  being  luian,  that  is,  "  the  mild 
"  the  modest a  word  which  is  reproduced  in  the  name  hieroglyph 
accompanying  the  picture  of  this  king  by  two  bare  feet,  perhaps  ex- 
pressing "  chi  va  piano,  va  sano  ".  The  latter  at  the  time  that  this 
was  Avritten  (in  the  3^ear  2  Acatl,  or  A.  D.  1559)  must  already  have 
reigned  fifteen  years,  and  therefore  have  come  to  the  throne  in  1545. 
The  six  years  during  which  Don  Antonio  Pimentel  Tlauitoltzin  was 
said  to  have  reigned  must  have  been  the  years  1540-1545.  Chimal- 
pahin has  evidently  merged  the  periods  of  rule  of  these  two  men 
into  one. 

Of  Don  Antonio  Pimentel  Tlauitoltzin  we  know  from  Torquemada, 
who  mentions  him  in  various  places,  that  he  was  a  quiet,  sensible  man, 
who  devoted  himself  with  sj^ecial  interest  to  collecting  and  writing 
down  the  ancient  traditions  of  his  family  and  his  race.  Torquemada 
possessed  a  "  Memorial "  written  by  him,  in  which  he  gives  an 
account «  of  ancient  things,  en  estilo  de  historia,  al  modo  que  usamos 
nosotros  ("in  historic  style,  in  the  manner  which  we  use").  Juan 
Bautista  de  Pomar  says  of  him,  that  he  cultivated  mulberry  trees 
and  bred  silkworms,  that  in  his  ( Pomar 's)  time,  that  is,  in  the  year 
1582,  there  were  still  mulberry  trees  in  the  vicinity  of  Tezcuco,  y  en 


<*  Mpnarquia  Indiana,  v.  16,  chap.  19. 


seler] 


MEXICAN  PICTUKE  WRITINGS  EKA.CIMENT  VI 


195 


tiempo  antiguo  la  cogia  (la  seda)  Don  Antonio  Tlaiiitoltzin  cacique 
y  gobernador  que  fue  de  esta  ciudad,  liijo  de  Nezahualpiltzintli  ("  and 
in  ancient  times  Don  Antonio  Tlauitoltzin,  who  was  cacique  and 
governor  of  that  city,  son  of  Nezahualpiltzintli,  gathered  it  (the 

silk)^')- 

It  is  not  so  easy  to  determine  the  other  persons  on  our  fragment. 
Since  Tlauitoltzin  only  reigned  until  the  year  1545,  the  event  to 
Avhich  our  fragment  refers  must  have  occurred  before  that  date.  At 
tliat  time  the  viceroy,  Don  Antonio  de  Mendoza,  was  still  reigning — 
from  the  year  1534.  The  bishop  of  Santo  Domingo,  Don  Sebastian 
Eamirez  de  Fuenleal,  was  president  of  the  audiencia  until  1535. 
His  oydores  were  the  licenciados  Juan  de  Salmeron,  Alonzo  Maldo- 
nado,  Zeynos  (or  Zaynos,  as  it  is  also  written),  afterwards  president 
of  the  audiencia,  and  Quiroga."  The  names  of  Spaniards  w^ere  fre- 
quently reproduced  by  the  Mexicans  in  hieroglyphs,  which  are 
often  perfectly  intelligible,  but  often  too  A^ery  hard  to  understand 
and,  without  doubt,  frequently  do  not  represent  the  name  itself,  but 
a  nickname  by  which  the  person  in  question  was  known  among  the 
Indians.  It  is  well  known  that  Pedro  de  Alvarado  went  by  the  name 
Tonatiuh,  "  sun  among  the  Indians.  He  is  therefore  hieroglyph- 
ically  designated  b}^  a  picture  of  the  sun.  The  viceroy  Antonio  de 
Mendoza  is  designated  in  Codex  Telleriano-Remensis  by  a  spear,  k, 
figure  43;  the  third  viceroy,  Luis  de  Velasco,  in  the  Pintura  del 
Gobernador,  Alcaldes  y  Regidores  de  Mexico  (Osuna  codex),  by  Z, 
which  is  composed  of  the  tongue  of  eloquence,  an  eye,  and,  above  it, 
another  object,  difficult  to  explain.  The  name  Gallego  is  expressed 
in  the  same  manuscript  by  m,  and  that  of  Doctor  Vasco  de  Poga  by  n. 
Both  are  easily  understood.  In  //r  Ave  haA^e  the  figures  of  a  house 
(cal-li)  and  of  beans  (e-tl),  or  Cal-e;  and  n  is  explained  by  the  fact 
that  poc-tli  in  Mexican  means  "  smoke  ".  The  hieroglyph  for  Doctor 
Zorita,  /',  the  head  of  a  quail,  is  also  j^erfectly  obvious,  because  col-in 
is  the  Mexican  Avord  for  quail.  But  o  for  Doctor  Villanueva,  and  p 
for  Doctor  Villalobos  still  puzzle  me;  so  does  q  for  Doctor  BraA^o. 
The  hieroglyph,  for  Doctor  Zeynos  seems  to  represent  the  prickly 
point  of  a  leaf,  and  the  hieroglyph  for  the  fiscal  Maldonado,  is 
the  picture  of  a  pair  of  Avooden  tongs  and  a  red  (red-hot?)  object 
Avhich  is  held  in  their  grasp.  Lastly,  the  hieroglyph  for  Doctor 
Horozco,  7i,  is  most  strikingly  like  that  of  San  Francisco,  /. 

Most  of  the  hieroglyphs  Avhich  I  haA^e  mentioned  here  belong  to 
j^ersons  of  a  later  time  than  that  to  AAhich  our  fragment  VI  (plate  xi) 
belongs.  Unfortunately,  but  fcAv  hieroglyphs  of  Spanish  names  of 
this  earlier  period  are  positively  known  to  us,  and  they  are  not  to  be 
interpreted  at  haphazard,  as  can  readily  be  seen  from  the  examples 
just  given. 


"  MotoUnia,  v.  3,  chap.  3. 


196 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


It  still  remains  to  discuss  the  pictures  on  our  page  (plate  xi) ,  which 
are  on  the  left  of  the  plan  of  the  city,  directly  in  front  of  the  presid- 
ing magistrate.  Two  of  them,  the  two  circles,  painted  bluish  green 
in  the  original  and  filled  in  with  irregular  squares,  are  perfectly 
clear.  They  represent  turquoise  mosaic  and  have  the  phonetic  value 
of  Xiutl,  that  is,  "  year  "  (see  page  160).  We  must  conclude  that  the 
occurrence  which  is  treated  of  here  took  place  two  years  before,  or 
else  that  the  trial  lasted  two  years.  The  other  object  is  not  so  easily 
interpreted.  It  looks  like  a  bag  or  a  bottle-shaped  vessel.  A  stick 
or  pipe  is  apparently  joined  to  it  above,  and  a  fine  thread  seems  also 
to  be  fastened  to  it.  The  inside  is  entirely  filled  with  wavy  red  lines. 
Although  various  suggestions  occur  to  me,  I  do  not  venture  to  express 
a  definite  opinion  in  regard  to  the  meaning  of  this  object. 

Fragment  VI  (plate  xi)  seems  to  have  belonged  to  Boturini's  col- 
lection and  to  be  described  by  him  in  his  Museo  Indiano,  number  7, 
section  3.  He  says  there Otro  mapa  en  una  quartilla  de  papel 
Indiano,  donde  se  ve  pintada  la  ciudad  de  Tetzcoco,  con  unas  cifras, 
que  especifican  su  extension  en  lo  antiguo  ("Another  map  of  a  quarter 
sheet  of  Indian  paper,  where  we  see  the  city  of  Tezcuco,  painted  with 
figures,  which  specify  its  size  in  old  times").  Our  page,  too,  is  a 
map  in  (piarto  (un  maj^a  en  una  quartilla  de  papel  Indiano),  and  has 
a  picture  of  the  city  of  Tetzcoco,  and  numerals  are  inscribed  upon  it, 
as  we  have  seen,  only  they  do  not  indicate  the  size  of  the  city,  as 
Boturini  here  supposes,  but  the  number  of  its  inhabitants. 

FRAGMENT  VII 

This  (plate  xii)  is  a  strip  of  agave  paper,  25  cm.  long  and  about 
18  cm.  wide,  with  four  rows  of  writmg\beginning  below  at  the  right, 
a  fifth  row  l)eing  only  indicated. 

On  the  right  side  of  the  divisions  are  circles.  One  of  them,  that  in 
the  fourth  row  from  the  bottom  is  painted  red  and  contains  a  ver- 
ticillate  design,  a  kind  of  two-armed  swastika.  This  undoubtedly 
means  a  Sunday.  In  accordance  with  this  the  circles  at  the  right 
end  of  the  lower  divisions  must  likew^ise  mean  days,  and  since  the 
progression  is  upward  Ave  should  have  Thursday  in  the  lowest  divi- 
sion, Friday  in  the  second,  and  Saturday  in  the  third  from  the  bot- 
tom. In  accordance  with  this,  Friday  would  be  characterized  by  the 
circle,  the  upper  half  of  which  is  painted  black.  This  would  be 
comprehensible.  It  was  the  day  of  Christ's  crucifixion  and  a  fast 
day  commanded  by  the  church.  Thursday  and  Saturday  would  be 
alike  designated,  to  wit,  by  a  circle  with  a  kind  of  arrow  on  it.  I 
think  that  this  was  only  a  hieroglyph  for  a  working  or  week  day. 


«  Place  cited,  p.  5. 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


BULLETIN  28    PLATE  XII 


MEXICAN   PAINTING-HUMBOLDT   FRAGMENT  VII 


SKLKR]  MEXICAN  PICTURE  WRITINGS — FRAGMENT  VII  197 

Inside  in  the  lowest  row,  between  fishes,  were  baskets  woven  of  straw 
(painted  yellow),  apparently  of  pliable  material,  each  of  which  in 
this  lowest  row  rests  on  a  fiat  disk  having  three  feet.  These  are 
apparentl}^  the  little  baskets  in  which  hot  tortillas  were  brought. 
Last,  on  the  left,  folloAV  bundles,  apparently  meant  to  represent 


q  •  r  s  t 


Fig.  44.    Mexican  symbols  of  various  objects. 

zacatl,  "  green  cornstalks  ",  which  have  been  used  in  preference  for 
horse  fodder  from  the  time  of  the  conquest  to  the  present  day  (see  <7, 
1  and  2,  figure  44,  the  former  taken  from  the  Goupil-Boban  atlas, 
plate  27,  the  latter  from  the  Pintura  del  Gobernador,  Alcaldes  y 
Regidores  de  Mexico,  and  both  described  in  the  text  as  Zacatl). 


198 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


In  the  topmost  roAV  (on  Sunday)  there  is  a  turkey,  the  Sunday  roast, 
instead  of  the  fishes.  For  the  better  understanding  of  the  somewhat 
crude  drawing  I  have  reproduced  in  figure  44,  the  rather  more 
carefully  drawn  head  from  tlie  Goupil-Boban  atlas,  plate  27,  which 
is  there  expressly  mentioned  in  the  text  as  "  gallina  de  la  tierra  ". 

Above  these  objects,  which  represent  food  for  man  and  beast,  are 
various  figures:  Small  flags  wdiich  designate  the  numeral  20  and 
groups  of  small  circles,  each  of  which  means  1,  and  also  larger  circles, 
which  are  either  empty  or  contain  one  or  two  small  circles  (plate  xii). 

These  large  circles,  which  in  the  more  carefully  drawn  manuscripts 
are  always  painted  blue,  signify  money,  silver  coin,  and  in  respect 
to  this  there  is  indeed  an  unvarying  style  of  designation  observable. 
The  old  Spanish  coin  Avas  the  peso,  which  was  divisible  into  8  reals, 
knoAvn  in  Mexican  as  tomin.  Half  a  real  was  a  medio,  and  half  of 
that  a  quartillo.  The  Indians  divided  the  latter  once  more.  For  this 
smallest  fractional  coin  there  is  no  Spanish  name,  only  the  Mexican 
tlaco,  "  half  '\  The  peso  was  sometimes  represented  in  Mexican  paint- 
ings by  the  scale  pan  of  a  balance,  answering  to  its  name,  "  weight 
(r^  figure  44),  but  usually  by  a  blue  circle  with  a  cross  on  it, 
apparently  from  the  stamp  which  at  that  time  was  impressed  upon 
silver  money.  It  is  very  rarely  that  any  other  stamp  occurs  (see,  for 
instance,  e,  from  the  Osuna  codex,  pages  30  [492]  and  31  [493]). 
Reals,  or  tomines,  were  designated  by  a  blue  circle,  containing  as 
many  small  circles  as  there  were  reals  to  be  represented.  Usually 
not  more  than  four  small  circles  were  inscribed  within  one  circle,  that 
is,  4  reals,  equal  to  half  a  peso.  Only,  when  the  pesos  were  not 
specially  mentioned,  but^a^  of  ten  happened,  and  in  spite  of  the  new 
dollar  and  centavo  system  still  often  happens,  the  sum  was  reckoned 
in  reals,  then  we  find  within  the  blue  circle  as  many  as  eight  small  cir- 
cles (see  /).  The  medio,  on  the  contrary,  Avas  designated  by  a  real 
cut  in  halves  (see  d).  Thus  r  (Osuna  codex)  is  explained  in  the 
text  as  1  peso  ypan  6  tomines,  1  peso  and  0  reals;  and  d,  taken  from 
the  same  manuscript,  as  ompohualli  pesos  ypan  7  tomines  ypan 
medio,  that  is,  twice  20  pesos,  7  reals,  and  1  medio. 

In  our  fragment  VII  (plate  xii)  the  price  of  the  turkey  (quaxolotl, 
guajolote)  in  the  top  row  has  the  highest  number  of  figures;  for  it  is 
marked  2  reals.  All  the  rest  are  marked  1  real.  For  this  reason  the 
large  circles  seem  to  be  used  here  very  often  alone,,  without  the  small 
inner  circles.  According  to  the  prices  noted  here,  2  bundles  or  loads 
of  zacate,  20  tortillas,  and  8  fishes  were  sold,  respectively,  for  1  real. 
The  fishes  can  not,  therefore,  have  been  of  any  great  size. 

Since,  therefore,  we  find  days  set  down  on  our  fragment  VII,  and 
within  the  days  provisions  and  fodder  with  their  ])rices,  it  is  clear  that 
this  fragment  must  be  a  bill.    This  is  proved  by  the  writing  which  I 


SELER]  MEXICAN  PICTURE   WRITINGS  FRAGMENT  VII  199 

had  the  pleasure  of  discovering  on  the  reverse  of  the  paper  after 
having  separated  the  leaf  from  its  backing.  These  words  are  written 
there : 

Resebi  yo  micuel  mayordomo  de  la  comunidad  deste  pueblo  de 
misquiaguala  del  senor  manuel  de  olvera  dos  pesos  q.  monto  en  comida 
desta  pintura  en  quatro  de  fevrero  de  mill  y  q^  y  setenta  y  un  anos. 

Miguel  de  Sanc  Jti". 

ante  mi 
Juan  de  p  . 

("  I,  Miguel,  major-domo  of  the  community  of  this  village  of  Miz- 
quiyauallan,  received  from  Seiior  Manuel  de  Olvera  2  pesos,  the  price 
of  the  provisions,  which  are  here  depicted,  on  February  4,  1571. 

Miguel  de  S.  Juan. 

Before  me, 

Juan  de  p  .") 

(I  can  not  wholly  decij^her  this  signature.) 

The  village  of  Mizquiyauallan  lies  in  the  district  of  Actopan  of 
the  state  of  Hidalgo.  The  name  means  "  where  the  mesquite  trees 
(algaroba,  Prosopis  juliflora)  stand  in  a  circle  '\  It  is  therefore  rep- 
resented hieroglyphically  by  a  mesquite  tree  bent  in  the  shape  of  the 
bow  (see  ^,  figure  41),  but  occasionally  merely  by  a  mesquite  tree, 
or  a  mountain  with  a  mesquite  tree  upon  it,  h.  The  place  w^as  in 
the  Otomi  territory  and  was  early  subject  to  the  Mexican  kings. 
On  the  tribute  list  it  is  in  the  group  Axocopan  between  the  towns 
of  Tezcatepec  and  Itzmiquilpan.  In  the  Pintura  del  Gobernador, 
Alcaldes  y  Regidores  de  Mexico  (Osuna  codex),  it  is  mentioned  with 
these  and  other  places  in  the  same  region,  but  Mizquiyauallan  was 
subject  to  double  authority,  for  it  was  a  domain  of  the  crown  and  had 
an  encomendro  besides  (see  7^,  taken  from  the  manuscript  just 
named,  where  this  double  relation  is  expressed  b}^  the  croAvn  over 
the  hieroglyph  and  the  head  of  a  Spaniard  beside  it).  The  major- 
domo  who  signed  the  receipt  quoted  above  was  no  doubt  responsible 
to  the  croAvn. 

As  for  the  persons  themselves,  I  can  not  decipher  the  name  of  the 
official  in  whose  presence  the  act  was  executed.  In  a  and  figure  47, 
I  have  reproduced  the  signatures  of  the  witness  and  the  receipting 
major-domo  from  tracings  which  I  made.  We  shall  later  meet  again 
with  the  Manuel  de  Olvera  mentioned  in  the  text.  The  major-domo 
was  undoubtedly  an  Indian.  Family  names  like  this,  borrowed  from 
a  saint  (or  a  diocese?),  are  often  encountered  in  the  lists  of  names  of 
persons. 

I  would  draw  attention  to  the  fact  that  the  sum  of  2  pesos, 
mentioned  in  the  receipt,  is  the  actual  amount  obtained  if  we  add  the 


200 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


reals  marked  on  fragment  VII  (plate  xii).  In  the  lowest  row  there 
are  5,  in  the  second  3,  in  the  third  5,  and  in  the  fourth  again  3 ;  in  all, 
16  reals  or  2  pesos. 

I  shall  show  later  that  another  page  of  our  collection,  fragment 
VIII  (plate  XIII )  can  be  proved  to  have  come  from  the  same  village. 
This  latter  fragment,  as  I  shall  show  later  on,  is  most  closely  related 
to  one  of  the  manuscripts  which  passed  from  the  collection  of  the 
Hon  Joel  E.  Poinsett,  former  minister  to  Mexico  from  the  United 
States,  into  the  possession  of  the  American  Philosophical  Society  in 
Philadelphia,  and  was  published  in  the  Transactions  of  that  society 
(new  series,  volume  12,  1892,  article  4).  It  is  interesting  to  note  that 
our  fragment  VII  (plate  xii)  should  also  find  its  exact  parallel  in  a 
piece  in  that  collection.  The  latter  is  designated  by  the  editors  as 
Tribute  Roll  (Calendar  2).  Here,  too,  the  page  is  divided  by  hori- 
zontal lines  into  a  series  of  consecutive  divisions.  On  the  right  is  a 
day,  invariably  designated  by  a  disk,  Sunday  by  a  red  disk  with  a, 
three-armed  verticillate  design  (?*,  figure  44).  Then  follow  various 
articles  of  food,  with  their  prices;  but  the  bill  of  fare  is  somewhat 
enlarged.  Besides  turkey,  painted  red  (/»•,  same  figure),  fish  (Z),  a 
little  basket  of  tortillas  (n),  and  bundles  of  zacate  (s),  we  have  in  f 
still  another  cheap  article  of  food,  of  which  eighty  are  marked  at 
1  real,  but  to  which  I  can  not  at  present  give  a  name;  in  q  we 
tipparently  have  baskets  of  tamales  (a  kind  of  dumpling  Avith  a  filling, 
which  was  steamed  in  a  w^rapper  of  corn  husks) ,  eight  of  which  were 
sold  for  3  reals;  in  m,  some  articles  of  food  painted  red,  possibly 
chile  con  carne,  four  of  which  cost  1  real;  in  r,  a  fanega  of  Indian 
corn  for  3  reals  (see  and  (/,^tgttrfe  46)  ;  and  in  6>,  an  article  of  diet 
with  which  I  am  unacquainted,  which  was  sold  for  2  reals.  Finally, 
in  two  squares  there  are  figures  of  Spaniards  (^,  figure  44).  It  seems 
highly  probable  that  this  page  belongs  to  the  same  date  and  same 
region  as  our  fragment  VII  (plate  xii).  It  is  very  probable  that  our 
fragment  VII  (plate  xii)  likewise  once  belonged  to  the  Boturini 
collection.  The  catalogue  of  Boturini's  Museo  Indiano  mentions 
under  number  1,  section  21 :  Tres  mapas  en  papol  Indiano  como  faxas. 
Tratan  de  los  tributos  que  pagaba  el  pueblo  de  Mizquiahuallan,  y  en 
el  se  ven  las  cifras  numericas  de  cada  cosa  que  entregaban  los  vecinos 
("  Three  maps  on  Indian  paper  like  strips  of  ribbon.  They  treat  of 
the  tribute  paid  by  the  village  of  Mizquiahuallan,  and  in  them  are  the 
numerical  figures  of  everything  which  householders  furnished  "). 

FRAGMENT  VIII 

This  is  a  strip  of  agave  paper,  33  cm.  long,  22  cm.  wide,  much 
injured  at  the  edges  and  in  the  middle  by  folding, and  imperfect  at  the 
upper  left  corner  (plate  xiii).    On  the  upper  side  of  the  fragment 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


MEXICAN  PAINTING-HUr 


BULLETIN  28    PLATE  XIII 


DLDT   FRAGMENT  VIII 


SELER]         MEXICAN  PICTURE   WRITINGS  FRAGMENT  VIII  201 


there  are  drawings,  done  with  a  fine  pen,  most  of  which  are  touciied 
lip  with  colors.  On  the  left  side  are  heads  of  men.  Behind  each  is  a 
hieroglyph,  which  gives  the  name  of  the  man  in  question,  and  in  front 
of  each  is  the  wooden  implement  used  for  field  work,  known  as  uictli, 
or  couauacatl  (see  t  and  ii,  figure  37) .  These  persons  are  thus  marked 
as  husbandmen.  Before  each  person  is  a  row  of  fields  with  quad- 
rangular boundaries,  on  the  sides  of  which  are  numbers  similar  to 
those  which  we  encountered  on  fragment  VI  (plate  xi).  The  num- 
bers on  the  opposite  sides  of  the  fields,  as  far  as  can  be  determined, 
are  alike,  except  in  some  minute  particulars.  This  shows  that  these 
were  meant  for  pieces  of  arable  land  with  quadrangular  boundaries. 
There  are  hieroglyj^hs  on  the  upper  boundary  and  on  the  surface  of 
the  fields  which  are  repeated  in  the  difi^erent  rows.  In  some  of  the 
fields,  in  the  lower  right-hand  corner,  there  is  also  a  representa- 
tion of  grass  (zacatl),  painted  yellow  (see  a,  figure  36),  and  on  the 
last  field  of  the  first  row,  in  the  upper  right-hand  corner,  is  the  picture 
of  a  house  (calli),  and  also  in  the  first  and  second  field  in  the  third 
row.  Finally,  the  name  of  the  respective  person  is  written  with  a 
coarse  pen  beside  each  head.  From  the  character  of  the  drawing  and 
the  structure  of  the  hieroglyphs  this  fragment  (plate  xiii)  resembles 
most  closely  the  so-called  Vergara  codex.  That  is  a  manuscript 
mentioned  by  Boturinj  in  his  Museo  Indiano,  now  in  the  Aubin- 
Goupil  collection,  consisting  (originally)  of  56  pages,  which  gives 
the  statistics  of  the  villages  of  Calcantlaxiuhcan,  Topotitlan,  Patla- 
chiuhcan,  Teocaltitlan,  and  Texcalticpac.  The  heads  of  families  and 
their  descendants  are  set  down  first,  then  lists  of  the  persons  in  each 
village  (tlacatlacuilolli)  ,the  lands  claimed  by  individuals  (milcocolli) , 
and  of  what  was  allotted  to  individuals  at  the  time  of  the  adjustment 
(tlauelmantli).  On  the  first  (originally  the  second)  page  the  remark 
"  1539,  marques  del  valle  virey  "  has  been  added  evidently  later,  by 
another  hand.  But  this  note  has  probably  as  little  value  as  those 
added  on  j^ages  21  and  22,  where  a  certain  Don  Augustin  de  Rosas 
asserts  his  claim  to  the  estates  of  Tzilaquauhtepoztlanallan.  At  the 
end  stands  the  name  Pedro  Vasquez  de  Vergara,  possibly  the  name  of 
some  one  who  had  the  manuscript  in  his  possession.  The  manuscript 
has  usually  been  cited  under  his  name  since  Aubin's  time. 

On  those  pages  of  that  manuscript  which  treat  of  the  distribution 
of  lands  the  heads  of  persons,  with  their  names  and  hieroglyphs,  are 
depicted  in  exactly  the  same  way  as  on  our  fragment  VIII  (plate 
xiii)  ,  and  beside  them,  in  rows,  are  the  fields,  those  claimed  by  them 
or  those  which  were  assigned  to  them  (Goupil-Boban  atlas,  plate  39. 
See  a,  h,  and  c,  figure  45,  which  are  taken  therefrom) .  In  the  Vergara 
codex  the  numbers  which  giA^e  the  dimensions  are  placed  on  only  one 
of  the  long,  vertical,  and  on  one  of  the  short,  horizontal,  sides  of  the 
fields,  and  there  are  hieroglyphs  only  in  the  middle  of  the  fields,  but 


202 


BUKEAU  OP  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


not,  as  on  our  fragment  VIII  (plate  xiii),  on  the  upper  boundary  as 
well. 

There  is  still  another  document  on  the  left  side  of  which  persons  are 
depicted  and,  opposite  them,  the  fields  belonging  to  them,  in  the  same 
way  as  in  our  fragment.  This  is  page  34  of  the  Goupil-Boban  atlas. 
Here,  too,  as  in  the  Vergara  codex,  the  dimensional  figures  are  on  only 
two  sides  of  the  square.  But,  as  in  our  fragment  (plate  xiii),  hiero- 
glyphs are  drawn  on  the  upper  boundary  of  the  fields,  or  beside  it, 
and  there  are  additional  designations  which  make  it  evident  that  these 
hieroglyphs  represent  the  name  of  the  field  or  piece  of  arable  land. 


IP 
IP 
IP 
IP 


f 


i  k  I  m 


Fig.  45.    Mexican  glyphs  denoting  various  objects. 

Moreover,  the  word  chinamitl,  inclosed  field  ",  or  milli,  "  arable 
land  ",  is  often  quite  superfluously  written  beside  them  (see  d,  /, 
figure  45) . 

Comparison  with  these  manuscripts,  I  think,  leaves  no  room  for 
doubt  as  to  the  general  meaning  of  our  fragment  VIII  (plate  xiii) .  I 
will  now  resume  the  discussion  of  its  separate  features. 

The  dimensional  numbers,  w^hich  are  written  on  four  sides  of  the 
fields,  are,  as  I  have  already  said,  the  same  on  the  two  opposite  sides. 
Their  construction  and  characteristic  features  are  exactly  the  came 
as  those  which  Ave  have  already  seen  in  the  plan  of  the  city  of  Tez- 
cuco  on  fragment  VI  (plate  xi)  of  our  collection.    There,  as  here, 


seler] 


MEXICAN  PICTURE  WRITINGS 


\  FRAGMENT  VIII 


203 


twenties  are  denoted  by  black  dots,  ones  by  lines ;  groups  of  five  ones 
are  connected  by  a  line;  and  Avhere  there  are  more  tlian  five  twenties 
the  first  five  are  also  connected  by  a  line  to  form  the  number  100.  We 
have  the  same  system  of  notation  in  the  Vergara  codex,  a  to  and  on 
page  34  of  the  Goupil-Boban  atlas,  d  to  /,  except  that  here  the  twen- 
ties are  usually  denoted  by  a  black  dot  and  a  little  flag,  the  four  hun- 
dreds by  a  black  dot  and  a  sign  resembling  a  pinnated  leaf,  which  is 
the  symbol  for  tzontli,  "  four  hundred  "  (literally,  "  hair  But  on 
this  page,  too,  twenties  are  denoted  simply  by  black  dots,  g  and  //.  On 
fragment  VI  of  our  collection  the  souls  were  counted.  Therefore  we 
saw,  preceding  the  numbers,  the  picture  of  a  heart  (yollotli),  expres- 
sive of  the  conception  "  life  "  (yol)  or  "  soul  ".  On  fragment  VIII 
(plate  xiii)we  should  expect  to  find,  preceding  the  figures,  the  picture 
of  some  unit  of  measure.  And  this  is  actually  the  case.  We  find,  pre- 
ceding the  numbers,  the  picture  of  a  hand.  This  is  in  the  first,  sec- 
ond, and  fifth  fields  of  the  third  row.  But  in  other  fields,  preceding 
the  numbers,  we  find  a  picture  resembling  an  arrowhead.  This 
occurs  in  the  fourth  field  of  the  upper  row  (the  front  of  which  is 
incomplete),  in  the  last  field  in  the  second  row,  in  the  fifth  field  in 
the  third  row,  and  in  the  first  and  second  fields  of  the  fourth  row.  I 
have  interpreted  this  picture,  from  its  appearance,  to  be  an  arrow- 
head. That  it  is  actually  intended  for  one  is,  in  my  opinion,  fully 
proved  b}^  the  fact  that  in  the  first  field  of  the  fourth  row  the  arrow- 
head, which  Ave  see  on  the  upper  side,  is  replaced  on  the  lower  side  by 
the  hieroglyph  tecpatl,  "  flint  ",  that  is,  by  the  material  from  which 
arrowheads  were  made. 

We  also  find  the  hand  as  a  unit  of  length  on  page  3i  of  the  Goupil- 
Boban  atlas,  where  the  dimensions  of  the  estate  or  village  of  Tzom- 
pantitlan  are  given  (see  figure  45)  .'^  The  hand  as  a  unit  of  measure 
is  readily  understood.  For  ma-itl  means  not  only  the  hand,  but  also 
the  arm,  the  forearm,  including  the  hand.  The  use  of  the  hand,  there- 
fore, might  denote  either  an  arm's  length  or  an  ell.  In  fact,  Molina's 
vocabulary  gives  cem-matl(  literally  defines,  ^'  an  arm  ")by  "  una  braca 
para  medir  ",  that  is,  an  ell.  I  have  not  found  the  arrow  elsewhere  as 
a  unit  of  length.  But  that  it  w^as  actually  used  as  such  is  again  proved 
by  Molina's  vocabulary,  Avhere  we  find  cem-mitl,  "  an  arrow^  ",  trans- 
lated by  "  medida  desde  el  un  codo  hasta  la  otra  mano  ",  that  is,  the 
measure  from  one  elbow  to  the  tip  of  the  other  hand,  a  somewhat 
longer  measure,  therefore,  than  the  former,  equal  to  about  2  ells. 
1  think  it  possible,  however,  that  the  tAVo  symbols,  the  hand  and  the 
arrow,  both  refer  to  one  and  the  same  customary  unit  employed  to 
measure  distance. 

"  Let  me  draw  attention,  in  passing,  to  the  interesting  form  whicli  tliis  liierolglyph  has 
here.  The  element  tzompan  is  usually  expressed  by  the  wooden  framework  tzompantli, 
upon  which  the  heads  of  the  sacrificed  victims  were  exhibited.  But  here  it  is  expressed 
by  the  tree  tzompanquauitl  (Erythrina  corallodendron) , 


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[HULL.  28 


As  for  the  hieroglyphs,  those  on  the  upper  side  of  the  fiekls 
undoubtedly  stand  for  the  names  of  the  boundaries  of  the  land. 
They  are  repeated  in  the  separate  rows  of  fields  belonging  to  one 
owner,  because  they  do  not  denote  the  individual  field,  but  the  domain 
within  which  it  lies.  In  exactly  the  same  way,  on  page  34  of  the 
Goupil-Boban  atlas,  the  same  names  of  domains  recur  above  and 
beside  the  fields  which  are  set  down  in  rows  after  the  various  owners. 
In  our  fragment  eight  different  domains  seem  to  be  given. 

The  first  one  is  the  same  in  all  the  rows  (plate  xiii)  and  is  desig- 
nated by  the  picture  of  a  house  above  the  field.  The  house  in  the 
fourth  row  is  drawn  Avith  a  high,  pointed,  straw  roof  (painted  yel- 
low), that  is,  like  the  xacalli,  which  we  saw  in  fragment  II  (plate 
vii).  The  others  are  apparently  meant  to  represent  the  adobe  houses 
with  flat  roofs  of  beams,  known  as  tlapechcalli  (see  ^,  figure  45,  taken 
from  page  34  of  the  Goupil-Boban  atlas).  The  layer  of  beams  form- 
ing the  roof  is  marked  here  by  red  paint,  like  doorposts  and  the  frames 
of  doors, which  were  always  made  of  wood  «  and  were  therefore  always 
painted  red  or  brown. 

The  second  field  in  the  third  row  (which  is  the  most  perfect)  has 
a  hieroglyph  at  tlie  top  which  represents  the  head  of  a  coyote  between 
two  streams  of  water.  This  domain  ma}^,  therefore,  have  been  called 
Coyoapan.  The  name  of  this  domain  is  set  down  over  the  last  field 
in  the  first  row. 

The  third  field  in  the  third  row  has  no  hieroglyph  at  the  top. 
Perhaps  the  same  one  should  be  here  Avhich  is  over  the  fourth  field 
in  the  second  row  and  over  the  second  field  in  the  fourth  row,  and 
also  over  the  third  field  in  the  row  to  the  right  of  the  fragment  (plate 
xiii).  It  consists  of  a  flag  and  two  rows  of  teeth.  The  name  of  the 
domain  may  have  been  Pantlan  or  Pancamac.  Over  the  second  field 
in  the  fourth  roAV  there  is  a  stream  of  water  in  addition  to  the  flag. 

The  hieroglyph  over  the  fourth  field  in  the  third  row  is  somewhat 
effaced ;  but  I  think  that  it  is  meant  for  the  same  hieroglyph  that 
is  over  the  fourth  field  in  the  first  roAV,  and  over  the  third  field  in  the 
second  row,  which  consists  of  the  picture  of  a  hand  and  a  stream  of 
water.  The  same  liieroglyph  probably  occurred  also  over  the  third 
field  in  the  fourth  row.  In  its  ])lace  there  is  a  hole  in  the  page,  and 
the  edge  of  the  paper  is  somewhat  turned  down;  but  the  stream  of 
water  belonging  to  this  fourth  hieroglyph  is  still  plainly  discernible 
under  the  turned-down  edge. 

The  fifth  field  in  the  third  row  has  above  it  a  hieroglyph,  which 
occurs  nowhere  else  in  what  is  preserved  of  the  other  rows.  It  con- 
sists of  a  fruit  tree,  a  small  flag,  and  a  stream  of  water. 

The  hieroglyph  over  the  sixth  field  in  the  third  row  consists  of  the 
symbol  zaca-tl,  ''grass"  (painted  yelloAv),  and  a  stream  of  water. 


«  See  J.  Bautista  Pomar,  Relacion  de  Tetzcoco,  manuscript. 


SELER]  MEXICAN  PICTURE   WRITINGS  FRAGMENT  VIII  205 


It  is  evidently  the  same  hieroglyph  as  that  over  the  foiii-th  field  in 
the  fourth  row,  which,  in  addition  to  the  grass  and  water,  has  also  a 
set  of  teeth  (tlan-tli,  "  tooth  ")  and  a  small  flag  (pan-tli). 

The  seventh  hieroglyph  occurs  in  all  four  rows.  It  is  over  the 
sixth  field  in  the  first,  the  fifth  field  in  the  second,  tlie  seventh  field  in 
the  third,  and  the  sixth  field  in  the  fourth  row.  It  consists  of  a 
green  bush  and  a  stream  of  water. 

The  eighth  hieroglyph  likeivise  occurs  in  all  of  the  four  rows:  in 
the  seventh  field  of  the  first,  the  sixtii  field  of  the  second,  the  eighth 
of  the  third,  and  the  fifth  field  of  the  fourth  row.  It  is  the  picture 
of  a  bird. 

Another  separate  domain  may  possibly  be  designated  over  the  sec- 
ond field  of  the  row  on  the  unfinished  right  side.  A  small  flag  is 
recognizable.  Whatever  else  may  have  been  there  is  now  obliterated. 
We  see,  then,  that  the  hieroglyphs  over  the  fields,  which,  it  seems  tol- 
erably certain,  represent  the  names  of  the  domains,  exhibit  a  consid- 
erable variety.  We  have  been  able  to  count  eight  or  nine  of  them. 
Of  the  hierogl3^phs  on  the  surface  of  the  fields,  only  three  kinds  can 
be  distinguished,  which,  as  will  appear  immediately,  must  have  been 
intended  to  express  various  qualities  of  soil. 

The  first  presents  the  hieroglyph  te-tl,  "  stone  ",  and  a  series  of  fine 
dots  proceeding  from  it,  undoubtedly  indicating  sand  (xalli).  (See 
/i,  figure  45,  xalpan  milli,  that  is,  the  arable  field,  xalpan,  "  in  the 
sand  Goupil-Bobaii  atlas,  page  34.)  This  hieroglyph,  then,  would 
denote  stony,  sandy  soil,  which  the  Mexicans  called  tetlalli  xallalli. 

The  second  hieroglyph  which  we  see,  for  instance,  in  the  second 
field  of  the  third  row,  shoAvs  the  picture  of  a  maize  plant  (toctli), 
with  the  tassel  (painted  yellow)  at  the  top  and  the  ear  (painted  red) 
having  long  drooping  bunches  of  silk  lower  down  at  the  left  of  the 
stalk.  Beside  it,  on  the  right,  is  a  stream  of  w^ater  (a-tl)  and  below  it 
a  row  of  teeth  (tlan-tli).  These  three  elements  together  give  the 
word  atoctlan,  that  is,  "rich  in  a-toctli  (fertile  vegetable  mold)." 
Compare  Sahagun,  volume  2,  chapter  12,  section  3 :  A  la  tierra  fertil 
para  sembrar,  y  donde  se  hace  mucho  lo  que  se  siembra  en  ella,  llaman 
a-toctli,  que  quiere  clecir,  tierra  que  el  agua  ha  traido:  es  blanca, 
suelta,  hueca  y  suave;  es  tierra  donde  se  hace  mucho  maiz  6  trigo 
("  earth  fertile  to  sow  seed  in,  and  w4iere  that  which  is  sowed  increases 
greatly,  they  call  a-toctli,  which  is  to  say,  earth  which  the  water  has 
brought:  it  is  light,  loose,  rich,  and  smooth;  it  is  earth  which  pro- 
duces much  corn  or  wheat  ").  It  is,  however,  possible  that  the  row^  of 
teeth  here  is  not  meant  to  express  the  whole  syllable  "  tlan  ",  but  only 
"  tla  ",  in  which  case  it  might  stand  for  tlalli,  "  earth  ",  so  that  we 
should  have  atoc-tlalli.  This  seems  to  me  probable  on  account  of 
what  follows. 


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The  third  hieroglyph,  which  occurs,  for  instance,  in  the  fifth 
field  of  the  third  row,  shows  at  the  top  a  tree  (quan-itl),  below  it  a 
jug  (com-itl),  and  below  that  the  row  of  teeth  (tlan-tli)  ;  these  ele- 
ments give  us  the  word  quauh-con-tlan,  or  quauh-con-tlalli,  and  the 
latter  may  perhaps  be  resolved  into  quauhtlalli,  contlalli.  Quauh- 
tlalli  is  wood  soil.  Sahagun  says,  volume  2,  chapter  12,  section  3 :  Hay 
otra  manera  de  tierra  fertil,  donde  se  hace  muy  bien  el  maiz  y  trigo, 
llamanla  quauhtlalli,  que  quiere  decir,  tierra  que  esta  estercolada  con 
maderos  j^odridos,  es  suelta,  aitiarilla,  y  hueca  there  is  another 
sort  of  fertile  soil,  in  which  corn  and  wheat  flourish  very  well,  they 
call  it  quauhtlalli,  which  is  to  say,  earth  which  has  been  manured  with 
rotten  wood,  it  is  soft,  rich,  and  golden").  And  contlalli  is  clay. 
Sahagun  says,  volume  2,  chapter  12,  section  5  :  Hay  barro  en  esta  tierra 
para  hacer  loza  y  basijas,  es  muy  bueno  y  muy  pegajoso;  amasanla 
con  aquellos  pelos  de  los  tallos  de  las  espadahas,  y  llamase  texoquitl  y 
contlalli :  de  este  barro  se  hacen  comales,  escudillas,  platos,  y  toda 
manera  de  loza  ("  there  is  clay  in  this  earth  for  making  tiles  and 
pots,  it  is  very  good  and  very  easily  molded;  they  knead  it  with 
fibers  of  the  shoots  of  reed  mace,  and  they  call  it  texoquitl  and  con- 
tlalli:  of  this  clay  they  make  plates,  bowls,  dishes,  and  all  manner  of 
pottery  The  same  earth  is  described  in  the  preceding  section  3,  as 
follows:  Hay  otra  (tierra)  pegajosa  bueiui  para  hacer  barro  de 
paredes  y  suelos  para  los  tlapancos;  es  fertil,  pues  se  hace  bien  el 
maiz  y  trigo  there  is  another  kind  (of  earth)  good  to  mold  so  as  to 
make  clay  for  walls  and  floors  for  the  tlapancos;  it  is  fertile,  since 
corn  and  wheat  do  Avell  in  it ''). 

The  three  hieroglyphs  in  the  center  of  the  fields  would  there- 
fore denote  sandy  or  stony  soil,  vegetable  mold,  and  clayey  soil.  It  is 
to  be  noted  that  the  hieroglyphs  on  the  upper  side  of  the  fields  and 
those  in  the  middle  of  the  fields  always  have  a  certain  regular  relation 
to  each  other,  that  is,  the  various  domains  shoAV  a  distinct  qual- 
ity of  soil.  Thus  domain  1  has  sandy  soil :  2  has  vegetable  mold ;  3 
has  sandy  soil ;  in  4  vegetable  mold  is  given  in  three  cases,  but  in  the 
third  field  of  the  fourth  row,  if  it  belongs  to  this  domain,  is  a  clayey 
soil;  domain  5  has  clayey  soil;  domain  6,  likewise  partly  vegetable 
mold,  partly  clay ;  domain  7  has  vegetable  mold  throughout ;  domain 
8,  nothing  but  clayey  soil. 

On  the  last  page  of  the  A^ergara  codex,  the  third  of  those  pages  of 
that  manuscript  Avhich  are  reproduced  in  the  Goupil-Boban  atlas 
(plate  39),  the  quality  of  the  soil  in  the  fields  is  likewise  stated,  and  it 
seems  in  every  case  to  be  partly  stoney  and  partly  sandy  soil  (see  6, 
and  c,  figure  45). 

Before  every  row  of  fields  on  our  fragment  (plate  xiii),  and  also  on 
page  34  of  the  Goupil-Boban  atlas  and  in  the  Vergara  codex,  there  is 
a  drawing  of  the  person  who  is  declared  to  be  the  owner  of  the  fields 


SKLEUj 


MEXICAN  PICTURE   WRITINGS  FRAGMENT  Vlll 


207 


ill  (iiiestion.  These  persons,  as  1  have  said,  are  designated  phiinly, 
not  only  by  a  hieroglyph,  but  also  by  the  name  written  beside  it. 
Here,  therefore,  it  is  eas}^  to  decipher  the  hieroglyphs.  But  it  should 
be  noticed  that,  as  a  matter  of  course,  the  Spanish  name  is  not  taken 
into  account.  Moreover,  we  must  omit  some  letters,  which  stand  after 
the  names  and  are  probably  an  abbreviation  of  a  Nauatl  word.  xVfter 
the  names  of  the  persons  in  the  second  and  third  row  we  read  the 
syllables  omo;  after  those  of  the  person  in  the  fourth  row  and  of  the 
one  on  the  right  of  the  fragment,  the  syllables  aya°.  I  am  inclined  to 
regard  the  latter  as  an  abbreviation  of  ayamo,  "  not  yet  and,  accord- 
ingly, the  former  must  be  an  abbreviation  of  omotlali,  "  he  was 
installed  ",  "  he  has  been  confirmed  ",  or  something  similar. 

The  hieroglyphs  are  of  complex  structure,  and  the  pictures  em- 
ployed, like  those  in  the  Vergara  codex,  are  not  always  used  according 
to  the  full  value  of  their  syllables,  so  that  there  is  presented  a  phase 
of  transition  from  the  old  symbolic  and  syllabic  mode  of  Avriting  to  a 
kind  of  phonetic  writing. 

The  first  person,  the  one  in  the  second  row,  according  to  the  explan- 
ator}^  note,  bears  the  name  Damian  xotlanj.  The  hieroglyph  is  com- 
posed of  some  flowers,  two  roAvs  of  teeth,  and  the  figure  of  a  sitting 
man.  The  floAvers  (xoch-tli)  give  the  syllable  xo ;  the  teeth  (tlantli), 
the  syllable  tlan.  The  seated  man  I  take  to  mean  omotlalli,  "  he  was 
installed into  Avhich,  as  I  said,  the  omo  after  the  name  xotlani 
should  be  expanded. 

The  second  person,  the  one  in  the  third  row,  bears  the  name  Luys 
Netlacahujl.  The  hierogl3^ph  shoAvs  us  a  doll,  a  roAv  of  teeth,  a  basket 
of  tamales  (filled  dumplings  made  of  Indian  corn),  and  a  utensil  like 
a  skillet.  Beside  it  is  the  same  seated  figure.  The  doll  (nenetl) 
gives  the  syllable  ne;  the  teeth  (tlan-tli),  the  syllable  tla.  The 
tamales  and  the  skillet,  Avhich  is  doubtless  supposed  to  be  filled  Avith 
chili,  or  red  pepper,  sauce  giA^e  the  syllable  cauil.  Nino  tlacauilia 
(deriA^ed  from  caua,  "  to  stay  behind  ")  means  "  I  keep  something  for 
myself  ",  or  "  I  am  taking  a  meal netlacauiliztli,  "  the  meal  (meri- 
enda)".  The  person  seated  is  again  to  be  taken  as  an  expression  of 
omo,  that  is,  omotlali,  "  he  Avas  installed  ". 

The  name  of  the  person  in  the  fourth  roAV  is  Pedro  Ylhuj.  The 
hieroglyph  is  a  remarkably  couAentionalized  repeated  ATrticillate 
figure  in  bright  colors,  red  and  yellow  with  a  blue  diagonal  part,  and 
a  yellow  feather.  Here  the  yelloAv  feather  probably  denotes  an  ele- 
ment not  expressed  in  the  name  as  it  is  Avritten.  The  man's  name 
may  really  have  been  Ilhuitoz,  for  toztli  is  the  yelloAv  parrot  feather 
(or  one  artificial^  dyed  yelloAv).  The  front  part  consists  of  two 
squares,  each  of  Avhich  shoAvs  tAvo  little  tongues  put  together  after  the 
manner  of  a  sAvastika,  or  fylfot,  Avhich  is  undoubtedly  meant,  like  h 


208 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


i\nd    figure  46,  to  express  the  word  il-hui-tl,  that  is,  "  the  sun's  orb 

day  ",  "  festival  I  drew  attention  to  this  figure  some  years  ago," 
but  did  not  at  that  time  interpret  it  correctly.  It  occurs  oh  Mexican 
sculptures  in  the  Berlin  Royal  Museum  of  Ethnology  (Z,  figure  45)  on 
the  piece  opposite  the  picture  of  the  chalchiuitl,  the  luminous,  bril- 
liant bead  of  jadeite.  This  simple  verticillate  symbol  (n,  sanje  fig- 
ure) also  occurs  on  the  celestial  shields  in  Maya  manuscripts  in 
connection  with  all  sorts  of  variants  of  the  sun  hieroglyph,  o. 

The  last  person  on  the  imperfect  right  side  of  the  fragment  is 
called,  in  the  accompanying  note,  Antonio  Totoli  Pilhuehue.  Totol 
i-pil  means  "  the  young  turkey  ",  and  this  is  expressed  in  the  hiero- 


m       )i  o  P  9. 


Fig.  46.    Mexican  symbols  for  various  articles. 

glyph  by  the  picture  of  a  bird  with  short  wings.  But  I  am  not  clear 
as  to  the  other  element  below  it  or  what  syllable  it  is  meant  to  express. 

From  all  that  we  can  make  out  and  determine  on  fragment  VIII 
(plate  XIII ) ,  it  is  perfectly  obvious  that  it  is  very  closely  analogous,  on 
the  one  hand,  to  our  fragment  VI  (plate  xi)  and,  on  the  other  hand, 
to  page  34  of  the  Goupil-Boban  atlas  and  the  so-called  Vergara  codex. 
The  most  striking  characteristic  of  all  these  manuscripts  is  the  pecul- 
iar s^^stem  of  notation — the  ones  being  denoted  by  marks  instead  of 
dots  and  always  combined  in  groups  of  five — and  also  the  complicated 


«  Zeitschrift  fur  Ethnologie,  1888,  v.  20,  pp.  53  and  55. 


sjoLEK]       MEXICAK   PICTURE   WRITINGS  FRAflMKNTS   IX-XII  209 


coiupositiou  of  the  hierog*l3q)lis,  which  ai)pr<)xiinates  sylhihic  and  |)h()- 
netic  writing.  All  the  manuscripts  of  this  kind  seem  to  liave  origin- 
ated within  the  boundaries  of  the  ancient  kingdom  of  Tezcuco,  and  it 
seems  that  this  local  element,  rather  than  the  time  of  their  origin, 
ought  to  be  taken  into  account  in  explaining  these  peculiar  features, 
for  the  Pintura  del  Gobernador,  Alcaldes  y  Regidores  de  Mexico 
(Osuna  codex),  which  is  later  than  our  fragment  VI  (i)late  xi), 
counts  with  dots  instead  of  marks.  We  know  that  Te/cuco  was 
anciently  regarded  as  the  seat  of  refined  culture  and  of  a  certain  kind 
of  scholarship ;  but  Tezcuco  was  also  the  first  to  adapt  its  native  ele- 
ments, in  a  certain  measure,  to  the  customs  and  civilization  of  the 
foreign  conqueror.  As  long,  therefore,  as  the  same  peculiar  features 
occur  in  the  manuscripts  quoted  (Vergara  codex  and  others)  in 
genuine  old  pre-Spanish  documents  I  shall  still  incline  to  attribute 
this  development  to  the  Spanish  period.  For  this  reason  I  can  not 
consider  these  documents  of  the  great  importance  which  Aubin  and 
others  attach  to  them. 

FRAGMENTS  IX,  X,  XI,  AND  XII 

These  four  fragments  are  alike  in  character.  Fragments  IX  (plate 
xiv)  and  X  (plate  xv)  evidently  were  once  a  single  strip,  as  w^ere  also 
fragjnents  XI  (plate  xvi)  and  XII  (plate  xvii).  Fragments  X 
(plate  XV )  and  XII  (plate  xvii)  have  a  line  across  the  top,  cut  with  a 
sharp  instrument;  in  XII  (plate  xvii)  the  cut  follow^s  a  line  drawn 
across  the  fragment,  parts  of  which  are  to  be  seen  at  the  bottom  of 
fragment  XI  (plate  xvi).  The  strips  are  all  of  the  same  w^idth, 
about  17  cm.  Fragments  X  and  XI  (plates  xv  and  xvi)  together  are 
98  cm.  in  length,  which  is  therefore  the  length  of  the  wdiole  strip 
originally.  Fragments  XI  (plate  xvi)  and  XII  (plate  xvii^  together 
are  146^  cm.,  the  original  length  of  the  second  strip.  The  first  strip 
was  once  longer  above.  There  are  still  faint  traces  of  drawings 
there.  The  second  strip  seems  to  have  been  cut  off  sharply  at  the 
bottom;  moreover,  one  corner  has  been  cut  out  with  the  scissors.  It 
would  seem,  then,  that  this  strip  was  also  longer.  The  drawings  are 
done  in  ink  w4th  a  coarse  pen,  and  decidedly  resemble  the  illustrations 
on  fragment  XV  (j^late  xx),  and  also  somewhat  those  of  ecclesiastical 
subjects  on  fragment  XVI  (plate  xxi).  The  colors  used  are  crimson 
and  yellow,  while  for  the  stone  wall  on  fragment  XII  (plate  xvii)  a 
blackish  ink  has  been  employed.  The  circles  and  squares  in  the  low- 
est division  of  fragment  IX  (plate  xiv)  are  painted  crimson.  So, 
too,  are  the  tubs  Avhicli  the  three  rows  of  Indians  in  the  upper  divi- 
sion of  fragment  XI  (plate  xvi)  carry  on  their  backs,  the  transverse 
rows  over  and  under  them,  and  the  hat,  coat,  and  footgear  of  the 
7238— No.  28— O  :  14 


210 


BUKEAU  OF  AMEKICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


Spaniard;  so  also  is  the  carpenter's  ax  on  fragment  X  (plate  xv). 
All  else,  if  colored  at  all,  is  painted  yellow. 

As  for  the  general  character  of  this  manuscript,  the  figure  of  the 
Spaniard,  on  fragment  XI  (plate  xvi),  Avho  is  pulling  two  Indians 
along  by  a  rope  and  the  four  Indians,  on  fragment  X  (plate  xv) ,  who, 
with  their  hands  bound  behind  their  backs,  hang  upon  a  sort  of  gal- 
lows, show  that  this  is  a  bill  of  complaint.  The  Indians  enter  com- 
plaint of  oppression  on  the  part  of  the  Spaniards  of  ill  treatment, 
work  unjustly  required,  and  of  supplies  unpaid  for.  This  is  there- 
fore a  document  similar  to  the  Pintura  del  Gobernador,  Alcaldes  y 
Regidores  de  Mexico,  which  was  discovered  in  the  archives  of  the 
Duke  of  Osuna.  But  our  manuscript  unfortunately  is  not  provided 
with  text ;  therefore  a  degree  of  uncertainty  will  always  attach  to  the 
interpretations. 

Among  the  various  illustrations,  I  will  first  draw  attention  to  the 
one  at  the  top  of  fragment  XI  (plate  xvi).  Here  we  see  the  head 
of  an  Indian  and  behind  it  his  hieroglyph,  a  white  roll,  probably 
meant  to  represent  paper  (amatl)  (see  rt,  figure  46,  from  the  tribute 
list  in  the  Mendoza  codex,  page  27,  and  described  in  the  text  as  "  papel 
de  la  tierra  ").  After  this  conies  a  house,  with  walls  evidently  sup- 
posed to  be  built  of  reeds,  like  the  xacalli  in  the  lower  part  of  frag- 
ment II  (plate  vii).  But  the  roof  is  different.  It  looks  as  though 
there  had  been  an  attempt  to  draw  the  prickl}^  point  of  an  agave  leaf 
on  the  house.  These  sharp  points  of  the  agave  leaf  were  called  uitztli, 
"  thorn  and  uitztli,  or  uitzoctli,  "  pricking  pulque  was  also  the 
name  given  to  newly  fermented  pulque,  the  intoxicating  drink  pre- 
pared from  the  juice  of  the  agave."  That  there  is  here  a  reference  to 
something  of  the  kind  appears  from  what  follows  the  house  in  the 
drawing.  We  see  there  three  jugs  with  basket-work  covering,  fur- 
nished with  straw  or  rope  handles. 

This  illustration  is  valuable  in  itself,  as  it  incidentally  throws 
light  upon  the  locality  and  the  outward  circumstances.  We  are 
forced  to  conclude  that  there  is  a  reference  here  to  occurrences  on  a 
pulque  hacienda.  Furthermore,  we  learn  from  the  jugs  on  fragment 
XI  (plate  xvi)  that  the  peculiar  design  to  be  seen  on  them  and  simi- 
lar objects  represented  on  these  fragments  (an  unpainted  white  border 
with  a  stripe  running  through  it  on  one  side)  is  meant  for  the  mouth 
of  a  vessel.  The  artist  may  have  had  in  mind  a  vessel  with  a  sort  of 
lip  or  spout  which  was  formed  by  narrowing  the  mouth  at  one  side. 
We  find  the  same  design  on  the  two  transverse  rows  of  red,  four- 
cornered  objects  corded  with  ropes,  which  are  represented  in  the 
ujDper  portion  of  fragment  XI  (plate  xvi),  as  well  as  on  the  similar 
objects  painted  yellow  to  be  seen  in  the  two  transverse  rows  at  the 


«  Sahagun,  v.  4,  chap.  5. 


I.  ■ 
I 


> 

X 
HI 

I- 


< 
UJ 

cc 

3 


sioMiKl      MEXICAN  riCTlTKK   WRITINGS  FRAGMENTS  IX-XIl  211 


bottom  of  fragment  X  (plate  xv)  directly  above  the  Indians  hanging 
on  the  gallows;  furthermore,  I  believe  that  these  and  the  four- 
cornered  objects  made  of  yellow  staves  and  corded  round  the  middle, 
shown  at  the  top  of  fragment  X  (plate  xv),  are  all  meant  to  repre- 
sent vessels,  nameh^,  wooden  butts  or  casks  for  pulque  or  brandy.  I 
think  that  I  see  further  proof  of  this  in  two  other  facts:  in  the  first 
place,  because,  as  we  shall  see,  the  delivery  of  w^ood  and  of  wooden 
utensils  is  noted  elsewhere  on  our  fragment;  and,  further,  because 
we  find  a  snake  above  the  objects  which  I  have  explained  to  be  butts 
or  casks — the  red  ones  at  the  top  of  fragment  XI  (plate  xvi).  The 
snake  was  often  introduced  into  ancient  pictures  when  pulque  jugs 
w^ere  to  be  represented.  The  ring  or  base  on  which  the  pulque  jug 
stands  is  most  frequently  formed  of  the  coils  of  a  snake. 

The  three  rows  of  Indians  on  fragment  XI  (plate  xvi)  with  sticks 
in  their  hands  carrying  on  their  backs  tubs  which  are  bound  to  a 
ladderlike  frame  (cacaxtli),  would  illustrate  the  transportation  of 
pidque,  which  labor  the  Spaniards  imposed  upon  the  Indians.  In 
the  same  connection  I  am  inclined  to  believe  that  the  two  Indians  on 
fragment  XII  (plate  x\u)  with  great  pots  upon  their  backs  are 
meant  to  represent  the  bringing  or  transportation  of  condensed  agave 
juice  (see  Z>,  figure  IG),  which  is  in  the  tribute  list,  Mendoza  codex, 
]:)ages  29  and  77,  and  explained  in  the  text  as  miel  de  maguey  espesa 
''thickened  maguey  honey").  The  two  Indians  at  the  bottom  of 
fragment  XI  (plate  xvi)  with  the  small  jugs  on  their  backs  might 
convey  the  same  idea,  or  perhaps  they  are  bringing  real  honey  (see  the 
similar  l)ut  smaller  figure  in  the  tribute  list  of  the  Mendoza  codex, 
page  38,  which  is  explained  in  the  text  as  cantarillo  de  miel  de  abeja 
("  small  jug  of  bee's  honey  "). 

The  drawing  at  the  bottom  of  fragment  XII  (plate  xvii)  is  also 
perfectly  intelligible.  Here  we  see  three  slaughtered  pigs.  It  is 
obvious  from  the  shape  of  the  hoofs  that  they  are  meant  for  pigs,  and 
that  they  are  supposed  to  be  slaughtered  is  plainly  indicated  by  the 
red  color  under  the  snout;  but  if  these  are  pigs,  then  it  is  clear 
that  the  animal's  head  in  the  ten  or  eleven  rows  of  baskets,  which  are 
bound  to  a  ladder-shaped  carrying  frame  (cacaxtli),  on  fragments 
XI  (plate  xvi)  and  XII  (plate  xvii),  must  likewise  signify  pork. 
If  this  should  not  be  perfectly  plain  to  anyone,  I  would  refer  him  to 
the  lowest  row,  on  fragment  XII  (plate  xvii),  where  the  pig's  foot  is 
distinctly  draAvn  in  addition  to  the  pig's  head. 

The  great  majority  of  other  representations  deal  with  the  delivery 
of  w^ood  and  w^ooden  utensils.  The  long  pieces  wdth  a  hole  at  the  end, 
in  fragments  X  (plate  xv)  and  XII  (plate  xvii)  represent  beams  (see 

figure  46,  which  is  explained  in  the  tribute  list,  Mendoza  codex, 
page  34,  as  vigas  grandes — "  large  beams")..  The  smaller  and  more 


212 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


slender  pieces  probably  represent  boards  and  laths  (see  d  and  e, 
which  are  explained  in  the  tribute  list,  Mendoza  codex,  pages  25  and 
28,  as  tablones  de  madera  grandes  and  morillos  de  madera — "  large 
wooden  planks").  The  large  round  circles  and  the  broad  four-cor- 
nered pieces  may  be  meant  for  table  tops  or  possibly  blocks  of  wood. 
Moreover,  on  fragments  IX  (plate  xiv)  and  X  (plate  xv)  there  are 
drawings  of  pieces  of  bent  wood ;  on  fragment  X  (plate  xv)  two  rows 
of  seats;  and  on  fragments  X  (plate  xv)  and  XI  (jDlate  xvi),  draw^- 
ings  which  seem  to  be  bedsteads.  The  objects  in  the  row  at  the  bot- 
tom of  fragment  IX  (plate  xiv)  are  probably  meant  for  lath  frames 
or  sleeping  benches,  for  we  find  very  similar  figures  drawn  on  page 
34  of  the  Goupil-Boban  atlas  imder  the  name  of  tlapechtli,  rendered 
tablado,  andamio,  cama  de  tablas  ("  framework,  scaffolding,  a  broad 
bed"),  Molina  (see  /,  figure  40).  Finally,  carpentry  is  clearly  de- 
noted by  the  figure  of  a  carpenter  (tlaxinqui)  with  an  ax  (tlaximal- 
tepoztli)  in  his  hand  (see  //,  Avhich  designates  carpenters,  carpinteros, 
in  the  Pinturna  del  Gobernador,  Alcaldes  y  Regidores  de  Mexico). 

And,  lastly,  the  delivery  of  stone  or  masonry  is  represented  on 
fragment  IX  (plate  xiv)  by  a  heap  of  stones,  and  near  the  lower  end 
of  fragment  XII  delate  xvii)  by  a  roAV  of  stones. 

If,  then,  we  read  the  details  correctly,  complaints  are  made  in  our 
manuscript,  first,  at  the  bottom  of  fragment  X  (plate  xv),  of  ill  treat- 
ment; then,  of  compulsory  labor,  at  the  top  of  fragment  XI  (plate 
xvi)  ;  and,  lastly,  of  unjust  requisitions  of  or  failure  to  pay  for  wood 
and  various  wood  articles,  pulque  casks,  stone,  and  pork. 

FRAGMENT  XIII 

This  is  a  strip  of  tolerably  thin  fine  agave  paper,  49  by  31  cm.  in 
size  (plate  xviii).  Only  the  lower  half  is  written  on,  and  of  this 
only  the  lower  portions  are  colored,  the  upper  part  being  merely  out- 
lined, that  is,  unfinished,  a  proof  that  here,  too,  the  writer  began  in 
the  old  way,  at  the  lower  end  of  the  strip,  proceeding  upward  with  his 
entries.  The  lower  end  is  imperfect;  but,  judging  by  the  space  occu- 
pied by  the  Spanish  document  Avritten  on  the  reverse  side,  there  can 
not  be  much  missing.  At  any  rate,  there  was  no  other  row  beneath 
the  lowest  one. 

The  document  is  of  precisely  the  same  character  as  one  of  the 
manuscripts  which  passed  from  the  collection  of  the  Hon  Joel  R. 
Poinsett,  formerly  United  States  minister  to  Mexico,  into  the  pos- 
session of  the  American  Philosophical  Society,  in  Philadelphia, 
and  which  is  published  in  the  Transactions  of  the  American  Philo- 
sophical Society,  new  series,  volume  12,  part  2,  article  4  (Phila- 
delphia, 1892),  under  the  title  Tribute  Roll  4  (Calendar  1).  There, 
as  here,  we  see  circles  painted  yellow  alternating  with  red  circles 


ff  r 


SELERl 


MEXICAN  PICTURE  WRITINGS — FRAGMENT  XIII 


213 


containing  a  verticillate  drawing,  a  sort  of  swastika.  Tliere  are 
always  six  ^^ellow  circles  between  the  red  ones,  which  is  a  clear  proof 
that  the  yellow  circles  are  meant  for  week  days,  the  red  ones  for 
Sundays.  Indeed,  the  Avhirling  figuiv  of  tlie  swastika  is  only  a  some- 
what different  form  of  the  sign  {h  and  /,  figure  IG)  which  the  Mexi- 
cans used  for  the  word  ilhuitl,  which  meant  "  day  but  in  a  special 
sense  "  feast  day  ",  "  festival  In  the  manuscript  of  the  American 
Philosophical  Society  we  must  begin  with  the  lowest  row  on  the 
right,  follow  this  to  the  left,  and  the  next  from  left  to  right,  and 
so  on,  back  and  forth.  Wherever  a  new  month  begins  the  series 
of  week  days  is  interrupted  by  the  picture  of  the  moon,  which  is 
alternately  drawn  facing  to  the  right  and  the  left  (see  k  and  Z,  same 
figure),  and  is  not  to  be  included  in  counting  the  series  of  days. 
Proceeding  from  below  upward,  we  have,  in  succession,  first  a  month 
of  31  clays,  then  one  of  30  days,  again  31  days,  30  days,  31  da3^s, 
and,  lastly,  31  days  once  more.  This  last  month  must,  therefore, 
have  been  August  or  January,  the  first  one  March  or  August.  On 
our  fragment  (plate  xviii)  the  sign  for  the  first  day  of  the  month  is 
missing.  The  rows  are  probably  to  be  followed  back  and  forth,  as 
described  above,  as  we  are  led  to  conclude  by  certain  facts  which  will 
be  mentioned  below.  But  the  true  circumstances  can  no  longer  be 
determined  because  several  days  have  been  cut  away  with  scissors 
from  the  right-hand  side  of  the  page. 

Over  each  separate  day  on  our  fragment  there  is  a  woman's  head, 
recognizable  by  the  two  erect  hornlike  braids  over  the  forehead — 
the  hair  dress  of  Mexican  women  (see  r,  figure  37).  This  can  hardly 
mean  anything  else  than  that  on  the  da^^s  in  question  women  were 
commanded  to  do  service.  The  heads  are  arranged  over  the  days 
in  pairs,  facing  each  other,  and  between  the  two  faces  there  is  always 
a  little  flag,  the  hieroglyphic  expression  for  the  number  20.  In 
the  two  upper  rows  the  matter  is  simplified.  Only  one  head  is 
draw^n  and  this  is  connected  by  a  straight  line  w^ith  two  consecu- 
tive da^^s,  the  number  20  standing  beside  the  single  head.  At  the 
left  end  of  the  lowest  row  an  odd  day  was  left  over.  The  woman's 
head  is  placed  over  this,  but  only  the  half  of  20,  the  numeral  10, 
is  added,  and  this  is  correct.  But,  in  addition,  this  odd  day  is  con- 
nected with  an  odd  day  at  the  left  end  of  the  second  row  from 
the  bottom,  and  then,  pleonastically,  as  it  were,  the  numeral  20 
is  placed  between  them.  All  this  can  hardly  be  explained  except- 
ing on  the  assumption  that  the  shifts  of  workers  were  changed  every 

70  days,  that  is,  that  different  women  came  every  two  days.  But 
i.ie  fact  that  the  writer  passed  from  the  left  end  of  the  lowest  row 
to  the  left  end  of  the  next  higher  proves  that  he  began  at  the  right- 
hand  lower  corner,  as  in  the  case  of  the  document  of  the  American 


214 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


Philosophical  Society,  and  followed  the  rows  back  and  forth,  always 
connecting  directly  with  the  last  end.  But  there  seems  to  be  a 
hiatus  at  the  left  end  of  the  third  row.  The  writer  must  have  begun 
anew  here,  that  is,  at  the  right  of  the  fourth  row.  In  the  manuscript 
of  the  American  Philosophical  Society  a  woman's  head  is  likewise 
always  joined  with  two  days.  Thus  the  shifts  of  workers  must  then 
also  have  been  changed  every  two  days.  There  are  no  numerals  with 
the  heads. 

The  chief  service  in  which  women  have  been  employed  among  all 
the  tribes  has  always  been  cooking.  With  the  Mexicans  this  was  an 
especially  important  office,  as  the  chief  article  of  diet,  the  tortilla 
(tlaxcalli),  could  not  be  prepared  in  large  quantities  to  be  kept,  like 
our  bread,  but  was  freshly  prepared  by  a  somewhat  elaborate  process 
for  every  meal,  and  eaten  fresh  and  hot.  The  American  Philosophical 
Society's  manuscript  clearly  and  distinctly  shows  that  this  is  the 
feminine  office  alluded  to  in  our  manuscript,  because  in  one  instance 
beside  the  woman's  head  a  mealing  stone  (metlatl)  is  depicted  with 
the  pulverized  grain  on  it,  followed  by  the  baking  slab  {o,  figure  46), 
and  in  another  the  head  is  followed  by  a  dry  measure,  p,  which  in 
Mexican  painting  denoted  a  fanega  of  corn  (see  q,  taken  from  a 
page  in  the  Aubin-Goupil  collection,  Goupil-Boban  atlas,  plate  27). 
On  the  page  referred  to  there  are  five  such  measures  with  the  little 
flag  above  them  (20),  and  the  Spanish  text  below  explains  that  this 
means  100  fanegas  of  corn  (que  se  entiende  cien  hanegas  de  mahiz). 
But  since  not  only  the  mealing  stone,  but  also  the  corn  measure,  was 
drawn  beside  the  women's  heads,  I  think  it  can  be  safely  deduced  that 
the  account  represented  in  the  American  Philosophical  Society's  man- 
uscript noted  not  merelj'  the  service  performed,  but  also  the  material 
delivered. 

In  our  fragment  XIII  (plate  xviii)  no  such  objects  are  drawn 
beside  the  women's  heads.  But  the  writing  on  the  reverse  side  of  the 
page  proves  that  the  reference  is  to  similar  services.  The  manuscripts 
in  A.  von  Humboldt's  collection  are,  as  I  have  already  stated,  with  the 
exception  of  the  first,  pasted  upon  large  sheets  of  paper  of  the  size  of 
the  atlas  of  which  this  is  the  descriptive  text.  In  examining  frag- 
ment XIII  (plate  xviii),  which  is  rather  thin  paper,  it  first  occurred 
to  me  that  there  must  be  writing  on  the  reverse  side.  I  began  cau- 
tiously to  detach  it,  and  by  calling  in  expert  assistance  I  succeeded  in 
removing  the  sheet  uninjured  from  its  backing.  On  the  reverse  side 
I  found  the  following  document : 

Digo  yo  diego  hermano  del  mayordomo  deste  pueblo  de  misquia- 
guala  q.  resebi  del  sefior  manuel  de  olvera  coregidor  deste  dicho 
pueblo  101  peso  y  medio  de  las  yndias  quelles  q.  an  hecho  tortillas  en 
su  casa  y  me  a  pagado  todas  las  demas  q.  han  servido  hasta  oy.  fecho 


r  rler] 


MEXICAN  PICTURE  WRITINGS  FRAGMENT  XIII 


215 


a  veynte  y  nueve  de  mayo  de  mill  y  qiiiniento  y  scsenta  y  nueve  afios 

tg  mechior  de  contreras  y  galp  q.  firmo  per  el  otrgante 

ante  mi 

s  melchior  de  p.  de  palen  

contreras 

I,  Diego,  brother  of  the  bailiff  of  this  village  Mizquiyauallan, 
.icl  nowledge  that  I  have  received  from  Mr  Manuel  de  Olvera,  mag- 
istrate of  this  said  village,  101^  pesos  for  the  women  who  made  tor- 
tillas at  his  house,  and  (that)  he  has  paid  me  for  all  the  other 
(women)  who  have  performed  services  up  to  the  present  date.  Done 

on  May  29,  1569.    Witness,  Melchior  de  Contreras  y  Galp  

m  evidence  of  which  I  sign  for  him  who  executes  this  document. 
"  Melchior  de  Contreras. 

"  Before  me,  P.  de  Palen,  .") 


Fig.  47.    OHBcial  signatui-es. 


It  is  therefore  clear  that  this  fragment  XIII  was  likewise  an 
account,  one  indeed  of  services  rendered  by  women,  who  were  ordered 
to  bake  tortillas  and  to  do  other  work.  The  account  comes  from  the 
same  village  of  Mizquiyauallan,  to  which  the  account  on  fragment  VII 
(plate  XII )  of  our  collection  belongs,  and  the  reverse  contains  the 
receipt  for  wages  paid  for  these  services.  The  days  which  were  cut 
out  of  the  right  side  of  the  sheet  seem  to  represent  a  deduction,  a 
reduction  of  the  account  or  a  correction  to  which  the  person  present- 
ing it  w^as  obliged  to  submit.  This  document  is  tw^o  years  older  than 
that  on  fragment  YII  (plate  xii). 

As  for  the  persons  concerned,  the  receiver  of  the  money  is  the 
brother  of  the  major-domo  of  Mizquiyauallan,  and  is  mentioned  here, 
as  is  common  among  Indians,  merely  by  his  Christian  name,  Diego. 
The  major-domo's  name  is  not  given,  but  it  is  probable  that  he  is 


216 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


the  person  who  signed  the  receipt  on  fragment  VII  (plate  xii). 
There  the  major-domo  himself  signed  the  receipt  (a,  figure  47).  Here 
his  brother  does  not  know  how  to  write.    A  Spaniard,  Melchior  de 

Contreras  j  Galp  (c)  signs  for  him.    The  bill  is  paid  by  the 

same  Manuel  de  Olvera  mentioned  on  fragment  VII  (plate  xii). 
Here,  two  years  earlier,  he  was  corregidor;  that  is,  village  magis- 
trate. 

I  can  not  quite  decipher  the  signature  of  the  official  before  whom 
the  business  was  transacted,  d. 

Finall}^,  it  is  to  be  noticed  that  there  are  moreover  three  men's 
heads  on  our  fragment,  each  viith  a  hieroglyph  behind  or  over  it, 
which  undoubtedly  gives  the  name  of  the  man.  The  heads  with 
hieroglyphs  in  the  top  row  both  stand  at  the  beginning  of  a  section 
marked  by  a  line  of  partition.  The  same  seems  to  be  the  case  in  the 
second  row  from  the  top;  for  the  progression  here,  as  shown  by  the 
position  of  the  Avomen's  heads,  is  from  left  to  right,  although  the 
beginning  of  the  division  here  (at  the  left  end)  is  not  especially 
denoted  by  a  line.  In  exactly  the  same  way  a  man's  head  with  a 
hieroglyph  is  placed  at  the  beginning  of  a  section,  designated  by  a 
line,  in  the  document  of  the  American  Philosophical  Society.  These 
men's  heads  most  probably  represent  the  gobernadores  de  Indios  or 
the  village  magistrates  who  furnished  the  Avomen  to  bake  tortillas. 
The  man  on  the  left  end  of  the  second  row  from  the  top  has  the  head 
of  a  bird  of  prey  behind  him  as  a  hieroglyph.  His  name  may  have 
been  quauhti,  "  eagle  ",  cuixtli,  "  haAvk  or  something  of  the  kind. 
The  man  on  the  right  end  of  the  top  roAv  must  have  had  a  similar 
name.  The  man  at  the  left  end  of  the  top  row  has  a  hieroglyph 
Avhich  seems  to  consist  of  tAvo  pointed  leaf  ends,  Avith  thorns  on  the 
upper  surface.  This  may  be  the  hieroglyph  for  Uitznauatl,  for  in 
the  list  of  names  of  persons  of  Uexotzinco,  AA'here  Uitznauatl  is  a 
quite  common  name,  it  is  invariably  expressed  by  the  points  of  tAvo 
agave  leaA^es  draAvn  side  by  side.  It  is  very  remarkable  that  in  the 
document  of  the  American  Philosophical  Society  one  of  the  two 
men's  heads  represented  there,  the  one  at  the  left  end  of  the  third 
roAV  from  the  top,  is  marked  by  the  same  hieroglyph  (see  figure 
46).  The  one  at  the  right  end  of  the  fifth  roAv  was  probably  named 
Quiyauh,  for  his  hieroglyph  consists  of  three  drops  of  rain  hanging 
down  (or  falling)  (see  n,  same  figure). 

Fragment  XIII  (plate  xa^iii)  of  our  collection  and  the  Tribute 
Koll  4  (Calendar  1)  of  the  American  Philosophical  Society  are 
doubtless  distinct  and  independent  documents,  but  so  closely  akin  in 
idea,  in  draAving,  and  in  various  details,  that  Ave  can  safely  attribute 
them  to  the  same  locality  and  period.  Our  fragment  XIII  (plate 
xviii),  having  its  explanation  on  the  reverse  side,  is,  therefore,  a 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


MEXICAN  PAINTING-HU5 


BULLETIN  28    PLATE  XVIII 


OLDT   FRAGMENT  XIII 


SELEB] 


MEXICAN  PICTURE  WRITINGS  FRAGMENT  XIV 


217 


valuable  document  by  Avhicli  to  judge  the  manuscript  in  the  posses- 
sion of  the  American  Philosophical  Society. 

I  have  already  mentioned  that  fragment  VII  (plate  xii)  of  our 
collection,  which,  like  fragment  XIII  (plate  xviii),  now  under  dis- 
cussion, came  from  the  village  of  Mizquiyauallan,  seems  to  have 
belonged  to  the  Boturini  collection.  I  quoted  the  passage  in  Botu- 
rini's  Museo  Indiano  (Catalogo,  number  1,  section  21)  wliich  de- 
scribes these  manuscripts  from  Mizquiyauallan:  Tres  mapas  en  papel 
Indiano  como  faxas.  Tratan  de  los  tributos  que  pagaba  el  pueblo  de 
Mizquiahuallan,  y  en  el  se  ven  las  cifras  numericas  de  cada  cosa,  que 
entregaban  los  vecinos  Three  maps  on  Indian  paper  like  bands. 
They  treat  of  the  tribute  paid  by  the  village  of  Mizquiyauallan,  and 
contain  the  numerical  statement  of  each  article  furnished  by  the 
householders  "). 

Now,  if  the  one  page  of  the  Poinsett  collection,  at  present  belong- 
ing to  the  American  Philosophical  Society,  is  so  closely  related  to 
fragment  VII  (plate  xi)  of  our  collection,  and  the  other  to  our  frag- 
ment XIII  (plate  xviii)  that  we  feel  tempted  to  attribute  them  to  the 
same  place  and  date,  then  the  question  arises  whether  the  two  Amer- 
ican manuscripts  are  not  also  mentioned  in  Boturini.  This  seems, 
indeed,  to  be  the  case;  for,  directly  after  the  passage  quoted  above, 
two  other  and  longer  manuscripts  from  the  same  village  are  men- 
tioned in  section  21  of  the  Museo  Indiano,  under  numbers  2  and  4 : 

2.  Otro  [mapa]  de  la  misma  materia  y  mas  largo,  de  dicho  pueblo 
[Mizquiahuallan]  ("Another  [map]  of  the  same  material  and  larger 
from  the  same  village  [Mizquiyauallan]"). 

4.  Otro  del  mismo  papel  y  mas  largo  del  mismo  pueblo  ("Another 
on  the  same  paper  and  larger  from  the  same  village"). 

FRAGMENT  XIV 

This  (plate  xix)  is  a  piece  of  tolerably  thick,  firm  agave  paper,  34 
by  15  cm.  Near  the  upper  end  two  strips  have  been  pasted  one  over 
the  other.  The  frayed  end  of  the  strip  underneath  is  plainly  visible. 
Below  the  top  row  are  the  words  estan^ia  de  tlatonpan. 

The  fragment  may  be  divided  into  two  essentially  different  parts, 
an  upper  and  a  lower  one.  In  the  upper  part  everything  is  painted 
crimson  and  in  the  lower  yellow  predominates.  The  base  of  the 
upper  part  is  formed  b}^  a  strip  inclosed  Avithin  two  transverse  lines, 
in  which  are  three  men's  heads,  each  having  a  remarkable  character 
behind  it  which  looks  like  a  key.  Two  of  them  are,  moreover,  pro- 
vided with  special  hieroglyphs.  I  take  the  character  which  looks 
like  a  key  actually  to  be  one,  and  consider  it  as  an  expression  of  the 
word  tlatlati,  which  means  "  he  who  hides  something,  or  shuts  up  or 
guards  something  "  (el  que  guarda  alguna  cosa,  o  el  que  esconde  algo, 


218 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


Molina),  for  in  the  Xaltepetla2:>an  list  of  names  of  persons  (Manii- 
scrit  Mexicain  number  3,  Bibliotheque  Nationale)  I  find  mention  of 
a  man  named  Juan  Tlatlatin,  who  is  described  by  the  hieroglyph 
figure  48;  that  is,  by  a  hand  holding  up  a  key.  The  first  person 
from  the  right  seems  to  be  hieroglyphically  designated  by  two  horns 
on  his  head.  His  name  may  therefore  have  been  Quaquauh  (see  h 
and  c,  same  figure),  which  in  the  list  of  names  of  persons  (Manuscrit 
Mexicain  number  3,  Bibliotheque  Nationale)  denote  persons  of  that 
name.  The  second  person  seems  to  be  hieroglyphically  designated 
by  a  stone  (te-tl)  and  water  (a-tl).  The  third  person  has  no  hiero- 
glyph, and  I  can  not  interpret  the  circular  design  in  front  of  him. 


li  i  k  m  n 


Fu;.  4S.    Symliols  for  certain  persons  and  for  numbers. 

Both  divisions  of  the  page  treat  of  the  same  matter,  the  delivery 
of  articles  for  which  payment  is  asked  or  nonpayment  is  complained 
of;  that  is,  it  is  an  account  or  a  bill  of  complaint. 

If  we  take  for  granted  that  Ave  are  to  j^roceed  from  below  upward, 
as  in  the  other  fragments,  then  the  first  representation  below  would 
be  ten  turkey  hens,  followed  by  five  cocks.  Beside  the  cock  at  the 
left  end  of  the  row,  "however,  there  is  a  small  flag,  the  sign  for  20. 
This,  therefore,  must  mean  24  cocks.  In  the  next  row  above,  first 
on  the  right,  there  is  a  vessel  and  above  that  a  figure,  which  I  can  not 
explain,  surrounded  by  featherlike  rays,  very  much  like  those  (see 
the  upper  half  of  this  fragment)  which  are  drawn  to  denote  the  num- 


MEXICAN   PAINTING-HUMBOLDT   FRAGMENT  XIV 


SELERl 


MEXICAN  PICTURE  WRITINGS  FRAGMENT  XIV 


219 


ber  400  (tzontli).  Then  follow  small  oblong  objects,  each  with  a 
small  flag  ('20),  and  in  the  row  above  there  are  ten  vessels,  each  of 
which  probably  stands  for  a  fanega  of  corn  (see     and  q,  figure  46). 

We  have  in  the  right  lower  section  of  the  red  upper  portion  of  our 
fragment  first,  immediately  over  the  men's  heads,  tAvo  turkeys'  heads, 
similar  to  the  lower  division.  Then  follow  two  figures  which  are 
probably  meant  for  chili,  "  red-pepper  pods  ",  each  provided  with  the 
bush,  which  denotes  the  number  centzontli,  or  400.  Turkey  and  red- 
pepper  sauce  belong  together.  Molle  con  guajolote  is  still  the  holi- 
day dish  throughout  the  country.  Then  follow  three  round  objects, 
each  intersected  by  a  cross  and  with  the  number  400  attached;  then, 
two  peculiar  figures,  which  we  have  not  hitherto  encountered,  and  of 
which  I  shall  speak  directly.  Over  them  are  five  small  circles,  each 
with  the  number  400,  and  in  the  row  above  eight  vessels  (fanegas 
of  corn)  and  round  objects  like  those  in  the  lower  row,  each  with  a 
little  flag  indicating  20. 

The  question  now  arises,  what  are  the  little  oval  objects,  fifteen  of 
which  in  the  lower  compartment  are  marked  with  a  little  flag,  a  total 
of  3,000,  and  five  in  the  upper  portion  with  the  little  flag,  a  total 
of  1,000?  Since  these  articles  are  counted  and  the  amounts  reach  so 
high  a  figure,  I  think  they  must  be  meant  for  cacao  beans  (see  d 
to  figure  48).  This  mode  of  counting  also  occurs  'in  other  manu- 
scripts (see  taken  from  the  tribute  list  in  the  Mendoza  codex,  page 
19,  described  in  the  text  as  "  1,000  almendras  de  cacao  ";  and  /,  taken 
from  the  Pintura  del  Gobernador,  Alcaldes  y  Regidores  de  Mexico, 
where  the  little  flag  or  20  is  omitted  from  the  single  beans  on  the 
right).  The  text  says,  chiquacen  tzontli  ypan  chicompohualli, 
which  means  six  times  four  hundred,  and  seven  times  twenty  (cacao 
beans).  But  this  very  omission  of  the  little  flag  in  this  painting 
proves  that  the  unit  in  counting  chocolate  nuts  was  the  number  20, 
which  is  always  applied  on  our  page  to  these  doubtful  objects.  It 
is  well  known  that  chocolate  nuts  were  used  in  ancient  Mexico  for 
small  change  and  were  therefore  counted. 

The  decussated  and  plain  circles  in  the  upper  division,  all  pro- 
vided with  the  bush  (for  400),  are  probably  only  simple  numerals, 
and  refer  either  to  Avhat  went  before  (the  red-pepper  pods)  or  to  what 
follows  above  (the  chocolate  nuts). 

As  for  the  two  peculiar  figures  at  the  left  end  of  the  lower  row  in 
the  upper  division,  they  are  an  expression  for  a  load,  derived  from 
the  scale  pan  of  a  balance.  This  is  obvious  from  a  manuscript  in  the 
Aubin-Goupil  collection,  formerly  owned  by  Don  Antonio  Leon  y 
Gama,  that  is  interesting  on  account  of  the  peculiarities  of  its  system 
of  notation,  which  will  be  noticed  here  and  were  first  noted  by 


220 


BUREAU  or  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  2S 


Gama  in  his  appendix  relating  to  Mexican  arithmetic.'^  A  page  of 
this  manuscript  is  reproduced  on  ])late  30  of  the  Goupil-Boban 
atlas.  Here  we  see,  for  instance,  forty-three,  fifty-three,  and  thirty- 
eight  loads  of  cornstalks  (zacate)  expressed  by  A,  f',  and  k.  I  have 
chosen  these  examples  because  they  illustrate  the  peculiarities  of  nota- 
tion, which  occur  in  this  manuscript.  On  this  page  the  number  10  is 
expressed  by  halving  the  little  flag,  which  denotes  20,  and  coloring 
only  one  of  the  halves,  the  number  15,  by  cutting  away  a  fourth  part 
of  the  little  flag  and  coloring  the  other  three-fourths.  It  is  signifi- 
cant for  our  fragment  that  in  all  the  three  figures  h  to  k  we  have  not 
only  the  bundle  of  zacate,  but  also  a  scale  pan  hanging  from  it,  which 
is  the  symbol  of  a  load.  That  the  scale  pan  does  indeed  typify  the 
weight,  a  load,  on  this  page  is  made  still  further  evident  by  the  fact 
that  on  the  same  page  the  same  symbol  of  the  scale  pan  is  used  to 
denote  the  coin  1  2^eso,  as  we  saw  it  in  c,  figure  44  (see  I  to  7i,  figure 
48,  where  the  reals  and  medios  are  attached  to  the  pesos  in  the  same 
way  as  Ave  saw  them  in  c  to  /,  figure  44,  which  I  have  already  dis- 
cussed more  particularly).  The  two  figures  at  the  left  end  of  the 
lower  row  in  the  upper  (red)  division,  therefore,  must  signify  a  load. 
This  again  mav  refer  to  what  went  before  (the  red-pepper  pods)  or 
to  Avhat  follows  (the  cacao  beans)  ;  for  these  were  also  reckoned  by 
loads  (see  e  to  r/,  figure  48,  the  former  from  the  Mendoza  codex,  the 
latter  from  the  Pintura  del  Gobernador,  Alcaldes  y  Regidores  de 
Mexico) . 

This  being  settled,  the  top  rows  of  the  two  divisions  also  become 
clear.  In  the  top  row  of  the  lower  division  we  have  on  the  right 
first,  three  loads  of  zacate.  Here  no  scale  pan  is  drawn  hanging 
from  the  bundle,  as  in  h  to  but  the  whole  bundle,  instead  of  the 
scale  pan,  hangs  by  the  three  cords.  Then  follows  a  mat,  and,  lastly, 
two  square  objects  Avhich  may  represent  boards  or  perhaps  some 
woven  fabric. 

In  the  top  row  of  the  upper  division  we  have  first,  on  the  right,  tw^o 
bundles  of  zacate;  then,  tAvo  loads  of  wood.  Here  the  load  is  drawn 
in  the  same  Avay  as  in  the  lower  division;  that  is,  the  bundle  of  wood 
in  place  of  the  scale  pan  hangs  from  the  three  cords. 

Plate  30  of  the  Goupil-Boban  atlas,  which  gave  us  the  key  to 
the  meaning  of  the  figures  selected  to  denote  loads  on  fragment  XIV 
(plate  xix)  of  our  collection,  belongs  to  a  manuscript  Avhich  is  fur- 
nished with  text  and  is  a  bill  of  complaint  issued  against  Captain 
Jorge  Ceron  y  Carabajal,  alcalde  mayor  of  the  town  of  Chalco, 
brought  before  the  Real  Audiencia  of  Mexico  in  the  year  1564.  It  is 
not  improbable  that  our  fragment  came  from  the  same  locality,  and 
perhaps  it  belongs  to  the  same  period. 


"  Gama,  Dos  Piedras,  edid.  Bustamente.    Mexico,  1832,  p.  137. 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


( 


MEXICAN  PAINTING-H 


BOLDT   FRAGMENT  XV 


SELEK]    MEXICAN  PICTURE  WRITINGS  FRAGMENTS  XV,  XVI  221 


FRAGMENT  XV 

This  (plate  xx)  is  a  strip  of  agave  paper  34  cm.  long  and  52  cm. 
Avide,  which  resembles  tlie  fragments  X  to  XII  (phites  xv,  xvi,  and 
XVII ).  The  drawing  of  the  figures  also  exhibits  an  unmistakable 
resemblance  to  those  fragments. 

This  fragment  also  belongs  among  those  of  our  collection  which 
can  with  tolerable  certainty  be  identified  with  some  of  those  described 
by  Boturini.  It  is  mentioned  in  the  Catalogo  del  Museo  Indiano  in 
section  21,  under  number  10:  Otro  [mapa]  del  mismo  [papel  Indiano], 
y  pinta  gran  Numero  de  pavos,  que  se  pagavan  de  Tributo.  No  se 
sabe  de  que  pueblo  ("  another  [map]  on  the  same  paper  [Indian 
paper],  which  depicts  a  great  number  of  turkeys,  which  were  paid  as 
tribute,  it  is  not  known  from  what  town 

Besides  the  personages  on  the  right,  there  are  only  turkey  cocks 
(designated  by  the  heads)  represented  in  the  six  divisions,  which  are 
formed  on  the  fragment  by  transverse  lines.  The  first  fifteen  vertical 
rows  are  painted  red,  the  last  two  blue.  In  every  transverse  division 
we  have  in  the  first  vertical  row  (on  the  right)  5  turkey  heads,  and  in 
all  the  following  vertical  rows  only  1.  The  whole  number  of  red  tur- 
key heads  occurring  in  one  division  is,  therefore,  61.  The  rows  of 
blue  turkeys  are  probably  incomplete. 

Of  the  persons  on  the  right  side  of  the  fragment  the  lowest  one  has 
no  hieroglyph.  The  next  one  is  designated  by  a  bird's  head  with  a  long 
curved  beak.  The  next  two  are  destroyed.  The  one  before  the  last 
has  for  a  hieroglyph  the  picture  of  a  fish  close  beside  his  head:  his 
name,  therefore,  was  probably  Michin.  The  topmost  one  has  a  circle 
below  his  head,  which  may  have  reference  to  his  name. 

FRAGMENT  XVI 

We  have  next  a  strip  of  thick,  firm  paper  35  cm.  long,  45  cm. 
wide,  which  looks  like  European  paper  made  of  rags.  Microscopic 
investigation,  however,  reveals  a  fiber  which  in  appearance,  thickness 
of  cell  wall,  size  of  lumen,  etc.,  is  apparently  precisely  like  the  fibers 
of  the  coarse  agave  paper  used  for  fragments  III  (plate  viii)  and  IV 
(plate  ix).  But,  together  with  these,  single  fibers  occur  which  are 
very  delicate  and  spirally  coiled,  and  which  seem  to  stretch  and  unroll 
slightly  in  the  water  of  the  object  glass. 

This  fragment,  as  the  creases  prove,  was  folded  in  four  parts,  and  is 
much  damaged,  especially  on  the  right  side.  The  drawings  are  done 
in  black  ink,  without  other  coloring.  The  pictures  begin  above  at 
the  left,  and  continue  in  this  row  from  left  to  right,  but  in  the  second 
row^  from  right  to  left,  and  so  on,  the  direction  alternating. 

The  representations  are  of  a  religious  nature.  In  order  to  under- 
stand them  it  is  necessary  to  consult  the  Roman  Catechism,  especially 


222 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


those  versions  of  it  which  were  used  in  earlier  times,  as  well  as  down 
to  the  present  day,  by  the  priests  Avho  were  sent  to  the  Indian  villages 
to  instruct  the  natives  and  take  charge  of  their  spiritual  welfare.  I 
found  an  exact  agreement  between  the  representations  on  our  frag- 
ment and  the  text  of  a  Catecismo  en  Idioma  Mixteco,  printed  in 
1839  at  Puebla.  The  numerals  given  on  the  fragment  at  once  made 
it  plain  to  me  that  the  fourteen  articles  of  faith  of  the  Roman  cate- 
chism, and,  lower  doAvn,  the  ten  commandments  are  here  represented. 
I  will  tal^e  the  catechism  printed  in  1839  as  my  starting  point,  and 
will  give  in  each  successive  section,  first,  the  paragraph  from  the 
catechism  and  then  the  description  of  the  picture  which  explains  it. 

The  first  row  begins  at  the  left:  Section  1.  Los  articulos  de  la  Fe 
son  catorce  ("There  are  fourteen  articles  of  faith").  The  picture 
shows  us  first  a  page  covered  with  writing  and  a  hand  which  points 
to  it.  This  means  article.  Then  comes  a  cross  on  a  base  formed  by  a 
series  of  steps;  this  means  faith.  Then  comes  the  numeral  14,  ar- 
ranged in  the  usual  way  in  groups  of  five.  Section  2.  Los  siete  per- 
tenecen  a  la  divinidad  ("  Seven  appertain  to  the  deity  ").  The  pic- 
ture gives  us  first  the  numeral  7  and  then  a  bearded  (Spanish)  face, 
and  ov^er  it  a  drawing,  apparently  meant  to  represent  a  halo,  consist- 
ing of  a  metal  disk,  in  the  center  of  which  and  at  regular  distances 
in  the  periphery  there  are  perforations.  This  is  the  hieroglyph  regu- 
larly used  thi-oughout  to  denote  God.  Section  3.  Y  los  otros  siete 
[pertenecen]  a  la  santa  humanidad  de  nuestro  Senor  Jesucristo 
("  And  the  other  seven  [appertain]  to  the  holy  humanity  of  our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ").  The  picture  gives  first  the  numeral  7.  Then,  on  a 
base,  cross,  spear,  and  the  sponge  soaked  in  vinegar  and  fastened  to  a 
reed,  which  means  the  crucified,  the  God-man.  Sectidn  4.  Los  [siete 
articulos]  que  pertenecen  a  la  divinidad  son  estos  ("  Those  [seven 
articles]  which  appertain  to  the  deity  are  these  ").  The  picture  gives 
first  the  numeral  7,  then  the  hieroglyph  for  "  article  "  (see  section  1), 
then  the  picture  of  God  (see  section  2),  only  there  is  a  flowing  gar- 
ment indicated  here  below  the  head.  Section  5.  El  primero  [arti- 
culo]  creer  en  un  solo  Dios  Todospoderoso  ("The  first  [article],  to 
believe  in  one  Omnipotent  God  ").  The  picture  gives  the  numeral  1, 
the  hieroglyph  "  article  ",  and  the  picture  of  God.  With  the  hiero- 
glyph "  article  "  is  combined  a  figure  Avhich  is  difficult  to  interpret. 
Possibly  it  is  meant  to  represent  the  One  over  all  things,  the 
Almighty.  Section  6.  El  segundo  [articulo] ,  creer  que  es  Dios  Padre 
("The  second  [article],  to  believe  that  He  is  God,  the  Father"). 
The  picture  is  partly  destroyed.  The  numeral  2  must  have  stood  at 
the  top.  Then  follows  the  hieroglyph  "  article  ",  and  the  picture  of 
God  as  He  was  represented  in  section  4,  but  here  He  has  two  arms. 
The  left  hand  holds  the  imperial  globe.    In  the  right  He  probably 


SKLEHl     MEXICAN  PICTURP:   WRITINGS  FRAGMENTS   XV,  XVI  223 


held  a  scepter.  S.ectioii  7.  EJ  tercero  [articulo],  creer  que  es  Dios 
Hijo  ("The  third  [article],  to  believe  that  He  is  Ood,  the  Son"). 
Part  of  the  numeral  3  is  still  visible  with  the  hieroglyph  article 
below,  and,  close  by,  a  figure  with  a  garment  like  the  one  in  section  4 
and  an  outstretched  arm.  The  head  and  essential  parts,  however,  are 
destroyed. 

The  second  roAV  begins  at  the  right:  Section  1.  El  cuarto  [arti- 
culo],  creer  que  es  Dios  Espiritu  Santo  ("The  fourth  [article],  to 
believe  that  He  is  God,  the  Holy  Ghost").  On  the  right  a  part  of 
the  numeral  4  is  still  discernible.  Then  follows  tlie  hieroglyph 
"  article  ",  and  then  the  dove  descending  from  heaven,  which  is  the 
Holy  Ghost.  Section  2.  El  quinto  [articulo],  creer  que  es  Criador 
("The  fifth  [article],  to  believe  that  He  is  the  Creator").  At  the 
right  of  the  division  is  the  numeral  5,  and  in  front  of  it  the  hiero- 
glyph "  article  ".  On  the  left  is  God  with  the  imperial  globe  in  His 
hand.  Above,  are  depicted  the  starry  heavens;  below,  a  house  built 
of  bones,  that  is,  the  lower  regions.  Section  3.  El  sesto  [articulo], 
creer  que  es  Salvador  ("  The  sixth  [article],  to  believe  that  He  is  the 
Saviour  ").  On  the  right  is  the  numeral  6;  then  God  with  the  cross 
in  one  hand  and  in  the  other  the  spear  (which  made  the  Avound  in 
His  side).  Section  4.  El  septimo  [articulo],  creer  que  es  Glorificador 
("The  seventh  [article],  to  believe  that  He  is  the  Glorifier").  On 
the  right  is,  first,  the  hieroglyph  "article";  then  the  numeral.  On 
the  left  is  the  head  of  a  priest — not  of  God,  for  the  bearded  face  is 
represented  with  plain  hair,  without  the  massive  halo.  In  the  middle 
of  the  division  are  two  thick,  black  figures,  like  iron  bolts,  symbols 
employed  below  to  express  the  idea  of  commandment.  This  is  clearly 
intended  to  represent  the  priest  filled  Avith  the  Holy  Ghost,  Avho 
regulates  the  life  of  the  parish.  Section  5.  Los  [articulos]  que  per- 
tenecen  a  la  Santa  Humanidad  de  nuestro  Sehor  Jesucristo  son  los 
[siete]  siguientes  ("  Those  [articles]  Avhicli  appertain  to  the  holy 
humanity  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  are  the  [seven]  folloAving ") . 
The  picture  shoAvs  us  first  at  the  right  a  figure  which  reminds  us  of 
the  tufts  of  eagle's  doAvn  in  the  old  manuscripts.  I  can  not  Avholly 
explain  it.  It  apparentl}^  serA'es  here  as  a  mark  of  separation.  Then 
folloAvs  the  numeral  7;  then  the  cross  and  instruments  of.  the  passion, 
just  as  in  section  3  of  the  first  roAv.  Section  6.  El  primero  [articulo], 
creer  que  nuestro  Sehor  Jesucristo  en  cuanto  hombre  fue  concebido 
por  obra  del  Espiritu  Santo  ("  The  first  [article],  to  believe  that  our 
Lord  Jesus  Christ  in  so  far  as  He  was  man,  was  conceived  of  the 
Holy  Ghost").  The  picture  shows  us  to  the  right  1  (a  circle); 
beloAv  it  the  hieroglyph  "  article  " ;  then  the  Holy  Ghost  as  a  dove 
and,  in  a  manner  proceeding  from  it,  the  face  of  God,  as  heretofore. 
From  this  section  on  there  is  some  confusion  in  the  numeration.  A 
neAV  section  ought  to  follow  noAV  Avith  the  numeral  2,  and  Avith  Avhat 


224 


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[BULL.  28 


is  pictorial ly  represented  in  the  rest  of  section  6,  for  there  now  fol- 
lows in  the  catechism:  El  segundo  [articulo],  creer  que  nacio  de 
Santa  Maria  Virgen  siendo  ella  virgen  antes  del  parto,  y  despues  del 
parto  ("The  second  [article],  to  believe  that  He  was  born  of  the 
Holy  Virgin  Mary,  she  being  a  virgin  before  and  after  His  birth  "). 
The  picture  shows  us  the  Virgin  Mary  with  a  halo,  and  issuing  from 
her  body  is  God,  as  previously  represented,  but  with  the  spear,  the 
instrument  of  the  passion,  in  his  hand.  But  the  numeral  2,  which 
should  be  here,  is  in  section  1  of  the  third  row  following. 

The  third  row  begins  at  the  left:  Section  1.  El  tercero  [articulo], 
creer  que  recebio  niuerte  y  pasion  por  salvar  a  nosotros  pecadores 
("  The  third  [article],  to  believe  that  He  suffered  and  died  to  save  us 
sinners").  The  picture  shows  us  first,  on  the  left,  the  numeral  2, 
which  really  belongs  in  the  second  half  of  the  preceding  section ;  then 
God  crucified,  and  then  in  the  grave,  marked  by  a  cross,  the  corpse, 
recognizable  by  the  closed  eyes.  Section  2.  El  cuarto  [articulo], 
creer  que  descendio  a  los  infiernos  y  saco  las  animas  de  los  Santos 
Padres,  que  estaban  esperando  su  santo  advenimiento  ("  The  fourth 
[article],  to  believe  that  He  descended  into  hell  and  brought  out  the 
souls  of  the  holy  fathers,  who  were  abiding  there  in  hope  of  His 
blessed  coming").  First,  on  the  left,  is  the  numeral  3,  which  really 
belongs  to  the  preceding  section,  and  under  it  the  hieroglyph  "  arti- 
cle ".  Then  follows  God  with  the  cross  in  His  right  hand  and  before 
Him  a  short  path,  the  two  footprints  of  which  lead  into  the  wide- 
open  jaws  of  a  fiery  monster,  which  represent  the  interior  of  the 
earth,  or  hell,  quite  after  the  manner  of  ancient  Mexican  symbolism. 
Within  are  to  be  seen  the  souls,  represented  by  a  heart,  otherwise  the 
dead,  represented  by  heads  with  closed  eyes.  Section  3.  El  quinto 
[articulo],  creer  que  resuscito  al  tercer  dia  de  entre  los  muertos 
("  The  fifth  [article],  to  believe  that  He  rose  again  from  the  dead  on 
the  third  day").  On  the  left  is,  first,  the  numeral  4,  which  really 
belongs  in  the  previous  section.  Then  comes  the  hieroglyph  "  arti- 
cle ".  On  the  right  are  the  dead  with  fleshless  ribs  and  closed  eyes, 
and  before  them  is  God  with  the  spear,  the  instrument  of  the  passion, 
in  His  hand.  In  the  center,  a  figure  bent  at  right  angles  and  twice 
doubled,  Avhich  is  probably  meant  to  express  the  act  of  arising.  Sec- 
tion 4.  El  sesto  [articulo],  creer  que  subio  a  los  cielos,  y  esta  sentado 
a  la  diestra  de  Dios  Padre  Todopoderoso  ("The  sixth  [article],  to 
believe  that  He  ascended  into  heaven,  where  He  sitteth  at  the  right 
hand  of  God,  the  Omnipotent  P^ather  ").  The  picture  presents  first, 
on  the  left,  the  numeral  5,  which  really  belongs  in  the  previous  section. 
Then  follows  the  face  of  God,  and  joined  to  this  is  a  ladder  leading 
up  to  the  starry  heavens.  A  hand  from  heaven  points  to  a  circle 
filled  with  network,  which  is  apparently  meant,  like  the  similar  figure 
in  the  fifth  section  (from  the  left)  in  the  first  row,  to  express  the 


SKLER]     MEXICAN  PICTURE   WRITINGS  FRAGMENTS   XV,  XVI  225 

Omnipotent  God.  Section  5.  El  septimo  [articuloj,  creer  que  vendra 
a  juzgar  a  los  vivos  y  a  los  miiertos,  etc.  ("  The  seventh  [article],  to 
believe  that  He  shall  come  to  judge  the  quick  and  the  dead"). 
On  the  left  is,  first,  the  numeral  G,  which  really  belongs  in  the  previ- 
ous section.  Then  follows  God  with  the  sw^ord,  the  symbol  of  justice, 
in  His  hand.  Then  followed,  evidently,  the  dead  in  one  square,  and 
the  living  in  another ;  but  the  edge  is  destroyed  and  very  little  more  of 
the  picture  is  now  to  be  seen.  The  last  words  of  explanation  follow 
in  the  next  row. 

The  fourth  row  begins  at  the  right.  Section  1.  Conviene  a  saber, 
a  los  buenos,  para  darles  gloria,  porque  guardaron  sus  Santos  Manda- 
mientos  ("  The  good  should  know,  to  give  them  glory,  because  they 
kept  His  holy  commandments  ").  First,  on  the  right,  is  the  numeral 
7  and  the  hieroglyph  "  article  which  realty  belong  in  the  previous 
section.  Then  comes  a  house  containing  a  man,  behind  whom  is  a 
sign  like  an  ear  of  maize,  which  is  used  as  below  in  the  third  com- 
mandment (row  5,  section  6) ,  as  an  expression  for  "  receiving  honor  ". 
The  whole  probably  signifies  a  good  man.  Then  follows  a  picture 
which  I  can  not  exactly  explain,  and  this  is  followed  by  the  bearded 
face  of  a  priest  who  seems  to  proffer  the  same  sign  for  "  honoring 
Sections  2  to^  4.  Y  a  los  malos  pena  eterna,  porque  no  los  guardaron. 
Amen  ("And  to  the  wicked  eternal  punishment,  because  they  kept 
them  not.  Amen").  Here  I  am  not  quite  sure  whether  the  first 
of  these  sections  does  not  belong  to  the  foregoing.  On  the  right  we 
see  first  a  hand  with  a  circle,  which  in  section  5  seemed  to  indicate  the 
beginning  of  a  new  chapter.  Indeed,  the  whole  fragment  begins 
above,  with  a  hand.  Then  follows  the  hieroglyph  "  article  ".  Then 
comes  a  circle  with  a  cross  and  a  semicircular  figure  over  it,  which  I 
can  not  explain.  In  the  next  section  flames  seem  to  be  indicated,  and 
farther  on  are  the  heads  of  the  damned.  In  the  next  section  we  have 
a  man  prostrate  on  the  ground,  probably  one  of  the  damned,  or  the 
devil  looking  on.  Then  follow  the  black  iron  bolt  and  the  inverted 
heart,  which  signifies  souls  in  hell,  as  we  have  already  seen  in  the 
representation  of  the  jaws  of  the  earth  in  the  second  section  of  the 
third  row.  With  section  5  begins  the  new  chapter,  the  ten  command- 
ments. The  catechism  begins  with  the  words:  Los  mandamientos  de 
la  ley  de  Dios  son  diez  ("  The  commandments  of  God's  laAv  are  ten  "). 
The  picture  shows  us,  first,  on  the  right,  a  hand  and  a  circle,  which 
denotes  the  beginning  of  a  chapter.  Then  follows  the  iron  bolt, 
which  possibly  expresses  the  idea  "  commandment ".  Then  the 
numeral  10. 

The  fifth  row  begins  at  the  left:  Section  1.  Los  tres  primeros 
pertenecen  al  honor  de  Dios  ("  The  first  three  appertain  to  the  honor 
of  God").  The  picture  shows  the  numeral  3  and  the  head  of  God 
7238— No.  28—05  15 


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[BULL.  28 


(with  the  massive,  perforated  halo).  Section  2  (not  separated  from 
the  preceding  one  by  a  line).  Y  los  otros  siete  al  provecho  del 
progimo  ("And  the  other  seven  to  the  advantage  of  the  neighbor  "). 
The  picture  shows  the  numeral  7  and  a  human  head,  combined  with 
three  black  balls  or  circles.  I  can  not  explain  the  latter.  Can  they 
mean  coins  to  express  provecho?  Section  3.  El  primero,  amaras  a 
Dios  sobre  todas  las  cosas  ("  The  first,  thou  shalt  love  God  above  all 
things").  The  picture  shows  the  numeral  1;  then  follows  God, 
holding  a  heart  in  His  hand.  Section  4.  El  segundo,  no  juraras  el 
nombre  de  Dios  en  vano  ("  The  second,  thou  shalt  not  take  the  name 
of  God  in  vain  ").  The  picture  shows  the  numeral  2,  with  the  picture 
of  God,  and  on  the  right  of  the  neck  a  hand  pointing  to  two  black 
marks.  The  symbolism  is  not  clear  to  me.  Section  5.  El  tercero, 
santificaras  las  fiestas  ("  The  third,  thou  shalt  keep  holy  the  feasts  "). 
The  picture  shows  the  numeral  3 ;  then  what  seems  to  be  an  arrow  well 
wrapped,  which  is  probably  meant  to  express  "  to  keep,  or  hallow 
then  a  house  with  the  priest  inside  the  church.  Section  6.  El  cuarto, 
honraras  a  tu  padre  y  madre  ("  The  fourth,  thou  shalt  honor  thy 
father  and  mother  ").  The  picture  shows  the  numeral  4,  followed  by 
a  man,  the  father,  holding  in  his  hand  the  s3aTibol  resembling  an  ear 
of  maize,  which  we  met  with  above  as  a  symbol  for  "  honor  shown 
In  the  middle  stands  the  child,  and  on  the  right  the  mother,  recogniza- 
ble by  the  manner  of  wearing  the  hair  with  the  knot  low  on  the  neck, 
the  two  hornlike  braids  standing  up  over  the  forehead,  and  the  fem- 
inine garment  (uipilli)  something  like  a  shirt,  with  the  piece  of 
insertion  ornamented  with  tassels  below  the  opening  for  the  neck. 
Section  7.  El  quinto,  no  mataras  ("The  fifth,  thou  shalt  not  mur- 
der ") .  The  picture  shows  on  the  left  the  numeral  5,  then  a  man  with 
a  sword  in  his  hand,  and  facing  him  a  bearded  man  who  stretches  out 
his  hand  as  if  to  ward  off  injury. 

The  sixth  row  begins  at  the  right :  Section  1.  El  sesto,  no  fornicaras 
("  The  sixth,  thou  shalt  not  commit  adultery  ").  To  the  right  is  the 
numeral  6,  of  which  only  a  few  faint  traces  remain ;  then  follows  the 
picture  of  a  woman  like  the  mother  in  the  fourth  commandment 
(row  5,  section  6).  Section  2.  El  septimo,  no  hurtaras  ("  The  seventh, 
thou  shalt  not  steal  ").  The  picture  represents  the  numeral  7  and  a 
man  fingering  the  lock  of  a  door  or  a  chest.  Section  3.  El  octavo, 
no  leventaras  falso  testimonio,  ni  mentiras  ("  The  eighth,  thou  shalt 
not  bear  false  witness  or  lie  ").  Here  we  have  the  numeral  8  and  a 
man  delivering  a  letter  covered  with  black  marks.  Section  4.  El 
noveno,  no  desearas  la  muger  de  tu  progimo  ("  The  ninth,  thou  shalt 
not  covet  thy  neighbor's  wife").  The  picture  shows  the  numeral  9 
and  a  man  stretching  out  his  hand  toward  a  woman  opposite  to  him. 
Section  5.  El  decimo,  no  codiciaras  bienes  agenos  ("  The  tenth,  thou 
shalt  not  covet  thy  neighbor's  goods").    This  picture  shows  the 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


BULLETIN  28    PLATE  XXI 


BOLDT   FRAGMENT  XVI 


SELRR]    MEXICAN  PICTURE  WRITINGS  FRAGMENTS  XV,  XVI  227 

numeral  10  and  a  man  stretching  out  his  hand  to  the  objects  opposite 
to  him,  the  lock  of  a  door  or  chest  and  a  woman.  Section  6.  Estos 
diez  mandamientos  se  encierran  en  dos  ("  These  ten  commandments 
may  be  comprised  in  two  ").  The  picture  shows  the  numeral  10,  and 
joined  to  it  by  a  line  the  numeral  2;  then  follows  the  hieroglyph 
"  article 

The  seventh  and  last  row  begins  at  the  left :  Section  1.  En  servir  y 
amar  a  Dios  sobre  todas  las  cosas  ("  To  serve  and  love  God  above  all 
other  things  ").  On  the  left  may  have  been  the  picture  of  God.  The 
picture  of  the  heart  is  still  visible  here,  as  in  the  first  commandment 
(row  5,  section  3),  expressing  the  idea  of  love.  Section  2.  Y  a  tu 
progimo  como  a  ti  mismo  ("And  thy  neighbor  as  thyself").  The 
picture  shows  the  numeral  2  and  then  two  men,  to  express  neighborly 
love. 

We  have  been  able  to  prove,  or  to  make  it  seem  probable,  that  most 
of  the  manuscripts  in  our  collection  once  belonged  to  the  great  collec- 
tion of  the  Cavaliere  Boturini,  w^hich  he  was  forced  to  leave  behind 
him  in  Mexico  when  he  was  released  from  prison.  Does  this  also 
hold  good  in  regard  to  this  manuscript  of  religious  import,  the  last  in 
our  collection  ?  Boturini  enumerates  in  section  25  of  the  catalogue  of 
his  Museo  Indiano  the  following  manuscripts  of  religious  character : 

1.  A  manuscript  of  11  pages  on  European  paper,  whose  authorship 
he  ascribes  to  Padre  Sahagun.  This  now  belongs  to  the  Aubin-Goupil 
collection.  Two  pages  of  it  are  published  on  plate  78  of  the  Goupil- 
Boban  atlas. 

2.  A  manuscript  on  agave  paper,  which  he  describes  as  follows: 
Otro  pedazo  de  mapa  con  figuras  y  cifras  en  papel  Indiano.  Demues- 
tra  parte  de  dichos  misterios;  i.  e..  de  nuestra  Santa  Fe  ("Another 
fragment  of  a  map,  with  illustrations  and  numbers,  on  Indian  paper, 
shows  part  of  the  said  mysteries,  that  is,  of  our  holy  faith  "). 

3.  A  manuscript  of  4  pages  on  European  paper  with  interlinear 
explanations  in  Otomi,  ademas  de  las  figuras  y  cifras,  unos  pocos 
venglones  en  lengua  Otomi  ("  besides  figures  and  pictures,  a  few  lines 
in  the  Otomi  language  This  manuscript  now  exists  in  the  Aubin- 
Goupil  collection.  Two  pages  are  reproduced  in  plate  76  of  the 
Goupil-Boban  atlas. 

4.  Un  librito  en  papel  Europeo  de  48  fojas  chiquitas.  Explica 
con  toscas  figuras,  y  cifras  la  dicha  Doctrina  ("  a  small  book  on  Euro- 
pean paper,  of  48  tiny  pages.  Explains  the  said  doctrine  in  rude 
pictures  and  figures").  This  manuscript  is  also  in  the  Aubin- 
Goupil  collection.  Two  pages  are  reproduced  in  plate  77  of  the 
Goupil-Boban  atlas.  The  figures  are  there  provided  with  explana- 
tions in  Nahuatl. 

Of  the  four  manuscripts  of  a  religious  character  owned  by  Botu- 
rini, the  fourth,  which  Boturini  mentions  under  number  2,  has  not 


228 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


thus  far  been  found,  but  the  description  of  this  manuscript  agrees 
perfectly  with  our  manuscript,  fragment  XVI  (plate  xxi).  For  our 
manuscript  is  also  written  on  agave  paper,  and  in  the  representations 
the  numerals  alongside  the  pictures  are  very  conspicuous.  I  therefore 
deem  it  not  only  possible,  but  highly  probable,  that  our  fragment  XVI 
is  the  manuscript  described  by  Boturini,  number  2,  section  25. 

Our  manuscript,  inferior  as  it  is  to  the  paintings  of  the  old  pagan 
time,  is  nevertheless  superior  to  the  manuscripts  of  a  religious  char- 
acter in  the  Aubin-Goupil  collection  b}^  reason  of  a  certain  vigorous 
style.  I  am  under  the  impression  that  the  Aubin-Goupil  picture 
catechisms  were  executed  by  European  priests,  but  that  the  old 
aboriginal  Indian  training  is  evident  in  the  drawing  of  our  fragment 
XVI  (plate  xxi). 

CONCLUSION 

The  16  (properly  14)  picture  manuscripts  in  the  Alexander 
von  Humboldt  collection,  however  limited  the  contents  of  the  separate 
fragments  (excepting  the  first  one)  present  a  good  synopsis  of  the 
various  styles  and  of  the  various  purposes  for  which  it  became 
necessary  to  employ  hieroglyphs  in  old  pagan  and  early  Christian 
times.  They  are  not  only  of  archeologic  interest  and  of  interest  in 
the  history  of  civilization,  but  some  of  them,  as  we  have  seen,  are  also 
of  positive  historic  value;  for,  as  I  have  shown,  it  seems  possible 
to  establish  a  firm  chronologic  basis  only  by  acting  on  the  indications 
offered  by  fragment  I  of  our  collection.  Some  fragments,  namely, 
I,  III,  and  IV  (plate  ii  to  vi,  viii,  and  ix),  belong  to  the  old  pagan 
period.  Others  certainly  originated  in  early  Christian  times:  VI 
(plate  XI )  is  to  be  attributed  to  a  period  prior  to  A.  D.  1545;  II 
(plate  vii),  before  A.  D.  1565;  XIII  (plate  xviii)  bears  the  date 
1569;  VII  (plate  xii),  the  date  1571,  and  the  other  fragments  also 
can  not  be  much  later  than  these.  As  for  the  place  where  they  origi- 
nated, I  can  unfortunately  say  nothing  positiA^e  in  regard  to  I  (plates 
II  to  vi)  ;  III  (plate  viii)  and  IV  (plate  ix)  came  from  Huamantla, 
in  the  state  of  Tlaxcallan;  II  (plate  vii)  came  from  the  immediate 
neighborhood  of  the  Mexican  capital;  while  VI  (plate  xi)  and  VIII 
(plate  xiv)  are  from  the  kingdom  of  Tezcuco;  VII,  XII,  XIII,  and 
XVIII,  from  Mizquiyauallan,  in  the  land  of  the  Otomi;  and  XIV 
(plate  XIX )  possibly  from  the  kingdom  of  the  Chalcas.  Several  of 
the  manuscripts  seem  to  express  plainly  the  differences  which  existed 
among  the  Mexican-speaking  races  in  spite  of  all  their  similarity  in 
civilization,  mode  of  living,  and  ways  of  thinking,  and  they  are 
otherwise  very  instructive,  as  we  have  seen. 

Our  great  countryman,  whose  field  of  labor  lay  in  quite  another 
domain,  rescued  these  fragments  from  among  a  number  of  documents, 
which  at  the  time  were  the  prey  of  chance  in  Mexico.    Since  then 


sbler] 


MEXICAN  PICTURE  WRITINGS 


229 


they  have  lain  among  other  manuscript  treasures  in  the  Royal 
Library,  little  noticed,  or,  more  correctly  speaking,  seldom  used.  Tt 
is  partly  owing  to  facts  that  have  only  very  recently  become  known 
that  I  have  been  able  to  make  these  fragments  divulge  some  portion 
of  their  contents. 

Last  year  we  celebrated  the  four  hundredth  anniversary  of  the  day 
on  which  Columbus,  the  discoverer  of  America,  first  set  foot  in  the 
New  World,  and  within  a  few  years  we  can  celebrate  the  one 
hundredth  anniversary  of  the  day  on  which  the  scientific  discoverer 
of  the  New  World,  Alexander  von  Humboldt,  began  his  travels  on 
that  continent.  May  this  volume,  which  is  the  first  attempt  at  treat- 
ing of  the  only  one  of  his  collections  hitherto  untreated,  be  not  wholly 
unworthy  of  the  great  name  which  it  bears  on  the  title  page. 


THE  BAT  GOD  OF  THE  MAYA  RACE 

BY 

EDUARD  SELER 


231 


THE  BAT  GOD  OF  THE  MAYA  KACE" 


By  Eduard  Seler 


The  beautiful  drawing  sent  by  Mr  Dieseldorff  to  the  Anthropolog- 
ical Society  shows  us  a  deity  whose  worship  is  indeed  occasionally 
mentioned  by  historians  and  whose  name  is  contained  in  the  names  of 
various  Maya  races,  but  of  whom,  on  the  whole,  as  of  the  mythologic 
forms  of  South  American  and  Central  American  races  generally,  little 
enough  is  known.    This  deity  is  the  bat  god. 

The  bat  in  various  Maya  dialects  is  called  Zotz.  From  this  is 
derived  the  name  Zotzil  and  Ah-zotzil,  the  "  bat  people ",  which 
name,  on  the  one  hand,  belongs  to  a  tribe  who  from  ancient  times  to 
the  present  day  have  been  settled  in  the  vicinity  of  what  is  now  San 
Cristobal  de  Chiapas — Mexicanized  as  Tzinacanteca,  the  people  of 
Tzinacantlan,  the  "  bat  city  " — and,  on  the  other  hand,  it  belongs  to 
a  tribe  which  is  probably  to  be  regarded  as  a  portion  of  the  great 
nation  of  the  Cakchikels,  the  chief  nation  of  southern  Guatemala. 
Finally,  there  is  still  a  Tzinacantan  in  the  extreme  southeast  of 
Guatemala,  within  the  region  of  the  Sinca  language. 

Unfortunately,  we  are  insufficiently  informed  concerning  the  lan- 
guage and  traditions  of  the  Zotzil  of  Chiapas,  but  we  have  some 
information  in  regard  to  the  tribes  of  southern  and  western  Guate- 
mala. Here  in  early  Christian  times  the  natives  themselves  wrote 
down  their  traditions,  and  these  traditions,  the  Popol  Vuh  ^  and  the 
annals  of  Xahila '  are  precious  documents.  The  only  drawback 
is  the  difficulty  of  using  them,  because,  on  the  one  hand,  we  lack  ade- 
quate lexicographic  aids,  but  more  especially  because  we  have  no 
exact  definitions  of  the  mythologic  animals  and  the  rest  of  the  objects 
and  expressions  which  have  reference  to  the  ancient  folklore  of  these 
races. 


"  E.  Seler  in  Verhancilungen  der  Berliner  Gesellschaft  fiir  Anthropologie,  Ethnologie 
und  Urgeschichte,  p.  577  and  following,  published  in  Zeitschrift  fiir  Ethnologie,  1894, 
pt.  6. 

^  Popol  Vuh.  Le  livre  sacre  et  les  mythes  de  I'antiquite  americaine,  etc.,  par  I'abb^ 
Brasseur  de  Bourbourg.    Paris,  1861. 

The  Annals  of  the  Cakchikels.  Brinton's  Library  of  Aboriginal  American  Litera- 
ture, n.  6.    Philadelphia,  1885. 

233 


234 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


An  interesting  passage  in  the  Popol  Vuh  identifies  the  Kiches 
with  the  Toltecs,  who  are  designated  in  the  Popol  Vuh  as  Yaqui,<^  and 
identifies  Tohil,  the  god  of  the  Kiche  race,  with  Yolcuat-Quitzal- 
cuat — that  is,  Youalli  ehecatl,^  Quetzalcoatl— the  god  of  the  Toltecs. 
While  the  three  tribes  of  the  Kiches  had  the  same  god,  and  the 
god  of  the  Rabinals,  though  he  was  called  differently,  namely,  Hun- 
toh,  was  also  the  same,  the  Cakchikels  differed  from  the  Kiches 
both  in  their  language  and  in  the  name  of  the  god,  whom  they  had 
brought  with  them  from  Tollan.  The  Cakchikel  god  was  called 
Zotziha  Chimalcan.  After  the  name  of  this  god,  both  the  China- 
mits,  that  is,  the  two  royal  families  of  the  Cakchikels,  were  called 
Ah-po-zotzil  and  Ah-po-xa  (hil).^  We  find  the  same  name  for  this 
god  once  more  in  a  second  passage,  and  here,  too,  there  is  a  more 
detailed  statement  concerning  him.  We  read :  "  There  was  a  tribe 
who  drew  fire  from  fire  sticks.  The  Cakchikel  god  is  called  Zotzi- 
laha  Chamalcan  and  the  bat  (zotz)  is  his  image.'^  He  was  therefore 
the  god  who  controlled  fire  and  who  was  conceived  of  in  the  like- 
ness of  a  bat.  I  can  not  at  present  explain  the  name  Chimalcan, 
or  Chamalcan.  Zotziha,  or  Zotzilaha,  does  not  mean  "  bat  ",  but 
"  bat's  house  I  think  this  should  suggest  a  mountain  cavern,  the 
interior  of  the  earth ;  therefore  a  god  of  caverns,  of  the  dark  realms 
of  earth.  This  is  confirmed  by  a  passage  immediately  preceding  the 
one  just  quoted,  where  the  figure  appearing  before  the  tribes  in  the 
dress  of  a  bat  is  styled  "  this  Xibalba  ".  As  a  double  name,  Zotzi- 
laha Chimalman,  is  given  to  the  deity,  and  as  likewise  two  families 
correspond  to  this  deity  and  are  said  to  reproduce  his  name,  we  must 
certainly  suppose  that  the  god  had  a  twofold  form,  and  that  in  con- 
trast to  the  sinister  form  of  the  bat  there  was  another,  more  pleas- 
ing one. 

In  other  passages  of  the  Popol  Vuh  the  name  Zotziha, "  bat's  house  ", 
is  given,  not  as  that  of  a  god,  but  as  one  of  the  regions  which  must  be 
traversed  on  the  way  to  the  deepest  depths  of  the  interior  of  the  earth, 
the  kingdom  of  darkness  and  death.  Plere  dwells  the  Cama-Zotz, 
"  the  death  bat the  great  beast  who  slays  all  who  come  in  his  way, 
and  who  also  bit  off  the  head  of  the  hero  Hunahpu  when  he  descended 
to  the  lower  world.  Such  images  of  death  play  a  great  part  in  the 
mythology  of  Mexican  and  Central  American  races.  But,  I  repeat, 
they  are  always  conceived  of  and  usuall}^  drawn  with  their  counter- 
part. 

«  No  doubt  the  Mexican  Yaque,  "  they  go",  that  is,  "  the  departing",  "  those  who  go 
away  a  verbal  form  which  is  used  with  tolerable  regularity  in  the  texts  in  connection 
with  death. 

''Literally,  "night  [and]  wind",  a  designation  or  epithet  applied  to  the  deity  himself. 
But  it  is  also  especially  given  as  the  name  of  the  god  of  the  Nahuas,  and  represented  in 
picture  writing,  it  v/ould  seem,  by  the  double  image  of  the  death  god  and  the  wind  god 
leaning  back  to  back. 

"  Popol  Vuh,  pp.  246,  248. 
Popol  Vuh,  p.  224.    The  passage  is  not  correctly  quoted  by  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg. 


seler] 


THE  MAYA  BAT  GOD 


235 


Such  is  the  scant}^  information  to  be  gleaned  from  literary  records 
regarding  the  singular  figure  of  the  bat  god;  but  it  is  enough  to 
show  that  in  this  case  we  have  to  do  only  with  a  form  of  the  deity 
of  mountain  caverns,  of  cave  worship,  concerning  which  definite 
information  has  been  transmitted  to  us  from  the  regions  of  the 
Isthmus  and  from  the  tribes  living  north  and  south  of  it.  This  deity 
however,  apparently  belonged  only  to  the  Maya  races  and  to  the  Zapo- 
tec-Mixtec  tribes,  who  were  nearly  allied  to  them  in  civilization,  and 
possibly  also  in  language,  while  to  the  Mexicans  this  cult  was  appar- 
ently foreign. 

Now^,  when  I  pass  to  the  pictorial  representations  of  this  deity,  I 
am  at  once  in  a  position,  strange  as  it  may  seem,  to  refer  to  such 
drawings  in  Mexican  picture  writing;  and  this  is  of  special  impor- 
tance, because  there  we  are  on  more  familiar  ground.  It  is  true,  I 
am  referring  to  manuscripts  Avhich  doubtless  originated  in  regions 
lying  somevrhat  more  to  the  south.  The  pictures  to  which  I  allude 
are  taken  from  the  Borgian,  Vatican,  and  Fejervary  codices. 

In  each  of  these  picture  manuscripts  there  are  a  number  of  pages 
which  invariably  have  four  representations  so  combined  that  they 
form  a  whole,  which,  at  the  outset,  leads  us  to  conjecture  that  they 
were  meant  to  correspond  to  the  four  cardinal  points;  that  is,  four 
periods  of  time  coordinated  with  the  cardinal  points.  In  one  of 
these  representations  (Borgian  codex,  pages  66  to  63),  we  find  a  per- 
fect conglomerate  of  pictures  on  the  four  pages.  In  the  others 
(Codex  Vaticanus  B,  pages  65,  66;  Bologna  codex,  pages  12,  18; 
Fejervar}^  codex,  pages  12,  11;  Codex  Vaticanus  B,  pages  72  to  75, 
and  Fejervary  codex,  pages  4,  3)  the  separate  representations  seem 
to  be  copied  to  a  certain  extent  from  the  above-mentioned  pages  of  the 
Borgian  codex. 

Pages  66  to  63  of  the  Borgian  codex  have  in  the  center  a  tree  which 
is  growing  from  the  body  of  a  person  and  on  which  a  bird  is  sitting. 
Above  this  there  is  a  deity  offering  sacrifice.  On  the  left  is  a  ball- 
player, a  pair  in  copulation,  and  a  throne,  upon  which  lies  the  head 
ornament  of  a  deity,  always  that  of  the  deity  of  the  succeeding  page. 
To  the  right,  at  the  top,  we  have  the  felling  or  killing  of  an  animal  or 
of  a  mythologic  figure ;  below  are  Tzitzimime,  figures  plunging  down 
from  heaven,  and  a  god  producing  fire  by  friction.  Dates  of  years 
and  days  are  also  given,  the  sum  total  of  w^hich  is  52  years  and  260 
days,  that  is,  an  entire  cycle  and  a  tonalamatl,  divided  into  four  equal 
parts. 

The  principal  deity,  the  one  offering  sacrifice,  on  the  first  page  ig 
the  sun  god.  This  page  may,  therefore,  correspond  to  the  east. 
The  god  of  the  second  page  is  the  god  of  the  earth,  or  of  stone. 
He  must  correspond  to  the  north.    The  chief  deity  on  the  third  page 


236 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


Fig.  49.    Mexican  figures  of  the  bat  god. 


selek] 


THE  MAYA  BAT  GOD 


237 


is  the  maize  god.  He  corresponds  to  the  west.  The  one  on  the 
last  page  is  the  death  god,  who  corresponds  to  the  south. 

Among  the  figures  on  the  first  page  at  the  right  of  the  chief  deity, 
in  some  degree  expressive  of  the  fatal  qualities  of  the  latter,  and 
corresponding  to  the  east,  is  the  bat  god  beside  the  sun  god.  I  repro- 
duce the  pictures  of  the  god  in  a  to  figure  49,  where  c  is  taken  from 
the  encyclopedic  representation  in  the  Borgian  codex,  page  66,  while  a 
and  1)  belong  to  separate  series  which  have  been  copied  out  of  it.  The 
fact  that  we  are  dealing  with  the  bat  god  is  here  expressed  by  the  wing- 
membrane  stretched  between  the  legs  and  arms,  the  claws  on  the 
extremities,  the  sharp  teeth,  and  particularly  by  the  membranous 
nose  leaf,  which  only  in  a  is  converted  into  a  stone  knife.  The  dark 
painting  of  the  wing  membrane  and  the  death's-head  upon  it  in  a 
(instead  of  the  crossbones  of  the  Dieseldorff  picture)  especially 
remind  us  of  the  picture  on  the  Dieseldorff  vase.  We  are  reminded 
of  the  functions  of  Cama-zotz,  the  death  bat,  by  the  head  which  the 


6 

Fig.  50.    Maya  hieroglyphs  of  the  bat  god. 


beast  has  torn  olf  and  holds  in  his  hand  in  a  and  while  in  c  the 
beast  devours  the  torn-out  heart  and  the  blood.  It  is  worth  noticing 
that  in  a  and  c  the  bat  is  drawn  with  the  round  cap  and  feather 
headdress  of  the  wind  god,  while  in  5,  in  addition  to  the  torn-ofF 
head,  he  gi^asps  and  stands  upon  a  fire  snake. 

I  now  turn  to  the  documents  of  the  Maya  races.  The  Mayas,  in  the 
strict  sense,  the  inhabitants  of  Yucatan,  designated  one  of  their  18 
uinals,  that  is,  periods  of  20  days,  by  the  name  of  the  bat-zotz  (or  zoo, 
according  to  Yucatec  transcription).  From  the  Relaciones  of  Bishop 
Landa  and  the  Dresden  manuscript  I  reproduce  in  Z>,  figure  50,  the 
picture  of  the  bat  as  the  designation  of  this  period  of  time,  which  fell 
in  the  latter  half  of  our  September.  That  this  designation  was  also 
known  to  the  other  Maya  tribes  we  learn  from  the  date  (<",  figure  50), 
compounded  of  the  date  of  a  day  (8  Ahau)  and  a  uinal  date  (the  8th 
of  Zotz),  which  I  copy  from  one  of  the  Copan  stelae  as  given  in 
Maudslay's  great  work."  In  the  same  way  the  uinal  Zotz  is  given, 
beyond  a  doubt,  on  the  altar  slabs  of  Palenque;  for  instance,  on  the 


«  Biologia  Centrali-.4mei-icana.  Archaeology. 


238 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


altar  slab  of  the  Temple  of  the  Cross,  number  1  (according  to  Desire 
Charnay's  designation),  where  A-16  and  B-16,  belonging  together, 
give  the  combined  date  1  Ahau,  13  Zotz. 

But  I  also  think  that  I  recognize  the  hieroglyphs  of  the  bat  god 
among  a  series  of  20  deities  represented  in  hieroglyphs  on  pages  46  to 
50  of  the  Dresden  manuscript,  accompanying  a  period  of  2X52 
years  divided  into  five  large  sections,  each  of  which  is  again  divided 
into  sections  of  90,  250,  8,  and  236  days.  From  this  series  of  20  deities 
5  are  copied  on  page  24;  they  are  those  which,  at  regular  intervals, 
occupy  the  last  place  in  each  of  the  five  divisions.  In  this  way  those 
seem  to  have  been  made  prominent  which  are  especially  significant 


a  h 

Fig.  51.    Maya  hieroglyphs  of  the  bat  god. 


for  each  of  the  five  divisions.  Among  them  occurs  the  hieroglyph, 
which — with  a  note  of  interrogation,  it  is  true — I  claim  as  the  hiero- 
glyph of  the  bat  god  (see  a,  figure  50) . 

I  think  that  I  also  recognize  the  bat  god  in  the  initial  hieroglyph  of 
the  group  which  I  reproduce  in  a,  figure  51.    The  character  kin,  "sun 
is  before  the  mouth  of  the  beast.    With  reference  to  a  hieroglyph 
which  I  shall  discuss  later  I  am  tempted  to  interpret  it  as  a  swallow- 
ing up  of  light,  that  is,  an  obscuring  of  the  sun. 

Finally,  it  has  occurred  to  me  that  possibly  the  initial  hieroglyph 
of  the  two  groups  which  I  giA^e  in  h,  and  which,  on  account  of  the 
picture  accompanying  it,  I  formerly  explained  as  the  hieroglyph  of 
a  bird  of  prey,  ma.j  also  refer  to  the  bat.    For  we  have  here,  as  in  the 


SELER] 


THE  MAYA   BAT  GOD 


239 


hieroglyph  of  the  uinal  Zotz,  the  character  akbal,  "  night over  the 
eye,  as  an  eyebrow.  Even  the  bat  ears  and  the  wrinkled  corner  of  the 
mouth  seem  to  be  present  in  the  hieroglyph.  Instead  of  the  teeth, 
the  hieroglyph  of  a  stone  knife  is  given  here.  This  may  indicate  the 
creature's  sharp  teeth,  while  it  may  possibly  also  have  a  symbolic 
meaning.  The  stone  knife  symbolizes  the  power  of  the  sun's  beams  to 
inflict  injury.  In  Mexican  representations  the  monster  of  the  night 
swallows  a  stone  knife. 

The  bat  is  frequently  met  with  on  the  Copan  reliefs.  An  entire  fig- 
ure of  the  deity,  which  I  give  in  (2,  figure  52,  can  be  recognized  on  altar 
T  (Maudslay's  nomenclature)  a  huge  reptilian  figure,  with  a  head 


^  Fig.  52.   Maya  hieroglyphs  of  the  bat  god. 

resembling  an  alligator's  and  Avith  hands,  between  whose  outstretched 
fore  and  hind  legs  various  deities  or  mythologic  figures  are  rep- 
resented. The  bat  here  begins  the  series  of  personages  represented  on 
the  east  side,  while  on  the  west  side,  opposite  to  it,  a  bird  with  speckled 
feathers  and  parrot  like  beak  is  the  first  of  the  series — possibly  the 
cakix,  the  Arara,  worshipped  as  a  deity  by  the  Ah-zotzil  clan,  "  the 
bat  people  ",  who  were  allied  to  the  Cakchikels.* 

The  bat  occurs  with  greatest  frequency  in  a  hieroglyph  some  forms 
of  which  I  have  given  in  a,  figure  53.  Besides  the  head  of  the  bat, 
which  is  sometimes  very  characteristically  reproduced,  with  its  mem- 
branous nose  leaf  and  hairy  ear,  the  double  element  ben-ik  is  also 
present  in  this  hieroglyph,  which  perhaps — for  it  also  occurs  with 


"  Xahila's  Cakchikel-Annalen,  place  cited,  sec.  10. 


240 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


others  in  the  hieroglyph  of  the  sun  god — is  an  expression  of  that 
which  the  Mayas  designated  by  u  pop  u  cam,  and  the  Mexicans  by 
i-petl-i-icpal,  "his  mat",  "his  (royal)  seat",  that  is,  for  dominion. 
Lastly,  there  is  yet  another  element  present  in  the  hieroglyph,  which, 
taking  other  cases  of  its  occurrence  into  consideration,  I  can  only 
explain  as  a  stream  of  blood  flowing  from  the  bat's  mouth,  derived 
from  an  element  which  I  have  shown  to  possess  the  phonetic  value  of 
kan,  "  yellow  ",«  and  to  be  used  as  a  substitute  for  kin,  "  smi  ".^  In 
other  words,  I  regard  this  element  of  the  hieroglyph  as  nothing  else 
than  an  expression  of  that  characteristic  of  the  bat  god  which  is  set 


h 

Fig.  53.    Maya  hieroglyphs  of  the  bat  god. 


forth  in  the  name  Cama-zotz  and  in  the  pictures  of  the  Mexican 
manuscripts,  especially  c,  figure  49,  that  is,  the  destruction  of  life,  the 
devouring  of  light.  We  are  familiar  with  this  element  in  other  hiero- 
glyphs, particularly  in  that  of  a  god  who  is  the  fifth  in  the  series  of 
twenty  deities  in  the  Dresden  manuscript,  and  who  undoubtedly  is  a 
god  of  the  earth  (6,  figure  53).  It  has  long  since  been  remarked  that 
the  head  of  this  deity  reappears  in  the  conventional  sign  for  the 
cardinal  point  of  the  north.  But,  while  in  the  hieroglyph  of  the 
god  the  head  of  the  god  is  represented,  according  to  my  conception, 
as  devouring  light  or  life,  in  the  hieroglyph  of  the  cardinal  point  the 


°  Zeitschrift  fiir  BthBologie,  y.  23,  pp.  108-9.  "  Science,  January  6,  1893. 


seler] 


THE  MAYA    BAT  GOD 


241 


Lead  of  the  god  is  combined  with  an  open  jaw,  which  is  occasionally 
replaced  by  a  stone  knife,  h.  Hence  the  correspondence  to  which  I 
allude  above  is  also  apparent  here. 

In  conclusion,  I  give  in  5,  figure  52,  a  very  remarkable  form  of  this 
hieroglyph  which  occurs  on  Stela  D  of  Copan  (Maudslay's  nomen- 
clature) .  This  stela  is  peculiar  inasmuch  as  the  hieroglyphic  elements, 
which  elsewhere  are  reproduced  in  conventional  characters,  are  here 
carried  out  in  full  figure.  This  particular  stela  is,  therefore,  of  the 
first  importance  as  an  aid  to  the  discovery  of  the  true  meaning  of  these 
elements.  In  figure  52,  the  f6rm  of  the  bat,  the  nose  leaf,  and  the 
wing  membrane  are  distinctly  recognizable.  The  element  which  I 
interpret  as  the  devouring  of  light  is  indicated  by  a  series  of  drops 
and  a  piece  that  looks  like  a  ring  cut  out  of  a  shell.  This  element, 
wdiich  answers  to  kan,  or  kin,  also  has  the  same  form  in  the  hiero- 
glyphs reproduced  in  figure  58.  The  Ben-Ik  group  is  wanting 
in  h,  figure  53,  probably  because  it  expresses  only  a  secondary  meaning. 

On  the  heads  and  the  body  in  a,  figiu^e  52,  as  m  several  of  the  bat 
heads  brought  together  in  «,  figure  53,  the  elements  of  the  day  sign 
Cauac  are  given,  which  in  the  last  of  the  hieroglyphs  in  a,  figure  53, 
is  seen  in  full  below  the  bat's  ear.  The  character  Cauac  corresponds 
to  the  Mexican  Quiauitl,  "  rain  and  to  Ayotl,  the  tortoise  ",  of  the 
Guatemalan  calendar.  It  combines  within  itself,  as  I  have  shown 
elscAvhere,"  the  idea  of  opaque  covering  and  of  stoiie. 

We  have  in  the  vase  excavated  by  Mr  Dieseldorfi'  a  very  character- 
istic figure  of  the  bat  god.  In  this  connection,  I  Avould  like  to  mention 
that  the  god  described  by  Dieseldorff  as  having  been  found  as  a  deco- 
ration on  pottery,  the  god  in  the  snail  shell, ^  does  not  answ^er  to  the 
old  god,  the  sixteenth  in  the  Dresden  manuscript,  but  rather  to  the 
third  one  of  the  gods  represented  on  plates  4  to  10  of  the  Dresden 
manuscript.  If  I  were  still  somewhat  uncertain  as  to  whether  the  bat 
god  can  be  recognized  among  the  five  deities  given  in  the  hieroglyphs 
on  page  24  of  the  Dresden  manuscript,  the  god  in  the  snail  shell 
is  unquestionabl}^  represented.  As  I  am  forced  to  conclude  from  the 
other  places  where  it  occurs  that  the  latter  god  corresponds  to  the 
south,  so  the  bat  god,  if  he  is  really  represented  by  hieroglyph  figure 
50,  must  answer  to  the  cardinal  point  of  the  east.  .  This  would  form  a 
fresh  link  and  furnish  another  proof,  either  that  even  in  slight  details 
there  existed  a  fundamental  agreement  between  the  mythic  represen- 
tations of  the  Central  American  and  Mexican  peoples,  or  that  with 
the  calendar  and  everything  connected  w^ith  it  an  exchange  or  dis- 
semination of  such  mythic  elements  took  place  throughout  the  whole 
of  the  ancient  cultural  reoion. 

o 

«  Zeitschrift  fiir  Ethnologie,  v.  23,  p.  132. 

"  Zeitschrift  fiir  Ethnologie,  v.  25,  Verhandlungen,  1893,  pp.  379  and  548. 
7238— No.  28—05  16 


WALL  PAINTINGS  OF  MITLA 

A  MEXICAN  PICTURE  WRITING  IN  FRESCO 

BY 


243 


CONTENTS 


Page 


Description  of  Mitla    .   247 

The  ancient  Zapotec  country,   258 

Unity  of  Mexican  and  Central  American  civilization   266 

Zapotec  priesthood  and  ceremonials   275 

Deities  and  religious  conceptions  of  the  Zapotecs   284 

Explanation  of  the  wall  paintings     306 


245 


WALL  PAINTINGS  OF  MITLA" 


By  Editard  Seler 


DESCRIPTION  OF  MITLA 

In  the  broad  valley  of  Tlacolula,  which,  rising  in  a  succession  of 
terraces,  inclosed  by  mountain  ranges,  and  intersected  by  flat-topped 
ridges  and  isolated  peaks,  forms  the  eastern  part  of  the  wide  and 
beautiful  Valle  de  Oaxaca,  lies  the  place  which  is  called  Yoopaa,^  or 
Lioo-baa,  by  the  Zapotecs,  and  Mictlan  by  the  Mexicans.  It  is  situ- 
ated near  the  highest  eastern  end  of  the  valley,  at  the  foot  of  the 
mountain  chain  which  separates  it  from  the  valley  of  Villa  Alta  and 
the  mountainous  regions  of  the  Mixes.  The  two  names  of  this  place 
have  the  same  meaning,  "  burial  place  ",  or  "  place  of  the  dead  ".  It 
was  the  burial  city  of  the  Zapotec  kings  and  priests. 

It  w^as  a  custom  among  the  Zapotecs  and  the  kindred  tribes, 
Mixtecs,  Cuicatecs,  and  their  neighbors,  the  Mixes,  to  bury  their 
dead  chiefs  and  nobles  in  caves.  There  was  probably  a  double  reason 
for  this  custom.  Throughout  the  world  caves  have  been  looked  upon 
as  entrances  to  the  interior  of  the  earth,  to  the  underworld,  to  the 
kingdom  of  the  dead.  Among  the  Zapotecs  and  Mixtecs,  however, 
there  existed  also  the  belief,  which  is  met  with  among  several  other 
aboriginal  tribes  of  America,  that  the  ancestors  of  their  race  had 
risen  from  the  inner  depths  of  the  earth  to  the  light  of  the  sun. 
Thus  it  was,  in  a  certain  way,  the  realm  of  the  forefathers,  their 
ancient  home,  in  which  they  buried  their  dead  when  they  laid  them 
to  rest  in  the  sacred  caves. 

«  Wandmalereien  von  Mitla,  eine  mexikanischen  Bilderschrift  in  fresko,  nach  eigenen  an 
Ort  und  Stelle  aufgenommenen  Zeichnungen,  herausgegeben  und  erUiutert  von  Dr 
Eduard  Seler.  Berlin,  1895.  The  dedication  may  be  translated  as  follows :  To  His 
Excellency  the  Duke  of  Loubat,  the  generous  promoter  of  the  infant  science  of  the  new 
continent,  these  results  of  earlier  journeys  and  studies  are  gratefully  dedicated  by  the 
author.    Steglitz,  July,  1895. 

Burgoa  translates  it  Lugar  de  Descanso,  "  resting  place".  Indeed  the  meaning  "rest- 
ing ",  "  taking  breath  ",  is  contained  in  the  root  paa.  For  paa,  and  the  allied  form  pee, 
means  "  breeze  "  wind  ",  "  breath  ",  and  the  extended  meaning  "  happiness  ",  "  blessed- 
ness ",  "  peace  ",  "  wealth  ",  can  doubtless  be  traced  back  to  this  root.  Paa  also  contains, 
by  implication,  the  meaning  "  burial  place  "  ;  paa  or  queto-paa,  sepultura,  "  tomb  "  ;  paa- 
quie,  sepultura  de  piedra,  "  stone  tomb  "  ;  paa-tao,  sepultura  labrada  d  poste,  a  "  sepulcher 
made  of  posts  "  ;  and  it  is  perhaps  most  natural  to  accept  this  especial  meaning  here. 

347 


248 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


In  the  country  of  the  Mixtecs  the  cave  of  Chalcatongo,  situated 
on  a  high  mountain,  served  as  a  burial  place  for  their  kings  and 
great  men,  and  Father  Burgoa  relates  with  indignation  how,  even 
in  later  Christian  times,  a  cacique,  esteemed  by  the  priests  for  his 
godly  life,  accepted  the  last  sacraments  of  the  Christian  Church  and 
yet  left  behind  him  the  behest  that  his  earthly  remains  should  be 
buried  in  that  cave."  The  extensive  caves  in  the  limestone  moun- 
tains (whence  came  its  names  of  Yoopaa  and  Mictlan)  imparted  to 
this  place  its  sacred  character  and  caused  the  Zapotecs  to  choose  it  for 
the  burial  place  of  their  kings  and  priests.  There  were  also  smaller 
caves  in  the  place,  called  Zeetoba,  "second  burial  place  ",  or  Queui- 
quije-zaa,  "  the  palace  on  the  rock  " ;  in  Mexican,  Teticpac.  It  served 
as  a  burial  place  of  the  second  (subordinate)  rank. 

The  peculiar  notion  connected  with  caves  in  specially  favored 
situations,  namely,  that  they  indicated  the  places  where  the  ancestors 
of  the  race  had  come  forth  from  the  earth,  was,  without  doubt, 
the  reason  why  Yoopaa,  or  Mictlan,  was  not  only  a  burial  place, 
but  also  the  most  important  sanctuary  of  the  country  and  the  resi- 
dence of  the  high  priest.  He  was  called  Uija-tao,  "  great  prophet 
and  was  treated  l)y  the  Zapotec  kings,  as  Father  Burgoa  relates, 
with  such  submissive  veneration  and  regarded  as  being  so  closely 
connected  with  the  gods,  being  the  direct  distributor  of  their  gracious 
gifts,  as  well  as  of  their  punishments,  that  the  kings  turned  to  him  in 
all  matters  and  in  every  need,  and  carried  out  his  commands  with  the 
strictest  obedience,  even  at  the  cost  of  their  blood  and  their  lives.^ 

It  was  in  keeping  with  the  twofold  significance  of  the  place  that 
here  in  Yoopaa,  or  Mictlan,  the  most  important  and  magnificent 
edifices  were  erected,  and  that  here  every  form  of  art  was  employed 
which  the  ancient  inhabitants  of  this  country  could  command.  Mic- 
tlan was  doubtless  not  the  only  place  in  the  Zapotec  country  where 
magnificent  buildings  were  to  be  found.  A  beautifully  sculptured 
tomb  has  been  discovered  in  Xoxo,  not  far  from  Oaxaca.^'  Moreover 
on  the  mountain  citadel  of  Tlacolula  and  in  Teotitlan  del  Valle  we 
have  found  fragments  of  wall  facings  of  stone  mosaic  very  similar  to 
the  famous  mosaics  of  Mitla  which  represent  geometric  designs. 
There  are  undoubtedly  similar  buildings  to  be  found  in  other  parts  of 
this  country,  which  as  yet  has  been  little  exj^lored.  The  buildings 
of  Mitla,  however,  have  always  been  distinguished  for  their  size, 
number,  and  magnificence,  and  we  find  in  the  very  earliest  reports 
enthusiastic  and  admiring  descriptions  of  them. 

«  p.  Burgoa,  Segunda  Parte  de  la  Historia  de  la  Provincia  de  Predicadores  de  Guaxaca, 
Mexico,  1674,  chap.  29. 

"  Burgoa,  work  cited,  chap.  53. 

''  See  the  description  in  Compte  rendu  du  Congres  international  des  America nistes,  T'"*' 
session,  Berlin,  1888,  p.  126  et  seq.    There  I  have  also  given  a  small  sketch  of  the  tomb. 


SELER]  DESCRIPTION  OF   MITLA  249 

Father  Torqiiemada  writes : 

When  some  monks  of  my  order,  the  Franciscan,  passed,  preaching  and  shriv- 
ing, through  the  province  of  Zapoteca,  whose  capital  city  is  Tehiiantepec,&  they 
came  to  a  village  which  was  called  Mictlan,  that  is,  "  underworld  ( hell ) ".  Besides 
mentioning  the  large  number  of  people  in  the  village  they  told  of  buildings  which 
were  prouder  and  more  magnificent  than  any  which  they  had  hitherto  seen  in 
New  Spain.  Among  them  was  a  temple  of  the  evil  spirit  and  living  rooms  for 
his  demoniacal  servants,  and  among  other  fine  things  there  was  a  hall  with 
ornamented  panels,  which  were  constructed  of  stone  in  a  variety  of  arabesques 
and  other  very  remarkable  designs.  There  were  doorways  there,  each  one  of 
which  was  built  of  but  three  stones,  two  upright  at  the  sides  and  one  across 
them,  in  such  a  manner  that,  although  these  doorways  were  very  high  and  broad, 
the  stones  sufficed  for  their  entire  construction.  They  were  so  thick  and  broad 
that  we  were  assured  there  were  few  like  them.  There  was  another  hall  in 
these  buildings,  or  rectangular  temples,  which  was  erected  entirely  on  round 
stone  pillars,  very  high  and  very  thick,  so  thick  that  two  grown  men  could  scarcely 
encircle  them  with  their  arms,  nor  could  one  of  them  reach  the  finger  tips  of 
the  other.  These  pillars  were  all  in  one  piece  and,  it  was  said,  the  whole  shaft 
of  a  pillar  measured  5  ells  from  top  to  bottom,  and  they  were  very  much  like 
tliose  of  the  churcli  of  Santa  Maria  Maggiore  in  Rome,  very  skillfully  made  and 
polished. 

Father  Bnrgoa  gives  a  more  exact  description.^    He  says: 

The  palace  of  the  living  and  of  the  dead  was  built  for  the  use  of  this  one 
(the  high  priest  of  tlie  Zapotecs).  *  *  *  They  built  this  magnificent  house 
or  pantlieon  in  the  sliape  of  a  rectangle,  with  portions  rising  above  the  earth 
and  portions  built  down  into  tlie  earth,  the  latter  in  the  hole  or  cavity  which 
was  found  below  the  surface  of  the  earth,  and  ingeniously  made  the  chambers 
of  equal  size  by  tlie  manner  of  joining  them,  leaving  a  spacious  court  in  the 
middle ;  and  in  order  to  secure  four  equal  chambers  they  accomplished  what 
barbarian  lieathen  (as  they  were)  could  only  achieve  by  the  powers  and  skill  of 
an  architect.  It  is  not  known  in  wliat  stone  pit  they  quarried  the  pillars, 
whicli  are  so  thick  tliat  two  men  can  scarcely  encircle  tliem  with  their  arms. 
These  are,  to  be  sure,  mere  shafts  without  capital  or  pedestal,  but  they  are 
wonderfully  regular  and  smooth,  and  they  are  about  5  ells  liigh  and  in  one 
piece.  These  served  to  support  tlie  roof,  which  consists  of  stone  slabs  instead 
of  beams.  The  slabs  are  about  2  ells  long,  1  ell  broad,  and  half  an  ell  thick, 
extending  from  pillar  to  pillar.  Tlie  pillars  stand  in  a  row,  one  behind  the 
other,  in  order  to  receive  the  weight.  The  stone  slabs  are  so  regular  and  so 
exactly  fitted  that,  without  any  mortar  or  cement  at  the  joints,  tliey  resemble 
mortised  beams.  The  four  rooms,  which  are  very  spacious,  are  arranged  in 
exactly  the  same  way  and  covered  witli  tlie  same  kind  of  roofing.  But  in  the 
construction  of  the  walls  the  greatest  architects  of  the  earth  have  been  sur- 
passed, as  I  have  not  found  this  kind  of  architecture  described  either  among 


«  Monarquia  Indiana,  v.  3,  chap.  29. 
Without  doubt  this  refers  to  Father  Martin  de  Valencia  and  his  eight  companions, 
who  went  to  Tehuantepec  to  embark  there  for  China,  and  who  stayed  at  the  former  place 
seven  months.  Since  they  could  obtain  no  ships,  they  went  back  to  Mexico.  See  Moto- 
linia,  Historia  de  los  Indios  de  la  Nueva  Espaiia,  tratado  3,  chap.  5  ;  Mendieta,  Historia 
Ecclesiastica  Indiana,  v.  4,  chap.  10.  In  both  places  a  description  is  given  of  the  archi- 
tecture of  Mitla,  which  corresponds  in  essential  points  with  the  description  of  Torquemada 
quoted  above  ;  except  that  Mendieta  calls  the  church  in  Rome  Santa  Maria  la  Redonda, 
and  in  Motolma  this  comparison  is  wholly  wanting. 

f  Work  cited,  chap.  53.  That  which  he  states,  he  says,  he  knows  from  old  papers  which 
have  come  into  his  hands  and  from  traditions  current  among  aged  Indians. 


250 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


the  Egyptians  or  among  the  Greeks ;  for  they  begin  at  the  base  with  a  narrow 
outline  and,  as  the  structure  rises  in  height,  spread  out  in  wide  copings  at 
the  top,  so  that  the  upper  part  exceeds  the  base  in  breadth  and  loolvs  as  if  it 
would  fall  over.  The  inner  side  of  the  walls  consists  of  a  mortar  or  stucco  of 
such  hardness  that  no  one  knows  with  what  kind  of  liquid  it  could  have  been 
mixed.  The  outside  is  of  such  extraordinary  workmanship  that  on  a  masonry 
wall  about  an  ell  in  height  there  are  placed  stone  slabs  with  a  projecting  edge, 
which  form  the  support  for  an  endless  number  of  small  white  stones,  the  small- 
est of  which  are  a  sixth  of  an  ell  long,  half  as  broad,  and  a  quarter  as  thick, 
and  which  are  as  smooth  and  regular  as  if  they  had  all  come  from  one  mold. 
They  had  so  many  of  these  stones  that,  setting  them  in,  one  beside  the  other, 
they  formed  with  them  a  large  number  of  different  beautiful  geometric  designs, 
each  an  ell  broad  and  running  the  whole  length  of  the  wall,  each  varying  in 
pattern  up  to  the  crowning  piece,  which  was  the  finest  of  all.  And  what  has 
always  seemed  inexplicable  to  the  greatest  architects  is  the  adjustment  of 
these  little  stones  without  a  single  handful  of  mortar,  and  the  fact  that  without 
tools,  with  nothing  but  hard  stones  and  sand,  they  could  achieve  such  solid  work 
that,  though  the  whole  structure  is  very  old  and  no  one  knows  who  made  it, 
it  has  been  preserved  until  the  present  day. 

I  carefully  examined  these  monuments  some  thirty  years  ago  in  the  chambers 
above  ground,  which  are  constructed  of  the  same  size  and  in  the  same  way  as 
those  below  ground  and,  though  single  pieces  were  in  ruins  because  some  stones 
had  become  loosened,  there  v.  as  still  much  to  admire.  The  doorways  were  very 
large,  the  sides  of  each  being  of  single  stones  of  the  same  thickness  as  the  wall, 
and  the  lintel  was  made  out  of  another  stone  which  held  the  two  lower  ones 
together  at  the  top.  There  were  lour  chambers  above  ground  and  four  below. 
The  latter  were  arranged  according  to  Their  purpose  in  such  a  way  that  one 
front  chamber  served  as  chapel  and  sanctuary  for  the  idols,  which  were  placed 
on  a  great  stone  which  served  as  an  altar.  And  for  the  more  important  feasts 
which  they  celebrated  with  sacrifices,  or  at  the  burial  of  a  king  or  great  lord, 
the  high  priest  instructed  the  lesser  priests  or  the  subordinate  temple  officials 
who  served  him  to  prepare  the  chapel  and  his  vestments  and  a  large  quantity 
of  the  incense  used  by  them.  And  then  he  descended  with  a  great  retinue, 
while  none  of  the  connnon  people  saw  him  or  dared  to  look  in  his  face,  convinced 
that  if  they  did  so  they  would  fall  dead  to  the  earth  as  a  punishment  for  their 
boldness.  And  when  he  entered  the  chapel  they  put  on  him  a  long  white  cot- 
ton garment  made  like  an  alb,  and  over  that  a  garment  shaped  like  a  dalmatic, 
which  was  embroidered  with  pictures  of  wild  beasts  and  birds ;  and  they  put  a 
cap  on  his  head,  and  on  his  feet  a  kind  of  shoe  woven  of  many  colored  feathers. 
And  when  he  had  put  on  these  garments  he  walked  with  solemn  mien  and 
measured  step  to  the  altar,  bowed  low  before  the  idols,  renewed  the  incense, 
and  then  in  quite  unintelligible  nmrmurs  (muy  entre  dientes)  he  began  to  con- 
verse with  these  images,  these  depositories  of  infernal  spirits,  and  continued 
in  this  sort  of  prayer  with  hideous  grimaces  and  writhings,  uttering  inarticu- 
late sounds,  which  filled  all  present  with  fear  and  terror,  till  he  r-ume  out  of 
that  diabolical  trance  and  told  those  standing  around  the  lies  and  fabrications 
which  the  spirit  had  imparted  to  him  or  which  he  had  invented  himself.  When 
human  beings  were  sacrificed  the  ceremonies  were  multiplied,  and  the  assist- 
ants of  the  high  priest  stretched  the  victim  out  upon  a  large  stone,  baring  his 
breast,  which  they  tore  open  with  a  great  stone  knife,  while  the  body  writhed  in 
fearful  convulsions  and  they  laid  the  heart  bare,  ripping  it  out,  and  with  it  the 
soul,  which  the  devil  took,  while  they  carried  the  heart  to  the  high  priest  that 
he  might  offer  it  to  the  idols  by  holding  it  to  their  mouths,  among  other  cere- 
monies ;  and  the  body  was  thrown  into  the  l)urial  place  of  their  "  blessed  ",  as 


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PLAN   OF   MITLA   RUINS.  OAXACA 


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251 


they  called  them.  And  if  after  the  sacrifice  he  felt  inclined  to  detain  those  who 
begged  any  favor  he  sent  them  word  by  the  subordinate  priests  not  to  leave 
their  houses  till  their  gods  were  appeased,  and  he  connnanded  them  to  do  pen- 
ance meanwhile,  to  fast  and  to  speak  with  no  woman,  so  that,  until  this  father 
of  sin  had  interceded  for  the  absolution  of  the  penitents  and  had  declared  the 
gods  appeased  they  did  not  dare  to  cross  their  thresholds. 

The  second  (underground)  chamber  was  the  burial  place  of  these  high  priests, 
the  third  that  of  the  kings  of  Theozapotlan,  whom  they  brought  thither  richly 
dressed  in  their  best  attire,  feathers,  jewels,  golden  necklaces,  and  precious 
stones,  placing  a  shield  in  the  left  band  and  a  javelin  in  the  right,  just  as  they 
used  them  in  war.  And  at  their  burial  rites  great  mourning  prevailed ;  the 
instruments  which  were  i)layed  made  mournful  sounds;  and  with  loud  wailing 
and  continuous  sobbing  they  chanted  the  life  and  exploits  of  their  lord  until 
they  laid  him  on  the  structure  which  they  had  prepared  for  this  purpose. 

The  last  (underground)  chamber  had  a  second  door  at  the  rear,  which  led  to 
a  dark  and  grewsome  room.  This  was  closed  with  a  stone  slab,  which  occupied 
the  whole  entrance.  Through  this  door  they  threw  the  bodies  of  the  victims 
and  of  the  great  lords  and  chieftains  who  had  fallen  in  battle,  and  they  brought 
them  from  the  spot  where  they  fell,  even  when  it  w^as  very  far  off,  to  this  burial 
place ;  and  so  great  was  the  barbarous  infatuation  of  these  Indians  that,  in  the 
belief  of  the  happy  life  which  awaited  them,  many  who  were  oppressed  by  dis- 
eases or  hardships  begged  this  infamous  priest  to  accept  them  as  living  sacri- 
fices and  allow  them  to  enter  through  that  portal  and  roam  about  in  the  dark 
interior  of  the  mountain,  to  seek  the  great  feasting  places  of  their  forefathers. 
And  when  anyone  obtained  this  favor  the  servants  of  the  high  priest  led  him 
thither  with  special  ceremonies,  and  after  they  had  allowed  him  to  enter  through 
the  small  door  they  rolled  the  stone  before  it  again  and  took  leave  of  him,  and 
the  unhappy  man,  wandering  in  that  abyss  of  darkness,  died  of  hunger  and 
thirst,  beginning  already  in  life  the  pain  of  his  damnation ;  and  on  account  of 
this  horrible  abyss  they  called  this  village  Liyobaa. 

When  later  there  fell  upon  these  people  the  light  of  the  Gospel,  its  servants 
took  much  trouble  to  instruct  them  and  to  find  out  whether  this  error,  connnon 
to  all  these  nations,  still  prevailed,  and  they  learned  from  the  stories  which  had 
been  handed  down  that  all  were  convinced  that  this  damp  cavern  extended 
more  than  30  leagues  underground,  and  that  its  roof  was  supported  by 
pillars.  And  there  were  people,  zealous  prelates  anxious  for  knowledge,  who, 
in  order  to  convince  these  ignorant  people  of  their  error,  went  into  this  cave 
accompanied  by  a  large  number  of  people  bearing  lighted  torches  and  fire- 
brands, and  descended  several  large  steps.  And  they  soon  came  upon  many 
great  buttresses  which  formed  a  kind  of  street.  They  had  prudently  brought 
a  quantity  of  rope  with  them  to  use  as  guiding  lines,  that  they  might  not  lose 
themselves  in  this  confusing  labyrinth.  And  the  putrefaction  and  the  bad  odor 
and  the  dampness  of  the  earth  were  very  great  and  there  was  also  a  cold  wind 
which  blew  out  their  torches.  And  after  they  had  gone  a  short  distance,  fearing 
to  be  overpowered  by  the  stench  or  to  step  on  poisonous  reptiles,  of  which  some 
had  been  seen,  they  resolved  to  go  out  again  and  to  completely  wall  up  this 
back  door  of  hell.  The  four  buildings  above  ground  were  the  only  ones  which 
still  remained  open,  and  they  had  a  court  and  chambers  like  those  underground ; 
and  the  ruins  of  these  have  lasted  even  to  the  present  day. 

One  of  the  rooms  above  ground  was  the  palace  of  the  high  priest,  where  he 
sat  and  slept,  for  the  apartment  offered  room  and  opportunity  for  everything. 
The  throne  was  like  a  high  cushion  with  a  high  back  to  lean  against,  all  of  tiger 
skin,  stuffed  entirely  with  delicate  feathers  or  with  fine  grass  which  was  used 


252 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


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for  this  purpose.  The  other  seats  were  smaller,  even  when  the  king  came  to 
visit  him.  The  authority  of  this  devilish  priest  was  so  great  that  there  was  no 
one  who  dared  to  cross  the  court,  and  to  avoid  this  the  other  three  chambers 
had  doors  in  the  rear,  through  which  even  the  kings  entered.  For  this  purpose 
they  had  alleys  and  passageways  on  the  outside  above  and  below,  by  which 
people  could  enter  and  go  out  when  they  came  to  see  the  high  priest. 

These  priests  never  married,  nor  did  they  hold  intercourse  with  women. 
Only,  at  certain  feasts,  which  tliey  celebrated  with  great  banqueting  and  much 
drunkenness,  the  kings  brought  to  them  the  unmarried  daughters  of  the  chief- 
tains, and  if  one  of  these  became  i^regnant  she  was  taken  to  a  retired  spot  until 
her  confinement,  so  that  if  a  son  should  be  born  he  could  be  brought  up  as  the 
successor  of  the  priest  in  his  office,  for  this  succession  always  fell  to  the  son  or 
nearest  relative  and  was  never  elective. 

The  second  chamber  above  ground  was  that  of  the  priests  and  the  assistants 
of  the  high  i)riests.  The  third  was  that  of  the  king  when  he  came.  The  fourth 
was  that  of  the  other  chieftains  and  captains,  and  though  the  space  was  small 
for  so  great  a  number  and  for  so  many  different  families,  yet  they  acconnuodated 
themselves  to  each  other  out  of  respect  for  the  place  and  avoided  dissensions 
and  factions.  Furthermore,  there  was  no  other  administration  of  justice  in  this 
place  than  that  of  the  high  priest,  to  whose  unlimited  power  all  bowed. 

All  the  rooms  were  clean  and  well  furnished  with  mats.  It  was  not  the  cus- 
tom to  sleep  on  bedsteads,  however  great  a  lord  might  be.  They  used  very  taste- 
fully braided  mats,  which  were  spread  on  the  floor,  and  soft  skins  of  animals 
and  delicate  fabrics  for  coverings.  Their  food  consisted  usually  of  animals 
killed  in  the  hunt ;  deer,  rabbits,  armadillos,  etc.,  and  also  birds,  which  they 
killed  with  snares  or  arrows.  The  bread,  made  of  their  maize,  was  white  and 
well  kneaded.  Their  drinks  were  always  cold,  made  of  ground  chocolate,  which 
was  mixed  with  water  and  pounded  maize.  Other  drinks  were  made  of  pulpy 
and  of  crushed  fruits,  which  were  then  mixed  with  the  intoxicating  drink  pre- 
pared from  the  agave,  for  since  the  common  people  were  forbidden  the  use  of 
intoxicating  drinks,  there  was  always  an  abundance  of  these  on  hand. 

This  entire  account  of  Mitla  [the  father  adds  in  conclusion]  was  added  to 
his  history  that  he  might  be  faithful  to  his  promise,  and  although  these  things 
were,  of  course,  full  of  superstition  and  impious  error,  still  they  wei-e  the  most 
important  and  intelligent  manifestations  of  this  nation  which  had  fallen  under 
his  observation. 

I  have  translated  and  quoted  this  passage  at  length  because  it  con- 
tains the  account  of  an  eyewitness  who  saw  the  monuments  when  the}^ 
were  still  in  a  tolerably  intact  condition,  furnished  still  with  the  roof, 
which  is  now  entirely  gone;  because  this  passage  is  the  only  one  I 
know  of,  dating  from  ancient  times,  which  gives  an  explanation  con- 
cerning the  purpose  and  significance  of  the  different  buildings;  and 
because  the  book  from  Avhich  the  quotation  is  taken  is  extremely  rare. 
In  spite  of  much  inquiry,  I  have  heard  of  no  library  in  Germany  or 
Austria  which  contains  the  work. 

The  position  of  the  buildings  as  they  stand  to-day  is  seen  on  the 
plan  given  in  plate  xxii.  This  is  draAvn,  according  to  a  plan  made 
by  the  well-known  architect,  E.  Miihlenpfordt,  in  the  year  1831,  with 
the  addition  of  some  details  which  were  added  from  the  results  of  per- 
sonal observations  and  after  a  recent  drawing  by  Mr  J.  Leon.    It  is 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


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DESCRIPTION  OF  MITLA 


253 


seen  that  tfiere  are  in  all  three  groups  of  the  principal  buildings, 
which  extend  in  a  slight  curve  frpni  the  height  down  to  the  river.  I 
have  numbered  the  first  I.  For  practical  reasons  I  have  numbered 
the  second  II  and  III.  The  third  is  designated  IV.  Inside  the  arc 
formed  by  these  groups  of  buildings,  but  not  near  the  center,  lies  a 
terraced  pyramid,  an  ancient  temple  without  doubt,  which  serves  now 
as  a  cemetery  and  has  a  chapel  on  its  upper  platform.  A  court 
formed  by  broad,  rampartlike  elevations  lies  behind  it.  On  ,the  other 
side  of  the  river  there  is  a  similar,  smaller  pyramid  with  several 
courts  formed  by  rampartlike  elevations. 

Each  of  the  three  chief  groups  of  buildings,  I,  II-III,  and  IV, 
consists  of  a  main  building  and  an  adjoining  building  (see  the  ground 
plan  of  palace  I,  plate  xxiii).  The  main  structure  has  a  courtyard 
lying  according  to  the  four  points  of  the  compass,  inclosed  on  three 
sides  by  buildings.  Of  these,  the  one  situated  on  the  north  side  of 
the  court  is  the  largest  and  most  beautifully  finished,  and  is  con- 
nected by  means  of  a  narrow  angular  passage  with  a  smaller  adjoin- 
ing court,  which  is  surrounded  on  all  four  sides  by  narrow,  corridor- 
like chambers,  and  is  completely  closed  from  the  outside. 

The  position  of  the  adjoining  building  varies  somewhat.  While 
in  I  it  lies  directly  in  front  of  the  main  building,  those  of  III  and  IV 
lie  a  little  to  one  side.  These  adjoining  buildings  also  surround  three 
sides  of  a  court  whose  four  sides  face  the  four  points  of  the  compass. 
While,  hoAvever,  in  the  main  buildings,  the  south  side  of  the  court 
remains  open,  in  the  adjoining  buildings  that  is  the  case  only  in  IV, 

I  and  III  being  open  toward  the  west. 

The  church  and  the  priest's  house  are  built  into  palace  1.  Palace 

II  is  the  best  preserved  and  the  most  beautiful.  It  contains  in  the 
principal  room,  situated  on  the  north  side  of  the  court,  the  row  of  six 
large  monolithic  pillars,  which  have  always  been  considered  the  most 
remarkable  proof  of  the  technical  skill  of  the  ancient  Zapotecs.  As 
palace  IV  lies  nearest  the  village  it  has  been  most  despoiled,  in  order 
to  furnish  stones  and  other  building  materials  for  the  huts  of  the 
present  village.  Only  a  few  remains  of  masonry  scattered  about  the 
garden  are  now  left  of  this  palace. 

If  an  attempt  is  made  to  identify  the  still  remaining  buildings 
after  Burgoa's  description,  a  certain  difficulty  arises  at  the  very 
outset.  Burgoa  speaks  of  "  four  chambers  "  (quadras)  or  "  halls  " 
(salas),  and  says  that  remains  of  them  had  been  found  partly  above 
ground  (altos)  and  partly  underground  (bajos),  and  that  the  former 
were  like  the  latter  in  size  and  the  manner  of  their  decoration. 

He  furthermore  says  that  one  of  the  chambers  found  under- 
ground, the  front  one,  had  been  a  temple,  sacrarium,  or  place  for 
keeping  the  idols;  another  had  served  as  burial  place  for  the  high 
priest;  the  third  as  the  tomb  of  the  kings  and  nobles  of  the  realm; 


254 


BUKEAU  OF  AMEEICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


and  the  fourth  had  been  connected  with  the  great  cave,  whither  they 
were  accustomed  to  bring  the  bodies  of  the  victims  of  sacrifice  and 
of  the  chiefs  who  had  fallen  in  battle.  The  chambers  found  above 
ground,  he  said,  had  served  as  dwellings,  one  for  the  high  priest,  the 
second  for  the  rest  of  the  priesthood,  the  third  for  the  king,  and  the 
fourth  for  the  families  of  the  nobles  who  came  to  Mitla  in  the  retinue 
of  the  king. 

Here,  first  of  all,  it  is  clear  that  "  quadras  "  or  "salas  "  could  not 
have  been  used  to  designate  the  entire  groups  of  buildings  forming 
the  palaces,  for  there  are  only  three,  not  four,  of  these.  Furthermore, 
we  can  not  take  literall}^  the  statement  that  the  underground  cham- 
bers were  exactl}^  like  those  above  ground  in  the  manner  of  decora- 
tion and  in  size.  The  onh^  building  in  which  a  crypt  has  been 
preserved,  or  rather  excavated,  is  the  larger  eastern  building  of  III. 
Here,  however,  the  crypt  does  not  have  the  form  of  the  chamber 
above  ground.  The  latter  is  an  oblong  rectangle  in  shape.  The 
crypt  is  built  in  the  shape  of  a  cross,  exactty  like  the  crypt  which  was 
discovered  in  the  village  of  Xaaga,  three-fourths  of  a  league  from 
Mitla,  and  can  still  be  seen.  I  think  that  Burgoa's  statements  refer 
only  to  the  different  parts  of  one  grouj)  of  palace  buildings;  and  there 
seems  to  be  the  greatest  probability  that  Burgoa  had  in  mind  group 
II-III.  In  this  one  the  hall  Avith  pillars  lying  on  the  north  side  of 
the  main  court  of  II  might  have  formed,  with  its  adjoining  court, 
the  dwelling  of  the  high  priest,  the  TJija-tao,  and  under  it  must 
have  been  the  crypt  that  was  "  in  front  ",  where  the  idols  stood  and 
where  the  high  priest  received  his  inspirations.  The  building  situ- 
ated on  the  west  side  of  the  main  court  might  have  contained,  above, 
the  living  rooms  for  the  priesthood  and,  below,  the  burial  place  for 
the  high  priest.  The  building  situated  opposite,  on  the  east  side, 
might  have  been  the  dwelling  and  burial  place  of  the  king.  We  may 
probably  consider  the  whole  of  palace  III  as  the  building  where  the 
majority  of  the  nobles  were  quartered  and  where,  at  the  rear  of  the 
crypt  of  the  main  building,  a  door  led  into  the  cave  already  described. 
Then  this  entrance  would  have  been  directly  oj^posite  the  pyramid, 
on  whose  upper  platform  the  sacrifices  were  doubtless  performed. 

If  this  is  the  case,  we  must  consider  the  three  palace  groups  as 
undoubtedly  constructed  on  a  uniform  plan,  the  individual  buildings 
being  designed  for  exactly  similar  purposes.  We  must,  then,  neces- 
sarily conclude  further  that  there  was  in  Mitla  not  one  high  priest 
only,  but  that  besides  him,  perhaps  subordinated  to  him,  there 
must  have  been  at  least  two  other  chief  priests.  This  conclusion, 
however,  is  not  unnatural  or  forced.  On  the  contrary,  this  idea  is 
very  readily  suggested  by  a  comparison  with  the  corresponding 
conditions  in  the  capital,  Mexico.  Besides,  Burgoa  speaks  plainly 
in  another  place  of  several  high  priests,  Uija-tao,  whom  the  king  of 


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DESCRIPTION  OF  MITLA 


255 


Tehiuiiitepec,  Cocijo-pij,  had  summoned  to  him  from  Micthm."  We 
also  know  that  the  "  Zapotecos  Serranos  who  lived  on  the  other 
side  of  the  mountains,  in  the  forest  valleyH  of  Villa  Alta,  had  their 
special  priests.'^ 

The  appearance  which  the  outer  and  inner  fagades  of  these  palaces 
present,  with  their  projections  and  courses  of  coping  and  the  wonder- 
ful ornamentation  produced  by  geometric  designs  executed  in  raised 
stonework,  is  shown  by  the  photographs  which  are  reproduced  on 
plates  XXV  to  xxx.  The  pictures  Avere  taken  in  1800  by  order  of  the 
commfssion  of  the  state  of  Oaxaca  for  the  world's  exposition  in  Paris. 
The  number  of  designs  in  the  panels  of  the  wall  is  limited.  Those 
which  my  wife  and  I  observed  in  Mitla  are  reproduced  in  plates  xxxi 
and  XX XII  from  original  drawings  by  my  wife.  A  few  additional 
designs  are  reproduced  there  which  we  saw  in  the  crypt  of  Xaaga  and 
in  the  neighborhood  of  the  utterly  ruined  temple  of  Xaquie,  or  Teo- 
titlan  del  Valle.  As  to  the  technic  of  these  designs,  one  might  think, 
according  to  Burgoa's  description  quoted  above,  that  they  were 
formed  of  small  stones  Avhich  had  been  set  in  a  mass  of  stucco.  That 
is  by  no  means  the  case.  The  blocks,  cut  out  of  a  light-colored 
tufaceous  stone,  laid  one  upon  the  other,  form  the  outer  and  inner 
surface  of  the  thick  walls,  which  consist  chiefly  of  mortar.  They 
were  sculptured  on  the  outer  side,  perhaps  even  in  their  present  posi- 
tion, in  such  a  manner  that  a  single  stone  of  this  kind  shows  on  its 
exterior  face  a  sunken  and  a  projecting  surface,  the  lines  of  demarca- 
tion running  in  steps,  zigzag  lines,  or  curves,  according  to  the  nature 
of  the  design  of  which  they  are  a  part.  With  this  method  of  con- 
struction it  is  plain  that  no  single  portion  can  crumble  and  become 
detached,  and  therefore  the  patterns  are  still,  in  the  main,  as  clear 
and  unchanged  as  they  were  centuries  ago.  The  height  of  the  pro- 
jection above  the  sunken  plane,  which  averages  about  3  cm.,  and  the 
extraordinarily  sharp  and  perpendicular  outline  between  the  raised 
parts  and  the  background  cause  the  patterns  to  stand  out  with 
remarkable  clearness  and  distinctness.  In  the  background  we  find 
everywhere  traces  of  red  coloring,  while  the  raised  parts  seem  to  have 
been  left  white,  an  inference  also  to  be  drawn  from  Burgoa's  descrip- 
tion, where  he  speaks  of  "  small  white  stones  ".  I  need  hardly  point 
out  that  this  contrast  of  color  must  have  enhanced  the  effect  of  the 
pattern  still  more. 

Now,  while  the  exterior  aspect  of  these  palaces  and  the  ornamenta- 

«  Burgoa,  work  cited,  chap.  72  :  Llevando  de  el  gran  adoratorio  de  Mictla  los  sacerdotes 
mayores  como  pontifices,  k  quienes  Uaman  Iluija-too,  en  su  lengua,  que  quiere  dezir 
"  grande  atalaya  y  el  que  lo  ve  todo  "  y  otros  sacerdotes  menores  que  llaman  copa  vitoo 
"  guarda  de  los  Dioses  "  ("Bringing  from  the  great  temple  of  Mictla  the  high  priests 
as  pontiflces,whom  they  call  in  their  language  Huija-too,  which  means  *  great  guard  and 
he  who  sees  all  ',  and  other  lesser  priests  whom  they  call  copa  vitoo,  '  guardians  of  the 
gods  '  "). 

Burgoa,  work  cited,  chap.  56. 


256 


BUKEAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


tion  in  raised  geometric  designs  have  been  frequently  depicted  and 
described  in  former  times,  few  of  the  authors  who  have  hitherto 
written  about  Mitla  have  paid  special  attention  to  the  frescoes 
which  were  over  the  middle  door  of  each  side  of  the  adjacent  courts, 
and  portions  of  which  are  still  to  be  seen.  A  manuscript  atlas  by 
the  German  architect  E.  Miihlenpfordt,  which  is  preserved  in  the 
Instituto  Publico  at  Oaxaca  and  has  been  reproduced  in  Peiiafiel's  ^ 
great  illustrated  publication,  is  the  only  work  in  which,  together 
with  exact  ground  plans  and  elevations  of  the  palaces,  specimens  are 
to  be  found  of  the  mural  paintings  from  each  of  the  two  courts 
where  these  paintings  exist.  It  was  Mr  Pefiafiel  who  called  my 
attention  to  these  paintings,  and  T  devoted  eleven  days  during  my 
sta}^  in  Mitla  with  my  wife,  in  June,  1888,  to  copying  them,  as  far 
as  they  were  still  visible,  so  as  to  rescue,  in  sketches  at  least,  what 
was  still  to  be  saved.  The  originals  themselves  will  scarcely  with- 
stand much  longer  the  effects  of  the  weather  and  the  consequences  of 
neglect.  Just  a  few  months  before  my  arrival  in  Mitla  a  large  and 
essential  part  of  the  paintings  was  knocked  down  incident  to  the 
important  building  of  a  pigsty  in  the  court  of  the  first  palace,  which 
has  served  for  a  long  time  and  still  serves  as  the  stable  of  the  priest's 
dwelling.    The  rest  of  the  paintings  are  everywhere  crumbling. 

The  paintings  are  found,  as  has  been  mentioned,  in  the  closed 
courtyards  adjoining  the  palaces,  which  are  accessible  only  by  means 
of  a  narrow,  angular  passageway  leading  from  the  main  building. 
Each  side  of  these  courts  (compare  the  elevation  on  plate  xxiv)  has 
a  doorway  in  the  center  and,  over  it,  a  narrow,  rectangular,  recessed 
panel.  Then  follows  a  narrow,  sunken  band  which  extends  the 
whole  length  of  the  wall.  Over  this  again  there  are  three  broader 
and  shorter  recesses  cut  into  the  wall,  the  middle  one  of  which 
projects  beyond  the  two  on  the  sides.  The  doors  in  the  center  lead 
to  narrow  gallaries  which  surround  the  court  on  the  four  sides.  On 
the  south  wall  of  the  court,  at  one  side  of  the  principal  doorway,  is 
the  opening  of  the  angular  passageway  which  joins  the  principal 
chamber  of  the  corresponding  palace  with  this  closed  adjoining 
court.  The  north  wall  of  the  adjacent  court  of  palace  I  has  three 
main  entrances  instead  of  one,  and  above  these  stretches  evenly  the 
narrow  recessed  panel  considerably  lengthened.  The  three  upper 
shorter  and  broader  recesses  on  all  four  sides  of  the  court  are  filled 
with  the  characteristic  geometric  designs  executed  in  raised  stone- 
work. The  lower  narrow,  recessed  panels  directly  over  the  doorway 
have  a  coating  of  fine  stucco,  and  it  is  this  which  is  covered  with 
paintings,  in  which  the  white  figures  contrast  with  the  painted  red 
background. 

*  Pefiafiel,  Monumentos  del  Arte  Mexicano  Antiguo,  Berlin,  1890,  atlas  II,  lamina 
212-227. 


sblbe] 


DESCRIPTION   OF  MITLA 


257 


In  the  second  palace,  the  hirgest  and  best  preserved,  there  is  now 
absokitely  nothing  to  be  seen  of  these  paintings.  Nevertheless,  be- 
yond a  doubt  there  were  some  here  also,  for  the  stucco  coating,  on 
which  the  paintings  were  executed  in  the  other  palaces,  can  be  recog- 
nized here  also  in  the  narrow  recessed  panels  over  the  doors.  In  the 
court  adjoining  the  fourth  palace,  which  is  situated  nearest  to  the 
river,  the  two  side  walls  and  the  lower  part  of  the  third  are  still  pre- 
served. On  the  east  side  there  may  still  be  recognized  in  the  narrow 
recessed  panels  the  upper  edge  of  the  painting  with  the  beautiful  bor- 
der, reproduced  (fragment  1)  on  the  first  plate.  The  four  fragments 
of  painting  which  are  reproduced  under  numbers  2  to  5  on  this  plate 
belong  to  the  north  side  of  this  court.  All  the  rest  of  the  painting 
which  is  preserved  belongs  to  the  court  adjoining  the  palace,  which 
has  the  most  elevated  position,  namely  palace  I.  This  palace  has  been 
turned  into  a  priest's  dwelling  since  the  country  was  won  over  to 
Christianity,  and  in  the  midst  of  its  buildings  rises  the  church  of  San 
Pablo  de  Mitla.  The  adjoining  court  is  used,  according  to  a  long- 
established  custom,  as  a  stable.  The  animals  wander  freely  about  the 
court,  and  against  one  of  the  sides  a  manger  of  masonry  has  been 
built  under  a  protecting  board  roof.  Both  structures  are  very  desir- 
able for  the  welfare  of  the  animals,  but  they  have  been  fatal  to  the 
paintings,  for  the  posts  which  support  the  penthouse  have  been 
driven  into  the  wall.  A  part  of  the  painting  has  also  been  entirely 
walled  in  for  the  construction  of  the  manger.  Finally,  as  I  have 
already  mentioned,  a  pigsty  has  very  recently  been  built  against  the 
north  side  of  the  court.  That  could  likewise  not  be  done  without 
serious  injury  to  the  painting.  On  the  other  hand,  we  must  be  just 
and  recognize  that  perhaps  the  very  reason  why  the  paintings  have 
been  still  so  largely  preserved  in  this  portion  of  these  historic  remains 
is  because  this  court,  as  a  part  of  the  parsonage,  has  been  withdrawn 
from  general  observation  and  use;  that  is,  from  general  exploitation 
and  demolition. 

Before  I  turn  to  the  description  and  explanation  of  these  pictures, 
it  seems  to  me  to  be  appropriate  to  ])ut  together  from  existing  sources 
what  is  known  concerning  the  nature  and  character  of  the  religious 
conceptions  of  the  Zapotecs. 
7238— No.  28—05  17 


THE  ANCIENT  ZAPOTEC  COUNTEY 


Only  very  scant  information  has  come  down  to  us  concerning  the 
ancient  Zapotec  country.  The  Mexicans  were  evidently  very  little 
in  touch  with  its  inhabitants.  Not  even  the  name  of  the  Zapotecs  is 
mentioned  in  any  one  of  the  lists  of  nations  which  were  compiled  by 
the  historians  of  ancient  Mexico.  There  were  always  other  tribes 
between  them  and  the  Mexicans,  and  these  bounded  the  ethnic  horizon, 
at  least  from  the  current  Mexican  point  of  view ;  nor  did  the  other- 
wise well-informed  Mexican  who  gave  Father  Sahagun  an  account 
"  of  all  the  tribes  which  came  into  this  country  to  settle  here  "  men- 
tion the  Zapotecs.  He  gives  a  detailed  account  of  the  tribes  adjacent 
to  the  Mexicans,  and  gives  very  interesting  information  concerning 
some  of  the  northern  nations,  but  of  the  southern  he  mentions  ex- 
pressly only  the  Couixca,  Tlapaneca,  and  Yopi.  All  the  rest  appear 
to  be  classed  under  the  head  of  nations  "  living  at  the  rising  of  the 
sun  whom  he  designates  as  Olmeca  Uixtotin  Mixteca,  and  also  as 
Olmeca  Uixtotin  Nonoualca,  or  simply  as  Anahuaca,  "  maritime 
people  ". 

The  great  trading  expeditions  first  brought  the  Mexicans  in  touch 
with  the  Zapotec  tribes,  and  these  expeditions  were  directed  first  and 
foremost  to  the  Atlantic  tierra  caliente.  Tuxtepec,  on  the  Rio 
Papaloapan,  was  the  first  large  trading  post.  The  next  points  to  be 
reached  Avere  Tabasco  and  Xicalango.  The  latter  was  the  great  cen- 
ter where  the  merchants  assembled  from  all  parts  of  the  Central 
American  world  and  from  which  led  the  commercial  highways  to 
Chiapas,  Soconusco,  and  Guatemala,  up  the  Usumacinta,  and  across 
the  country  to  the  Golfo  Dulce  and  to  Honduras,  finally  northward 
by  way  of  Champoton  and  Campeche  to  the  more  thickly  populated 
portions  of  the  peninsula  of  Yucatan.  The  Mexican  merchants  seem 
already  to  have  found  the  road  to  Xicalango  in  early  times  and  to 
have  made  use  of  it.  Perhaps  they  even  pressed  on  farther  from  that 
point  at  an  early  period.  The  various  swarms  of  Mexican  popula- 
tion which  we  find  diffused  far  toward  the  south,  almost  to  the  Isth- 
mus, appear  to  have  taken  this  route.  It  was  not  until  a  compara- 
tively late  date,  however — and  for  this  there  exists  positive  proof — that 
the  Mexicans  succeeded  in  pushing  forward  to  the  Pacific  tierra 
caliente,  the  fertile  plains  of  Tehuantepec,  the  region  of  Zapotec 
expansion,  and  then  only  after  the  partial  subjugation  of  the  Zapotec 
tribes  by  the  united  strength  of  the  states  of  the  Mexican  table-land. 

At  an  early  period,  when  Mexican  commerce  was  directed  mainly 
to  the  Atlantic  tierra  caliente,  a  permanent  Mexican  settlement  was 
258 


seler] 


THE  ANCIENT  ZAPOTEC  COUNTRY 


259 


already  made  in  the  Zapotec  region.  Tradition  relates  that  in  the  wild 
forests  of  Mictlanquauhtla  some  inhabitants  of  the  city  of  Uaxyacac 
murderously  attacked  and  plundered  a  Mexican  caravan  which  was 
returning  home  from  Tabasco  with  costly  goods,  the  news  of  which 
did  not  reach  the  Mexicans  until  years  later.  The  king  who  was 
then  reigning,  Motecuhzoma  the  elder,  surnamed  Ilhuicamina, 
equipped  an  expedition  to  avenge  the  deed,  and  the  crime  was 
atoned  by  the  extermination  of  the  entire  tribe.  A  number  of  Mexi- 
can families  and  about  GOO  families  from  neighboring  cities  situ- 
ated in  the  valle}^  of  Mexico  started  out  to  settle  the  vacant  lands  of 
the  exterminated  tribe,  under  the  leadership  of  four  Mexican  chief- 
tains whom  the  king  had  chosen  for  this  expedition.  They  proceeded 
but  slowly,  and  at  every  halting  place  a  few^  remained  behind.  When 
Uaxyacac  was  finally  reached,  the  lands  were  divided  among  the  colo- 
nists, to  the  great  satisfaction  of  the  tribes  living  in  the  vicinity,  ac- 
cording to  a  remarkable  statement  in 
the  chronicle.  The  people  of  Quauh- 
tochpan,  Tuxtepec,  and  Teotitlan, 
who  "  Avere  on  the  coasts  of  Uaxya- 
cac ",  that  is,  bordered  on  Uaxyacac, 
were  especially  pleased."^ 

Assault  and  assassination  of  Mexi- 
can merchants  are  almost  always  men- 
tioned as  the  casus  belli  in  the  native 
records.  It  seems  very  probable 
that  in  this  case  these  really  were 
the  actual  cause  of  war.  It  is  at  any 
rate  obvious  from  the  above  story 
that  the  permanent  settlement  of  fig.54.  symbols  from  the  Mendoza 
Mexicans  in  Uaxyacac  was  a  conse-  codex, 
quence  of  the  commercial  intercourse  which  the  Mexicans  maintained 
with  Tabasco,  and  that  it  was  made  in  order  to  insure  the  safety  of 
this  intercourse.  On  the  road  to  Tabasco  lay  also  the  three  cities 
which  are  named  in  the  report  above  quoted  as  those  which  were 
especially  pleased  at  this  new  settlement. 

Up  to  the  time  of  the  Spaniards,  the  Mexicans  were  thus  settled  in 
the  immediate  neighborhood  of  the  Zapotec  ro3^al  city,  in  the  original 
and  hereditary  seat  of  the  Zapotec  nation.  This  colony  was  always 
looked  upon  by  the  Mexican  kings  as  an  important  place.  It  was  un- 
der the  special  control  of  two  high  Mexican  officials  bearing  the  titles 
Tlacatectli  and  Tlacochtectli  (see  figure  5J:,  from  the  Mendoza  codex, 
page  16),  and  doubtless  had  the  character  of  a  military  colony.  In 
the  new  order  of  affairs  arising  out  of  the  Spanish  conquest,  the  inhab- 
itants of  this  Mexican  village  were  allotted  to  the  newly  founded 


» Tezozomoc,  Cronica  Mexicana,  chap.  39. 


260 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


Spanish  city  Segura  de  la  Frontera,  or  Antequera,  as  it  was  later 
called.  So  it  chanced  that  the  old  native  name  of  this  Mexican  vil- 
lage, which  means  at  the  hill  of  algarobas  Avas  transferred,  with 
a  somewhat  changed  pronunciation,  as  Oaxaca  or  Oajaca,  to  the  Span- 
ish city,  and  now  not  only  this  city  is  called  by  that  name,  but  the 
whole  state  whose  territory  is  governed  from  this  city. 

The  existence  of  a  Mexican  colony  in  the  midst  of  Zapotec  territory 
naturally  implied  a  certain  restraint,  the  recognition,  in  fact,  of  the 
superior  power  of  the  Mexicans.  Therefore  it  does  not  seem  remark- 
able that  in  the  tribute  list  of  the  Mexican  kings  various  neighboring 
Zapotec  cities  were  named,  besides  Uaxyacac,  which  had  to  pay  tribute 
to  the  capital,  Mexico.  The  tribute  consisted  chiefly  of  fine  textiles, 
besides  which  a  certain  quantity  of  cereals,  20  gold  disks,  and  20  small 
sacks  of  cochineal  had  to  be  furnished.''  This  fact,  however,  must 
by  no  means  be  interpreted  to  mean  that  the  Mexicans  exercised 
authority  over  tlie  entire  Zapotec  country.  It  can  not  even  be  said 
that  the  cities  which  are  named  in  the  list  were  subject  directly  to 
Mexican  rule.  For  there  are  among  them  those  which  we  know  cer- 
tainly to  have  been  under  the  so\'ereignty  of  the  Zapotec  kings,  as 
Etla,  which  was  called  by  the  Zapotecs  Loo-uanna,  "  place  of  pro- 
visions ",  the  city  of  Teticpac,  already  mentioned  above,  and  the  Zap- 
otec frontier  station  Quauhxilotitlan,  now  San  Pablo  Huitzo.^  This 
relation  is  probably  best  explained  by  assuming  that  the  Zapotec  cities 
named  on  page  4G  of  the  Mendoza  codex  agreed  to  the  payment  of 

"The  hieroglj'ph  of  the  city  given  above  in  fig.  54  sliows  the  conventional  drawing  of  a 
mountain  (tepetl),  which  is  frequently  simply  an  expression  of  the  fact  that  the  com- 
posite sign  represents  a  hieroglyphic  picture  of  a  place  name.  On  the  mountain  is  seen 
an  algaroba  tree  (uaxin),  recognized  by  the  great  fruit  pods  (edible)  with  wavy  edges, 
growing  out  of  the  nose  (yacatl)  of  a  human  face.  The  "nose"  signifies  also  in  an 
extended  meaning,  "  point  ",  "  projection  ",  "  front  ".  The  Tlacatectli  is  designated  in 
fig.  54  by  the  royal  headband  of  the  Mexicans  in  turquoise  mosaic ;  the  Tlacochtectli, 
by  a  similar  headband  with  the  shaft  of  an  arrow  in  it. 

The  name  Uaxyacac  is  plainly  Mexican.  The  city  is  called  by  the  Zapotecs,  Mixtecs, 
Cuicatecs,  Chinantecs,  and  Mixes,  l)y  other  names,  namely  Luhu-Iaa,  Nuhu-ndua,  Naha- 
nduva,  Ni-cuhui,  Uac-uim,  but  all  of  these  have  about  the  same  meaning,  namely,  "  at 
the  point  of  algarobas  "  or  "  at  the  place  of  algarobas  ".  Naturally,  it  can  no  longer  be 
settled  whether  these  names  are  translations  of  the  Mexican  name  or  whether  the  latter, 
on  the  other  hand,  was  a  translation  of  an  original  Zapotec  name. 
Mendoza  codex,  pi.  xlvi. 

The  names  of  this  place  have  undergone  several  changes  in  meaning.  The  Mexican  name 
Quauhxilotitlan  means  "  among  the  quauhxilotes  "',  or  among  trees  whose  (edible)  fruit 
has  the  form  of  a  young  ear  of  maize  This  name  appears  already  at  an  early  period  to 
have  been  changed  into  Guaxolotitlan  by  defective  and  faulty  pronunciation.  Burgoa  uses 
it  in  this  form.  According  to  that,  Gracida  explains  the  name  as  "  place  of  the  guajo- 
lotes  ",  that  is,  of  the  turkeys,  in  his  otherwise  very  useful  little  book,  Catalogo  Etimolo- 
gico  de  los  Nombres,  etc.,  de  Oaxaca.  The  place  was  called  by  the  Zapotecs  Uiya-zoo, 
"  espier  of  the  enemy  ",  because  it  served  as  an  outpost  on  the  frontier  and  commanded 
the  great  cafiada,  the  principal  road  communicating  with  the  Mexican  highlands.  This 
old  Zapotec  name  can  be  plainly  recognized  by  the  manner  in  which  I  myself  heard  it  pro- 
nounced on  the  spot,  namely,  Uizo.  The  official  spelling  of  the  name,  Huitzo,  refers  it 
back  incorrectly  to  a  Mexican  root,  uitz-tli,  "  thorn  ". 


seler] 


THE  ANCIENT  ZAPOTEC  COUNTRY 


261 


certain  contributions  to  the  Mexicans  in  order  to  remain  unmolested 
by  them. 

The  settlement  of  the  Mexicans  in  Uaxyacac  is  said  to  have  occurred 
under  the  rule  of  the  elder  Motecuhzoma;  that  is,  in  the  period 
between  about  1440  and  1470  A.  D.  That  would  be  about  a  hundred 
years  after  the  period  in  which,  as  Father  Burgoa  says,  the  Zapotecs 
spread  toward  the  south  and  began  to  conquer  the  fruitful  coast  strips 
of  Jalapa  and  Tehuantepec."  The  account  which  Father  Burgoa 
gives  of  this  conquest,  derived  from  the  narratives  of  the  Zapotecs,  is 
far  from  clear  and  its  details  are  scarcely  credible.  The  conquest  is 
said  to  have  been  made  with  the  assistance  of  Mixtec  allies.  The  Zapo- 
tecs, it  is  said,  met  Mexican  hosts  there  side  by  side  with  the  Huave, 
a  tribe  wliich  had  emigrated  from  the  south  and  which  at  that  time 
inhabited  the  entire  coast  strip  of  that  region,  the  fertile  and  produc- 
tive territory  of  Tehuantepec  being  habitually  used  by  the  Mexicans 
as  a  resting  place  and  rendezvous  for  the  expeditions  sent  out  to  con- 
quer Guatemala.  The  Zapotec  king  is  said  to  have  then  held  the 
Mexican  forces  in  check  in  a  mountain  fastness  by  the  river  of 
Tehuantepec — only  the  Quiengola  can  be  meant  from  the  descrip- 
tion— and  to  have  done  them  so  much  harm  that  the  Mexican  king 
(Burgoa  still  speaks  only  of  Motecuhzoma)  was  obliged  to  consent  to 
a  cessation  of  hostilities  and  an  arrangement.^ 

This  account,  as  has  been  said,  is  not  at  all  authentic.  It  confuses 
earlier  events  with  later  ones  and  recognizes,  naturally,  only  the 
glorious  deeds  of  the  Zapotecs.  The  settlement  of  the  Pacific  coast 
strip  must  indeed  have  occurred  a  long  time  before  the  Mexicans 
entered  this  territory;  for,  as  the  most  reliable  sources  unite  in 
stating,  it  was  not  until  the  time  of  Auitzotl,  that  is,  at  the  very 
end  of  the  tifteenth  century,  that  the  Mexicans  extended  their 
expeditions  into  this  Pacific  coast  district,  the  Anauac  Ayotlan,  the 
'*  coast  land  of  Ayotlan  as  the  Mexicans  called  it.  The  advance 
post  of  the  Mexicans  in  Uaxyacac  probabl}^  afforded  the  rallying 
point  for  these  Mexican  enterprises.  The  motive  for  these  expedi- 
tions was  also  without  doubt  commercial  advancement.  The  mer- 
chants boasted  of  having  alone  set  on  foot  and  carried  through  these 
expeditions.*^ 

The  operations  began,  it  seems,  with  attacks  upon  the  cities  of 
the  Zapotec  country  proper,  the  Valle  de  Oaxaca.    According  to  the 

"Burgoa,  work  cited,  chap.  71:  Y  de  suerte  se  apooeraron  les  Zapotecos  de  mas  de 
300  alios  a  esta  parte  en  su  gentilidad,  que  llenaron  todos  los  sitios  aeomodados  de 
poblaciones  ("So  that  more  than  300  years  ago  the  Zapotecs  conquered  this  country  in 
their  paganism,  and  filled  all  the  convenient  sites  with  towns").  Since  Father  Burgoa 
wrote  about  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth  century,  we  may  consider  the  middle  of  the 
fourteenth  century  as  the  date  of  this  conquest. 

^  Burgoa,  work  cited,  chap.  72. 

"  See  Sahagun,  v.  9,  chap.  2. 


262 


BUKEAU  OF  AMEKICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


interpreter  of  the  Codex  Telleriano-Remensis,  the  Mexicans  sub- 
jugated "  the  city  of  Mictla  in  the  province  of  Huaxaca  "  in  the 
year  2  Tochtli,  or  A.  D.  1494,  and  "  the  city  of  Teotzapotlan,  which 
was  the  capital  of  the  province  of  Huaxaca  in  the  year  3  Acatl,  or 
A.  D.  1495.  This  information  is  interesting  because  mention  is 
made^  here  of  the  conquest  or  destruction  of  the  Zapotec  city  of 
priests  and  tombs,  Yoopaa,  or  Mictlan,  by  the  Mexicans  in  pre- 
Spanish  times.  The  picture  writing  itself  «  does  not  entirely  agree 
with  this  interpretation.  In  it  only  the  conquest  of  Uaxyacac  and 
Teotzapotlan — which  may  refer,  of  course,  to  the  entire  province, 
that  is,  to  the  whole  valley — is  expressed  by  the  hieroglyphs  of  these 
two  names  and  a  prisoner  of  war  adorned  for  the  sacrificio  gladia- 
tor io  (figure  55). 


Fig.  55.    Symbols  from  the  Codex  Telleriano-Remensis. 


In  the  coast  land  the  expeditions  doubtless  extended  through  sev- 
eral years,  for  the  subjugation  of  the  cities  of  the  coast  land  is  not 
reported  until  the  year  5  Calli,  or  A.  D.  1497,  and  in  this  report 
Chimalpahin,  Codex  Vaticanus  A,  and  Historia  Mexicana  of  the 
Aubin-Goupil  collection  agree.  Chimalpahin  *  mentions  Xochitlan, 
Amaxtlan,  and  Tehuantepec  as  the  cities  which  were  conquered  in 
this  year  by  the  Mexicans.    Codex  Vaticanus  A  ^  and  Historia 

"  Part  4,  pi.  22.  The  name  Uaxyacac  is  expressed  here  simply  by  the  picture  of  the 
algaroba  tree  ;  the  name  Teotzapotlan,  by  the  picture  of  the  sapodilla  tree. 

Afiales  de  Domingo  Francisco  de  San  Anton  Munon  Chimalpahin  Quauhtleliuanitzin. 
Ed.  Remi  Simeon,  Paris,  1889,  pp.  10  and  167. 

<^  Codex  Vaticanus  A,  page  127.  Amaxtlan  is  expressed  by  the  combination  of  a  breech- 
cloth  (maxtlatl)  and  the  sign  for  water  (atl),  which  are  to  be  seen  on  the  conventional 
painting  of  the  mountain.  Xochitlan  is  expressed  by  a  flower  (Xochitl)  and  an  undeter- 
mined element,  which  is  perhaps  intended  to  represent  a  row  of  teeth  (tlantli).  The 
battle  is  represented  in  the  former  city,  the  victory  in  the  latter. 


seler] 


HE  AKCIENT  ZAPOTEC  COUNTRY 


263 


Mexicana  of  the  Aiibin  collection "  mention  only  Xochitlan  and 
Amaxtlan  (figures  50  and  57).  According  to  the  accounts  of  the 
Mexican  merchants,  which  are  preserved  for  us  in  the  work  of  Father 
Sahagun,^  this  expedition  to  Tehuantepec  was  an  independent  enter- 
prise of  the  great  merchants  of  Mexico,  Tlatelolco,  and  the  other 
allied  cities.    They  were  besieged  four  years,  the  story  goes,  in 


o  o  o  o  o 


m 


Fig.  56.    Battle  scene  from  Mexican  painting,  Aubin-Goupil  collection. 


Quauhtenanco  ("  forest  stronghold  "  blockhouse?  ")  by  the  united 
contingents  of  the  cities  of  Anahuaca — Tehuantepec,  Izuatlan,  Xocht- 
lan,  Amaxtlan,  Quatzontlan,  Atlan,  Omitlan,  and  Mapachtepec. 

«  Histoire  de  la  Nation  Mexicaine  depuis  le  depart  d'Aztlan.  Manuscripts  Figuratifs 
des  Anciens  Mexicains.  Copie  du  codex  de  1576.  Collection  de  M.  E.  Eugene  Goupil 
(ancienne  collection,  Aubin).    Nos.  35,  36  du  Catalogue.    Paris,  1893,  p.  76. 

*  Sahagun,  v.  9,  chap.  2. 


264 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL,  28 


The  struggle  is  said  to  have  ended  at  last  in  a  decided  victory 
for  the  merchants  and  the  taking  of  numerous  captives  by  them. 
In  like  manner  the  chronicle  of  Tezozomoc "  relates  the  complete 
conquest  and  subjugation  of  this  territory.  Xochitlan,  Amaxtlan, 
Izuatlan,  Miauatlan,  Tehuantepec,  and  Xolotlan  are  named  by  Tezo- 
zomoc as  the  cities  against  which  this  warfare  was  directed. 

There  is  probably  no  doubt  that  these  enterprises  were  so  far  suc- 
cessful that  the  Zapotecs  were  forced  from  this  time  forward  to 
allow  the  Mexican  merchants  to  pass  through  to  the  regions  on  the 
Pacific  coast  and  to  grant  them  freedom  of  trade  in  their  own  terri- 
tory. It  must  indeed  have  been  a  successful  war  for  the  Mexicans, 
according  to  all  the  records,  for  it  filled  their  slave  markets  and  fur- 
nished the  altars  of  the  gods  with  sacrifices.  These  expeditions,  how- 
ever, did  not  result  in  a  conquest  and  the  lasting  subjugation  of  the 
Zapotec  country.  The  Zapotec  kings  remained  as  independent  after- 
ward as  they  had  been  before 


1 


r>oOoo 


Fig.  57.   Mexican  symbols  of  years  and  pueblos. 


and  as  well  prepared  to  meet 
the  invading  Mexican  hosts 
by  force  of  arms.  Indeed, 
tlie  Mexican  kings,  owing  to 
clearly  understood  commercial 
interests,  evidently  felt  the 
need  of  entering  into  a  treaty 
with  the  Zapotecs.  This  is 
proved  by  the  bestowal  of  a 
Mexican  princess  in  marriage 
upon  the  Zapotec  king,  Cocijo- 
eza,  a  fact  which  is  told  alike  by  Father  Burgoa,^  who  drew  his 
information  from  Zapotec  sources,  and  by  the  interpreter  of  the 
Codex  Telleriano-Remensis.'-  This  alliance  did  not,  of  course,  put  a 
stop  to  intrigues  on  the  part  of  the  Mexicans.  Indeed,  this  Mexican 
princess,  who  was  called  "  cotton  flake  "  (Zapotec  Pelaxilla :  prob- 
ably, Mexican  Ichcatlaxoch) ,  gained  especial  fame  and  honor  among 
the  Zapotecs  because  she  did  not  comply  with  the  demands  made  upon 
her  by  her  father,  but  betrayed  the  plans  of  the  Mexicans  to  her  hus- 
band, the  Zapotec  king.  The  son  of  Cocijo-eza  and  of  this  Mexican 
princess  was  Coci jo-pi j,  the  last  king  of  Tehuantepec. 

When  Cortes  landed  on  the  coast  of  Mexico  and  overthrew  the 
supremacy  of  the  Mexicans  by  his  skillful  management  and  mili- 
tary power  he  was  joyfully  hailed  by  the  Zapotecs,  as  well  as  by  the 
Totonacs  and  the  Tlascaltecs,  as  their  deliverer  from  the  power  of 


o  Cr6nlca  Mexicana,  chap.  75,  76. 
"  Burgoa,  work  cited,  chap.  72. 

"  Part  4,  pi.  23,  in  connection  with  the  year  Tochtli,  or  A.  D.  1502. 


selkh] 


THE  ANCIENT  ZAPOTEC  COUNTRY 


265 


the  Mexicans.  The  Thiscaltecs  first  measured  their  strength  with 
Cortes  before  they  allied  themselves  with  him,  but  from  that  time  on 
they  cleared  the  wa}^  for  him  and  fought  his  battles  as  devoted  and 
faithful  allies.  The  Zapotecs  submitted  unconditionally  from  the  be- 
ginning to  the  Spanish  conqueror,  turned  to  him  when  the  Mixtec 
prince  of  Tototepec  threatened  an  attack,  and  received  Cortes  with 
great  splendor  when  he  came  down  as  far  as  Tehuantepec  in  later 
years.  The  Zapotecs,  nevertheless,  very  soon  became  aware  of  the 
poor  exchange  they  had  made.  It  was  in  the  territory  of  the  Zapo- 
tecs that  Cortes  selected  the  best  lands,  the  Valle  de  Oaxaca  and  the 
fruitful,  well-watered  vegas  of  Jalapa,  in  order  to  form  from  them 
his  earldom,  his  family  estate.  However,  "  Cortes  granted  a  moder- 
ate allowance  in  money  (le  hizo  donacion  de  alguna  ayuda  de  costa)" 
to  the  king  of  Tehuantepec  "  w^ith  Avhich  to  support  the  small  family 
which  still  remained  to  him  "  and  while  the  king,  who  was  baptized 
with  the  name  Don  Juan  Cortes,  built  monasteries  for  the  monks 
with  great  liberality  and  furnished  them  w^ith  lands,  gardens,  fish 
ponds,  etc.,  the  monks  seized  and  imprisoned  him  because  he  fell  away 
from  the  true  faith  and  performed  diabolical  ceremonies.  After  long 
and  wearisome  processes  he  was  sentenced  by  the  highest  court  in 
Mexico  to  lose  his  dignities  and  all  his  remaining  possessions.  He 
died,  while  returning  from  Mexico,  in  Nexapa,  just  as  he  had  once 
more  set  foot  on  the  soil  of  his  former  kingdom. 


a  Burgoa,  work  cited,  chap.  72. 


UNITY  OF  MEXICAN  AND  CENTRAL  AMERICAN  CIVILI- 
ZATION 

The  Zapotecs  and  their  kindred  were  a  nation  unrelated  to  the 
Mexicans.  If  they  can  be  classed  with  any  of  the  great  language 
groups  belonging  to  the  region  of  the  ancient  Mexican-Central  Amer- 
ican civilization,  it  can  only  be  the  Maya  group.  Indeed,  a  number 
of  roots  and  many  structural  peculiarities  of  the  language  seem  to 
indicate  such  a  connection.  The  whole  region  of  ancient  Mexican- 
Central  American  civilization  is,  how^ever,  a  conspicuous  example  of 
what  Adolph  Bastian  calls  a  "  geographical  province  ".  For,  inde- 
pendent of  a  ling-uistic  difference,  we  find  the  special  elements  of 
Mexican  civilization  developed  in  an  exactly  similar  way  among  all 
the  peoples  of  this  territory.  This  is  true  of  the  general  conduct  of 
life,  the  technical  and  military  customs,  the  organization  of  state  and 
of  society,  but  more  especially  of  religion  and  learning. 

The  unity  of  this  entire  region  of  ancient  civilization  is  most 
clearly  expressed  by  the  calendar,  which  these  people  considered 
the  basis  and  the  alpha  and  omega  of  all  high  and  occult  knowledge. 
This  calendar  is  a  special  product  of  Central  American  culture.  Its 
essential  peculiarities  are  the  adoption  of  the  fundamental  number 
20  as  the  leading  unit,  and  the  combination  of  this  leading  unit  with 
the  number  18.  These  are  features  which  appear  in  no  other  calen- 
dric  system  hitherto  known."  Within  the  region  of  Central  Ameri- 
can civilization  not  only  are  these  two  essential  peculiarities  to  be  met 
with  in  the  calendars  of  all  the  civilized  nations,  but  also  a  close 
correspondence  in  the  names  of  the  individual  days  of  a  lead- 
ing unit.  This  I  have  demonstrated  in  regard  to  the  Maya  territory 
in  my  work  entitled  "  Uber  den  Charakter  der  aztekischen  und  der 
Maya-Handschriften  and  regarding  the  Zapotec  territory  in  a 
work  on  Mexican  chronology  which  appeared  in  1891.^  The  Zapotec 
calendar  is  distinguished  from  those  used  by  the  other  nations  by  cer- 
tain peculiarities  which  one  is  tempted  to  consider  evidences  of  special 
antiquity,  but  which  are,  perhaps,  only  the  result  of  a  particular 
development  and  an  especial  use  for  augural  purposes. 

"  Cyrus  Thomas  attempted  to  show  relation  of  the  Central  American  calendar  to  that 
used  in  Hawaii.  This  attempt,  however,  must  be  pronounced  an  utter  failure.  The 
ancient  inhabitants  of  Hawaii  had  a  kind  of  actual  month  of  .30  days  ;  and  the  only 
agreement  with  the  Mexican  calendar  could  be  the  fact  that  12x30,  like  18X20,  gives  the 
number  360,  thus  leaving  a  surplus  of  5  days  in  the  year. 

"  Zeitschrift  fiir  Ethnologie,  v.  20,  1888,  p.  1  and  following. 

"  Zeitschrift  fiir  Ethnologie,  v.  23,  1891,  p.  89  and  following. 

266 


seler] 


UNITY  OF  CIVILIZATION 


267 


Like  all  other  things  and  every  event  of  the  world,  the  calendar  was 
governed  b}^  relations  to  space  b}^  the  powers  ruling  in  the  four  points 
of  the  compass.  This  was  true  of  the  simple  calendar,  the  so-called 
tonalamatl,  of  13X20,  or  260,  days,  and  of  the  greater  periods  of 
time,  the  4X13,  or  52,  solar  years,  which,  as  I  have  demonstrated  in 
another  place,"  were  developed  necessarily  and  logically  from  that 
simple  calendar.  These  greater  periods  of  time,  that  is  to  say,  the 
single  components  of  the  same,  the  successive,  years  each  bearing  the 
name  of  one  of  four  signs,  stood  in  a  specialh^  close  relation  to  the 
points  of  the  compass.  The  reference  of  the  years  to  the  cardinal 
points,  therefore,  was  quite  common  to  both  the  Mexicans  and  the 
Mayas.  The  Zapotecs  referred  also  the  simple  tonalamatl  to  the  four 
points  of  the  compass,  and  therefore  divided  it  into  four  sections  of 
65  days  each.  According  to  the  conception  of  the  Zapotecs,  each  of 
these  periods  was  governed  by  the  sign  which  gave  the  name  to  its 
first  day,  that  is,  by  the  signs  which  were  called  in  Zapotec  quia 
Chilla,  quia  Lana,  quia  Goloo,  and  quia  Guiloo,  and  in  Mexican  ce 
Cipactli  ("  1  alligator  "),  ce  Miquiztli  ("  1  death  ce  Ozomatli  ("  1- 
monkey"),  ce  Cozcaquauhtli  1  king  vulture").  The  Zapotecs 
named  these  four  powerful  signs  and  the  days  Cocijo,  or  Pitao. 
"  They  offered  to  them  their  sacrifices  and  the  blood  which  they  drew 
from  different  parts  of  their  bodies,  the  ears,  the  tip  of  the  tongue, 
the  thighs,  and  other  members.  The  order  which  they  observed  in 
doing  so  was  this :  As  long  as  the  65  days  of  the  one  sign  lasted,  they 
sacrificed  to  this  sign,  and  at  the  expiration  of  these,  to  the  next 
which  came  in  turn,  and  so  on  until  the  first  sign  recurred ;  and  they 
prayed  to  this  sign  for  everything  which  they  needed  for  the  sus- 
tenance of  life  ".^ 

Pitao,  or  bitoo,  means  "  the  great  one  ",  "  the  god  ".  Cocijo,  on  the 
other  hand,  corresponds  to  the  Mexican  Tlaloc,  the  god  of  rain, 
storms,  and  mountains.  It  is  translated  in  the  dictionary  by  "  rain 
god"  (dios  de  las  lluvias)  and  "lightning"  (rayo).^  The  rain  god 
dwells  in  the  four  points  of  the  compass,  and  varies  according  to 
these  four  points.  Therefore  the  Mayas  do  not  speak  of  the  one  rain 
god,  Chac,  but  always  of  the  four  Chacs.  The  story  runs  also  among 
the  Mexicans  that  the  rain  god  lived  in  four  chambers,  and  that  there 
was  a  great  court  in  the  middle  where  stood  foitr  great  casks  of  water. 
The  water  in  one  of  these  Avas  said  to  be  very  good,  and  the  rain  came 
from  it  at  the  right  time,  when  the  grain  and  the  corn  were  growing. 
In  the  next  the  water  Avas  said  to  be  bad,  and  the  rain  which  came 

«  Zeitschrift  fiir  Ethnologie,  v.  231,  1891,  pp.  89-91. 

^  Juan  de  Cordova,  Arte  en  Lengua  Zapoteca,  Mexico,  1578,  p.  202. 

^  See  also  Totia  peni  quij  cocijo,  "  sacrificar  hombre  por  la  pluvia  6  nino  (to  sacrifice  a 
man  for  rain,  or  a  child)";  tace  cocijo,  "  caer  rayo  del  cielo  (to  flash  lightning  from 
heaven)  ".  The  name  cocijo  probably  means  the  same  as  cozaana,  that  is,  "  the  procrea- 
tor  ".    See  cociyo,  huechaa,  huichaana,  cozaana,  pichijgo,  linage  generalmente. 


268 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


from  it  produced  fungous  growths  in  the  corn,  which  turned  black. 
It  came  from  the  third  when  it  rained  and  froze;  from  the  fourth, 
when  it  rained  and  no  corn  came  up  or  when  it  came  up  and  dried. 
This  rain  god,  in  order  to  produce  rain,  was  said  to  have  created 
many  helpers  in  the  form  of  dwarfs,  who  lived  in  the  four  chambers 
and  carried  sticks  in  their  hands  and  jars  into  which  they  drcAV  water 
from  the  great  casks,  and  if  the  god  commanded  them  to  water  some 
strip  of  land  they  took  their  jars  and  sticks  and  poured  out  water  as 


Fig.  r)8.    The  five  rain  gods,  from  the  Borgian  codex. 


they  had  been  commanded;  if  there  was  a  flash  of  lightning  it  was 
from  something  they"  had  in  the  water  or  from  the  cracking  of  the 
jar."^ 

This  reference  of  the  four  sections  of  the  calendar  to  the  rain  god, 
who  varied  according  to  the  four  points  of  the  compass,  which  is 
shown  by  the  designation  cocijo  or  pitao  for  the  initial  Zapotec  signs 
of  these  four  sections,  is  of  special  interest,  inasmuch  as  it  furnishes 
the  explanation  for  some  very  remarkable  pages  of  the  picture  manu- 


"  Historia  de  los  Mexicanos  por  sus  Pinturas,  chap.  2 ;  Garcia  y  Icazbalcela,  Nueva 
Coleccion  de  Documentos  para  la  Historia  de  Mexico,  v.  3,  Mexico,  1891,  p.  230. 


sbler] 


UNITY  OF  CIVILIZATION 


269 


scripts.  In  the  Borgian  codex,  which  is  one  of  the  best  and  most 
beautifully  executed  manuscripts  of  Mexican  antiquity  that  we  pos- 
sess, there  is  found,  on  page  12,  the  complicated  representation 
which  I  have  reproduced  here  in  figure  58.  Placed  in  the  order  of  a 
quincunx,  we  see  five  different  pictures  of  the  rain  god,  each  holding 
in  one  hand  a  handled  jug  of  the  face-jug  type  (the  face  being  that 
of  the  rain  god)  and  in  the  other  hand  a  snake  Avhich  is  bent  in  the 
form  of  a  hatchet.  The  four  figures  at  the  corners  are  ascribed  b}^ 
the  marginal  numerals  and  signs  to  the  initial  days  of  the  four 
divisions  of  the  tonalamatl;  ce  Cipactli  ("  1  alligator  "),  ce  Miquiztli 
("  1  death"),  ce  Ozomatli  ("1  monkey"),  ce  Cozcaquauhtli  ("  1 
king  vulture"),  and  also  to  the  initial  years  of  the  four  divisions  of 
the  cycle  of  52  years:  ce  Acatl  ("  1  reed  "),  ce  Tecpatl  ("  1  flint  "), 
ce  Calli  ("  1  house  "),  ce  Tochtli  ("  rabbit  ").  There  are  no  day  or 
year  signs  given  with  the  fifth  figure,  the  one  in  the  center. 

The  first  figure,  the  low^er  one  on  the  right,  represents  the  east.  To 
it  belongs  the  first  division  of  the  tonalamatl,  designated  by  its  initial 
day,  "  1  alligator  ",  also  the  first  division  of  the  great  cycle,  desig- 
nated by  its  initial  year,  "  1  reed  ".  This  figure  is  painted  a  dark  color 
and  wears  as  a  helmet  mask  the  sign  of  the  tonalamatl  division  to 
which  it  belongs,  a  cipactli  (alligator)  head.  A  cloudy  sky,  promis- 
ing rain,  is  spread  above  the  god,  and  under  him  lies  extended  the 
cipactli,  as  the  Mexicans  call  it,  the  pichijlla  in  Zapotec,  the  alligator, 
the  symbol  of  the  fruitful  earth,  from  all  parts  of  whose  body  the 
ears  and  tassel  of  the  maize  plant  are  seen  sprouting.  The  water 
^hich  streams  to  the  earth  from  the  jug  and  from  the  hatchet-shaped 
lightning  serpent  of  the  gods  brings  down  with  it  more  maize  ears 
and  tassels.  The  rain  god  of  the  east  is  represented  in  every  respect 
as  a  good  and  fruitful  god. 

The  second  figure,  the  upper  one  on  the  right,  represents  the  north. 
The  second  division  of  the  tonalamatl  and  the  second  division  of  the 
cycle,  represented  respectively  by  the  first  day,  "  1  death  ",  and  the 
first  year,  "  1  flint ",  belong  to  it.  This  figure  is  painted  yellow  and 
wears  as  a  helmet  mask  the  sign  of  the  second  tonalamatl  division,  a 
death's-head.  A  clear,  sunny  sky,  sending  down  rays  of  light, 
stretches  above  the  god.  There  are  three  vessels  below  him,  appar- 
ently filled  with  water.  This  water,  however,  is  painted  the  brown 
color  of  stone  instead  of  the  blue  of  Avater,  and  in  it  are  seen  the 
bony  nose  and  the  eye  of  a  death's-head.  It  is  an  obvious  attempt 
to  represent  the  water  as  dead,  dried  up.  Winged  insect  shapes, 
wearing  death's-heads,  eat  the  ears  of  maize  Avhich  stand  in  these  dry 
Avater  basins.  In  the  water,  however,  which  streams  down  from  the 
jug  which  the  god  holds,  as  well  as  in  that  which  comes  from  his 
hatchet-shaped  lightning  serpent,  there  descends  a  hatchet,  the  sym- 


270 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


bol  of  the  god  who  strikes  with  lightning.  This  rain  god  of  the 
north,  therefore,  designates  drought,  death,  and  famine. 

The  third  figure,  the  upper  one  on  the  left,  represents  the  west. 
The  third  division  of  the  tonalamatl  and  the  third  division  of  the 
cycle  belong  to  it,  represented  respectively  by  the  initial  day,  "  1 
monkey  and  the  initial  year,  "  1  house  ",  belong  to  this  one.  The 
figure  of  the  god  is  painted  blue,  and  he  wears  as  a  helmet  mask  the 
sign  of  the  third  tonalamatl  division,  not  a  monkey's  head,  it  is  true, 
but  the  head  of  an  animal  which  recalls  somewhat  Xolotl,  and  which 
is  represented  in  the  Borgian  codex,  page  16,  near  the  day  sign  Ozo- 
matli,  "  monkey  as  the  god  of  song  and  gaming.  Above  the  god 
stretches  a  broad  sky  full  of  clouds  and  rain,  and  under  him  stand 
the  maize  plants,  completely  flooded  with  water. 

The  fourth  figure,  the  lower  one  on  the  left,  represents  the  south. 
The  fourth  division  of  the  tonalamatl  and  the  fourth  division  of  the 
cycle  belong  to  it,  one  represented  by  its  first  day,  "  1  king  vulture 
the  other  by  its  first  year,  "  1  rabbit The  god  is  painted  red  and 
wears  as  a  helmet  mask  the  sign  of  the  fourth  tonalamatl  division,  a 
vulture'vS  head.  Above  him  is  represented  a  clear,  sunny  sky,  sending 
down  rays  of  light.  Under  him,  in  the  midst  of  a  yellow,  pulverized 
mass,  are  ears  of  maize  in  pairs,  that  is,  abortions,  and  a  kind  of 
rabbit,  with  the  face  of  a  death's-head,  feeds  on  them.  In  the  Avater 
which  streams  from  the  jug  in  the  god's  hand  there  is  seen,  as  in  the 
figure  of  the  north,  a  hatchet,  but  with  the  addition  of  a  tongue  of 
flame  shooting  out  from  the  handle. 

The  fifth  figure  represents  the  center,  or  the  direction  from  above 
downward.  No  day  signs  accompany  it,  for  it  belongs  to  no  divi- 
sion of  the  calendar.  The  god  is  striped  in  white  and  red,  which  are 
the  colors  of  the  gods  of  the  night  heaven  and  the  twilight,  and 
he  wears  on  his  head  the  usual  ornament  of  the  rain  god.  The 
starry  sky  and  the  sign  of  day  and  night  are  represented  above  him. 
Below  him  sit  the  earth  goddesses.  The  sign  of  war — shield,  bundle 
of  javelins,  spear  thrower,  and  banner — is  seen  coming  out  of  the 
water  which  streams  down  from  the  jug.  In  that  which  runs  down 
from  the  hatchet-shaped  lightning  serpent  are  pictured  a  skeleton 
and  a  jawbone.  A  variant  of  this  interesting  page  occurs  on  page  2<S 
of  Codex  Vaticanus  B. 

It  is  not  necessary  to  emphasize  the  fact  that  the  way  in  which  the 
four  rain  gods  are  here  difi^erentiated  according  to  the  points  of  the 
compass  corresponds  fairly  well  to  the  characterization  which  is 
given  in  the  passage  above  quoted  (page  18)  from  the  Historia  de 
los  Mexicanos  por  sus  pinturas.  Only  in  the  latter  place  the  order 
is  plainly  not  east,  north,  west,  south,  but  east,  west,  north,  south. 

The  Zapotecs,  as  Juan  de  Cordova  states,  divided  the  65  days  of 
each  tonalamatl  division  into  five  sections  of  13  days  each,  which 


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271 


corresponds  to  the  system  that  is  followed  by  the  Mexicans  and 
Mayas.  Cocij,  or  tobi  cocij,  is  said  to  have  been  the  name  of  such 
a  division  of  13  days,  "  as  we  say,  a  month,  a  division  of  time  ".'^ 
Cocij  means  "  the  distributor Its  primitive  meaning  is  in  all 
probability  the  same  as  cocij o,  and  it,  therefore,  in  all  likelihood  refers 
also  to  the  god  of  rain  and  of  the  points  of  the  compass.  The  word 
has  a  general  meaning  of  time  'V  and  means  specially  "  a  period  of 
20  days  " :  and,  indeed,  in  its  narrowest  sense  "  20  days  in  the  past 


Fig.  59.    The  twenty  day  signs,  from  the  Borgian  codex. 


"  20  days  ago  ",  while  "  20  days  in  the  future  ",  "  in  20  days  ",  was 
designated  by  huecij,  or  cacij. 

The  separate  days  of  the  cocij,  according  to  Juan  de  Cordova, 
had  each  its  special  name,  which  was  designated  by  the  picture  of 
an  animal,  as  an  eagle,  a  monkey,  snake,  lizard,  deer,  hare,  or  the  like. 
Twenty  such  animal  pictures  are  said  to  have  been  employed  and 
their  signs  to  have  been  assigned  to  and  painted  upon  the  different 
parts  or  members  of  a  deer.^    This  observation  is  especially  inter- 

"  Juan  de  Cordova,  Arte,  p.  202. 

"As  cocij  cogaa  :  tiempo  encogido  en  que  no  se  puede  trahajar  ("fearful  time  in  which 
one  could  not  work")  ;  cocij  collapa,  cocij  layna,  cocij:  tiempo  de  mieses,  frutas,  d  de 
siego,  o  de  algo  ("time  of  corn,  fruit,  or  of  harvesting,  of  wealth")  ;  Coo  yoocho,  piyfe 
yoocho,  cocij  yoocho:  tiempo  enfermo,  6  de  pestilencia  :  ("time  of  sickness,  or  of  pesti- 
lence "). 

.Juan  de  Cordova,  Arte,  p.  203, 


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[bull.  28 


esting  because  it  also  explains  a  picture  on  page  62  of  the  Borgian 
codex  which  I  have  reproduced  in  figure  59,  and  the  first  page  of 
Codex  Vaticanus  B  likewise  corresponds  to  this  representation.  In 
figure  59  the  deer  is  clearly  to  be  recognized  by  the  antlers  (painted 
the  customary  blue),  which  are  drawn  on  either  side  of  the  head 
over  the  ear,  and  by  the  deer's  hoofs,  while  the  figure  of  Codex 
Vaticanus  B,  although  it  agrees  in  every  respect  with  figure  59,  would 
without  this  comparison  Avith  the  latter  scarcely  be  recognized  as  a 
deer  in  its  anthropomorphic  and  demonic  form. 

The  distribution  of  the  twenty  day  signs  on  the  members  of  the  deer 
is  exactly  the  same  in  the  two  representations.  Only,  in  the  Borgian 
codex  (figure  59)  the  order  of  the  signs  begins  beloAV  on  the  right,  but 
in  the  representation  of  Codex  Vaticanus  B  it  begins  below  on  the 
left,  so  that  these  two  figures  are  related  as  positive  and  negative. 
The  first  two  day  signs,  alligator  and  wind  god,  that  is,  probably, 
earth  and  heaven,  are  placed  on  the  two  feet  of  the  animal.  The 
third,  house,  obviously  belongs  to  the  anus.  The  fourth,  lizard, 
is  ascribed  to  the  penis;  the  fifth,  snake,  to  the  flexible  tail.  The 
da}^  signs  from  the  sixth  to  the  tenth,  deatli,  deer,  rabbit,  water,  dog, 
are  placed  on  a  broad  band  which  lies  across  the  belly  of  the  deer. 
The  eleventh,  monkey,  is  on  the  breast.  The  twelfth  and  thirteenth, 
reed  and  twisted  grass,  are  supported  })y  the  hands,  or  fore  feet.  The 
seven  last,  jaguar,  eagle,  vulture,  rolling  ball,  flint,  rain,  and  flower, 
are  distributed  over  the  face. 

A  distribution  of  the  day  signs  essentially  like  this,  but  differing 
in  some  details,  is  portrayed  in  the  Borgian  codex,  page  22,  over  the 
bod}^  of  the  god  Tezcatlipoca ;  another,  in  the  Laud  codex,  page  2, 
over  that  of  the  rain  god,  Tlaloc.  A  final  outgrowth,  evidently,  of 
these  representations,  is  on  page  75  of  Codex  Vaticanus  A,  where  the 
day  signs  are  distributed  over  the  different  parts  of  the  human  body, 
but  in  an  entirely  different  order. 

Each  of  the  twenty  animals  of  the  Zapotec  calendar  "  had  thirteen 
different  names,  and  although  all  these  thirteen  names  stood  for  the 
same  thing,  they  were  distinguished  one  from  the  other  by  adding 
letters  or  taking  them  away  and  by  changing  their  numerals  ".  With 
these  words  Father  Juan  de  Cordova  describes  that  which  is  doubt- 
less the  most  remarkable  characteristic  of  the  Zapotec  calendar, 
namely,  that  the  twenty  signs  of  the  calendar  were  not  merely,  as 
among  the  other  nations  of  Central  America,  combined  with  the 
numerals  1  to  18  in  the  way  peculiar  to  this  calendar,  but  that  the 
combination  of  the  signs  with  the  numerals  became  incrusted,  as  it 
were,  upon  the  form  of  the  words  serving  as  the  day  names,  so  that 
in  every  case  there  can  be  separated  from  the  name  of  the  word  a 
prefix,  which  is  about  the  same  for  all  signs  joined  with  the  same 
numeral.    Variations  and  exceptions  certainly  occur,  and  it  is  not 


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UNITY  OF  CTVILTZATION 


273 


( asy  to  tell  whether  they  are  not  oversights  or  mistaken  impressions 
of  the  worthy  monk  who  preserved  this  calendar  for  us  or  perhaps 
ire  simply  to  be  attributed  to  the  careless  reprint  which  is  the  only 
oxtant  edition  of  the  (jranunar  of  Father  Juan  de  Cordova.  Com- 
bining the  words  with  the  numerals,  the  following  result  is  obtained : 

Chaga,  or  tobi  (1),  gives  the  prefix  quia,  qiiie. 

Cato,  or  topa  (2),  gives  tlie  prefix  pe,  pi,  pela. 

Cayo,  or  chona  (3),  gives  the  prefix  peo,  peola. 

Taa,  or  tapa(4),  gives  the  prefix  cala. 

Caayo,  or  gaayo  (5),  gives  the  prefix  pe,  pela. 

Xopa  (6)  gives  the  prefix  qua,  quala. 

Caache  (7)  gives  the  prefix  pilla. 

Xona  (8)  gives  the  prefix  ne,  ni,  nela. 

Caa,  or  gaa  (9),  gives  tlie  prefix  pe,  pi,  pela. 

Chij  (10)  gives  the  prefix  pilla. 

Chijbi  tobi  (11)  gives  the  prefix  ne,  ni,  nela  (these  at  least  are  the  most 

frequent  prefixes;  but  exceptions  are  more  numerous  here). 
Chijibi  topa  (12)  gives  the  prefix  pina,  pino,  pinij. 
Chijno  (13)  gives  the  prefix  peei,  pici,  quici. 

Of  these  different  prefixes,  however,  only  a  few  seem  to  contain  a 
special  meaning.  I  am  inclined  to  connect  the  prefix  quia,  quie,  which 
accompanies  the  sign  joined  wdth  the  numeral  1,  with  the  word  quia, 
({uie,  which  means  '*  stone  "  and  "  rain  ",  taking  into  consideration  that 
which  has  been  said  above  concerning  the  part  which  the  rain  god  plays 
in  the  calendar.  The  last  prefix,  which  accompanies  the  signs  united 
with  the  numeral  13,  suggests  pijci,  '*  omen  ".  Pino,  pinij,  has,  per- 
haps, some  connection  wdth  chiho.  full '',  happiness  ",  "  blessing 
The  other  prefixes  seem  to  be  variants  merely  of  the  well-known  pre- 
fixes pe,  pi,  CO,  ua,  b}^  which  persons  in  action  and  living  beings  are 
denoted.    The  syllable  la  is  demonstrative. 

If  we  separate  these  prefixes  from  the  names  of  the  260  days  of  the 
Zapotec  calendar,  which  Father  Juan  de  (^ordova  has  handed  dow^n 
to  us,  we  have  for  the  twenty  day  signs  of  the  Zapotec  calendar  the 
following  names : 

Chijlla.  alligator.  Loo,  Goloo,  monkey. 

Quij,  or  Laa  (wind),  fire.  Pija,  Chija,  that  which  is  twisted. 

Quela,  Ela,  Laala,  night.  Quij,  Laa,  reed. 

Guoche,    Guichi,    Ache,    Achi,    Ichi,     Gueche,  Eche,  Ache,  jaguar. 

iguana.  Naa,  Quinaa,  mother  (earth,  goddess, 

Gee,  Cij,  sign  of  ill  omen  (snake).  eagle). 
Lana,  veiled,  dark  (death).  Loo,  Quilloo,  narcotic  root. 

China,  deer.  Xoo,  earthquake. 

Lapa,  divided,  cut  in  pieces  (rabbit).    Opa,  Gopa,  cold,  stone. 
Niza,  Queza,  water.  Ape,  Gape,  cloud  covering. 

Tela,  dog.  Lao,  Loo,  eye,  face. 

I  have  discussed  these  names  in  my  work  on  Mexican  Chronology," 
already  cited  above,  and  have  demonstrated  their  fundamental  agree- 


«  Zeitschrift  fur  Etbnologie,  v.  23,  1891,  pp.  115-133. 
7238— No.  28—05  18 


274 


BUKEAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


ment  with  both  the  Mexican  and  the  Maya  nomenclatures  of  the 
twenty  day  signs.  From  this  analysis  I  obtained  the  important  fact 
that  the  double  meanings  which  frequently  occur  in  the  Zapotec 
names  of  the  day  signs  explain  the  apparently  fundamental  differ- 
ence between  the  Mexican  and  the  Maya  names  of  the  same  sign. 
From  this  fact  it  is  fairly  safe  to  conclude  that  the  Zapotecs  or  their 
kindred  were  the  medium  through  which  the  knowledge  of  this  calen- 
dar passed  from  the  Mexicans  to  the  Mayas,  or  vice  versa,  unless  we 
ought  to  accept  the  theory  that  the  Zapotecs  or  their  kindred  were 
those  among  whom  this  calendar  was  invented  and  by  whom  the 
knowledge  of  it  was  originally  communicated  to  both  the  Mexicans 
and  the  Mayas. 


ZAPOTEC  PRIESTHOOD  AND  CEREMONIALS 


There  is  in  all  parts  of  the  world  a  certain  fundamental  uniformity 
in  religious  ideas,  still  more  in  religious  practices,  in  spite  of  a  Avide 
difference  in  the  details.  Professor  Stoll  has  lately  ingeniously  set 
forth  the  cause  of  this  uniformity  in  his  book  entitled  "  Suggestion 
und  Hypnotismus  in  der  Volkerpsychologie  ".'^  This  uniformity 
is  naturally  more  striking  within  the  boundaries  of  one  and  the 
same  larger  or  smaller  area.  Therefore  it  is  not  strange  that  Ave 
find  the  religious  life  among  the  Zapotecs,  as  far  as  our  scanty  means 
permit  of  elucidating  the  matter,  proceeding  on  very  much  the  same 
lines  as  that  of  the  Mexicans  or  that  of  the  Mayas,  concerning  whom 
we  are  much  better  informed  on  this  point,  especially  in  regard  to 
the  Mexicans. 

Among  the  Zapotecs  the  organization  of  the  priesthood  seems  to 
have  had  a  somewhat  peculiar  development  and  was  certainly  more 
compact  than  among  the  other  nations.  They  distinguished  between 
high  and  subordinate  priests  and  pupils,  or  children  who  were  edu- 
cated for  the  priesthood. 

The  high  priests  were  called  Uija-tao,  "  great  seer  ".  Their  chief 
function  Avas  evidently  to  consult  the  gods  in  important  matters 
concerning  the  Avliole  nation  or  individuals  and  to  transmit  the 
answers  to  the  believers.  The  Avay  in  Avhich  these  priests  obtained 
their  inspiration  is  plainly  described  in  the  passage  quoted  above 
from  the  Avork  of  Father  Burgoa.  It  is  here  clearly  a  question  of 
autosuggestion.  They  had  the  poAver  and  the  habit  of  putting  them-  • 
selves  into  an  ecstatic  state,  and  actually  believed  what  they  saw  and 
heard  in  their  visions  and  hallucinations.  In  Mexico  the  high  priests 
Avere  called  Quetzalcoatl,  in  memory  of  the  priest  god  of  Tollan, 
Avho  Avas  said  to  have  been  the  first  who  taught  religious  practices, 
especially  the  sacrifice  of  one's  own  blood,  and  they  distinguished 
betAveen  a  Quetzalcoatl  Totec  tlamacazqui  and  a  Quetzalcoatl  Tlaloc 
tlamacazpui,  corresponding  to  the  two  chief  deities  whose  worship 
Avas  performed  in  the  chief  temple  of  the  capital.^  A  similar  idea 
seems  to  haA^e  existed  in  regard  to  the  high  priests  of  the  Zapotecs. 


"Leipzig,  1894. 


Sahagun,  v.  3,  appendix,  cliap.  9. 

275 


276 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


These  were  not  elected  to  their  office,  as  was  the  case  with  the  Mexi- 
cans, but  they  transmitted  it,  as  Father  Burgoa  relates,  to  their  sons 
or  nearest  relatives.  From  the  description,  however,  which  Father 
Burgoa  gives  of  the  way  in  which  this  transmission  was  made,  it 
clearly  appears  that  these  high  priests  were  considered  as  the  living 
images  of  the  priest  god  of  the  Toltecs,  as  the  incarnation  of  Quetzal- 
coatl.  While  the  priests  were,  as  a  general  thing,  bound  to  be  chaste, 
and  chastity  was,  as  we  shall  see,  assured  by  depriving  boys  destined 
for  the  priesthood  of  their  virility,  at  certain  festivals,  at  which  the 
liigh  priest  was  obliged  to  become  intoxicated,  maidens  were  brought 
to  him,  and  if  one  of  them  became  pregnant  and  gave  birth  to  a  boy 
he  Avas  destined  to  be  the  successor  of  the  high  priest.  This  agrees 
with  the  story  related  of  Quetzalcoatl,  the  priest  god  of  the  Toltecs," 
how  he  was  enticed  by  wicked  sorcerers,  Tezcatlipoca  and  the  god  of 
the  Amantecas,  Coyotl  inaual,  to  drink  pulque;  forgot  his  chastity 
in  the  intoxication,  and  indulged  in  intercourse  Avitli  Quetzalpetlatl ; 
and  for  this  sin  was  forced  to  leave  not  only  the  city,  but  also  the 
country,  and  go  eastward  to  the  seacoast,  where  he  caused  a  funeral 
pyre  to  be  erected  for  himself,  and  out  of  the  fire  his  heart  ascended 
to  the  heavens  as  the  planet  Venus. 

The  ordinary  priests  of  the  Zapotecs  were  called  coj^a  pitao  (copa 
bitoo) ,  "  guardians  of  the  gods  or  ueza-eche,  "  sacrificers  ''.  Perhaps 
these  two  names  indicate  two  special  classes  of  priests,  corresponding 
to  the  Mexican  designations  tlamacazqui  and  tlenamacac.  The  office 
of  these  subordinate  priests  is  given  in  the  description  of  Father 
Burgoa  quoted  above.  The}'  had,  on  the  one  hand,  to  keep  the 
sanctuary,  the  idols,  and  everything  which  pertained  to  their  wor- 
ship in  an  orderly  condition  and  in  readiness  and  to  assist  the 
high  priest  in  his  duties.  On  the  other  hand,  they  Avere  the  ones 
who  performed  the  actual  sacrifices,  especially  the  human  sacrifices, 
after  which  they  brouglit  the  heart  and  the  blood  to  the  high  priest 
that  he  might  offer  it  to  the  gods  for  food.  In  this  respect  the  method 
appears  to  have  been  a  different  one  with  the  Zapotecs  from  that  used 
by  the  Mexicans,  for  Avhat  is  rej^orted  of  the  Mexicans  in  regard  to 
this  seems  to  indicate  merely  that  it  was  the  chief,  the  high  j^riest, 
who  performed  the  actual  sacrifice,  though  he  Avas  indeed  relieved 
b}^  others  Avhen  the  bloody  work  began  to  Aveary  him,  but  yet  was 
the  first  to  put  his  hand  to  this  butchery.  If,  however,  the  Zapotecs 
deviated  in  this  from  the  Mexican,  there  appears  to  have  been  a 
remarl^able  agreement  a\  ith  the  Maya  custom ;  for  Landa  ^  reports 
of  the  Mayas  of  Yucatan  that  two  different  offices  were  designated 

«  Anales  de  Quauhtitlan  Publicacion  de  los  Afiales  del  Museo  Nacional  de  Mexico,  1885, 
pp.  19-21. 

Relacion  de  las  Cosas  de  Yucatan,  edited  by  de  la  Rada  y  Delgado,  p.  85. 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


BULLETIN  28    PLATE  XXXI 


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ZAPOTEC  PRIESTHOOD  AND  CEREMONIALS 


277 


b}^  the  word  nacom,  one  the  very  honorable  office  of  war  chief,  who 
was  chosen  always  for  Ihree  years,  the  other  the  by  no  means  honor- 
able lifelong  office  of  the  man  who  cut  open  the  breasts  of  the  victims 
of  sacrifice. 

Just  as  there  was  in  addition  the  lowest  order  with  the  Mexicans, 
the  priest  pupils,  tlamacazton,  "  little  priests who  had  to  help 
the  adult  priests  and  learn  the  temple  service,  the  priests'  duties, 
and  all  priestly  knowledge  and  traditions,  so  also  did  this  class  exist 
with  the  Zapotecs.  Among  the  Zapotecs  these  priest  pupils  were 
called  pixana,  translated  in  Burgoa's  work  by  "  dedicados  a  los 
dioses  These  were  chosen,  as  Father  Burgoa  reports  of  the  Zapo- 
tecos  Serranos  and  Cajonos,'^  from  the  younger  sons  of  caciques  and 
people  of  rank,  and  were  castrated  when  they  were  boys.  It  can  not 
be  ascertained  from  existing  sources  of  information  whether  this  cus- 
tom Avas  also  practiced  by  the  Zapotecs  of  the  Valle  de  Oaxaca  and  in 
Tehuantepec.  Burgoa  also  gives  the  name  pixana  to  the  boys  aiding 
in  the  Avork  of  the  temple  in  Tehuantepec. 

As  regards  religious  practices,  these  consisted  with  the  Zapotecs, 
as  with  the  Mexicans  and  Mtiya  peoples,  chiefly  in  the  burning 
of  incense  and  in  the  offering  of  sacrificial  gifts,  small  animals  and 
birds,  but  especially  in  the  offering  of  blood,  which  they  drew 
from  their  OAvn  bodies.  The  usual  places  for  this  bloodletting  were 
the  tongue  and  the  ear,  and  reports  commonly  state  that  they  pierced 
their  tongues  and  ears  for  the  purpose.  Burgoa,  however,  particu- 
larizes the  place  for  the  Zapotecs,  namely,  the  veins  under  the 
tongue  and  behind  the  ear.<^  Pie  reports  another  peculiarity  which 
is  not  known  of  other  tribes,  namely,  that  they  did  this  piercing  of 
the  flesh  with  a  sharp  bone  or  a  stone  knife,  or  with  the  pointed 
nail  of  the  forefinger,  which  they  alloAved  to  groAV  long  for  this  pur- 
pose.*^  The  blood  that  trickled  out  was  caught  on  blades  of  grass 
or  bright  feathers,  and  was  thus  offered  to  the  idols  as  a  sacrifice. 

Among  the  Zapotecs,  too,  the  most  significant  and  important  offer- 
ing was  human  sacrifice,  Avhich,  as  Father  Burgoa  expressly  states,*' 
was  performed  with  special  solemnity  and  elaborate  ceremonies. 
Modern  scholars  of  note  in  the  state  of  Oaxaca  are  now  inclined  to 
deuA^  that  the  Zapotecs  performed  human  sacrifices,  apparently  from 
a  sentiment  of  patriotism.  This  is  the  case  with  the  historian  of 
Oaxaca,  Jose  Antonio  Gay,  and  the  author  of  the  useful  Catalogo 
Etiraologico  de  Oaxaca,  Manuel  Martinez  Gracida,  to  whom  Ave  owe 
also  a  description  of  Mitla.    It  is  certain  that  neither  the  Zapotecs 

«  Work  cited,  chap.  58. 
"  Work  cited,  chap.  72. 

Work  cited,  chaps.  58,  64,  70, 
^  Work  cited,  chap.  70. 
«  See  above. 


278 


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[bull.  28 


nor  the  Mayas  sacrificed  human  beings  in  such  multitudes  as  the 
Mexicans ;«  still,  human  sacrifices  were  offered,  but  less  frequently, 
and,  as  it  seems,  only  on  stated  occasions.  We  learn  from  the 
Zapotec  dictionary  of  Father  Juan  de  Cordova  that  there  were 
two  or  three  special  occasions  when  human  sacrifices  were  per- 
formed. Prisoners  of  war  were  sacrificed,  and  in  this  case  the  flesh 
of  the  victims  was  even  eaten,^  as  in  Mexico:  human  beino"s  were  also 
sacrificed  to  the  deity  of  the  harvests,  that  is,  probably  the  earth 
goddess ;  finally,  children  were  sacrificed  to  the  rain  god.'^  In  this 
last  point  there  appears  again  a  marked  agreement  with  the  ideas 
and  the  worship  of  the  Mexicans,  for  in  Mexico,  too,  children  were 
sacrificed  in  the  first  five  or  six  months  of  the  year  to  the  god  of  rain, 
tempest,  and  mountains,  Tlaloc,  as  Sahagun  relates  in  detail.  The 
expression  which  was  here  used  by  the  Mexicans  as  a  technical  term, 
nino-ixtlaua,  or  nextlaualiztli,  paying  one's  debts ",  corresponds 
exactly  to  the  word  used  by  the  Zapotecs  for  this  sacrifice  of  chil- 
dren, and,  in  fact,  only  in  connection  with  it,  ti-quixe-a  cocijo,  "  I 
pay  my  debt  to  the  rain  god  '\ 

A  specially  noticeable  and  peculiar  ceremony  practiced  among  the 
Zapotecs  is  indicated  by  some  words  of  the  dictionary  as  well  as  by 
a  detailed  description  from  Father  Burgoa.  The  dictionary  of  Juan 
de  Cordova  contains,  under  the  heading  yerva  ("grass,  herb"),  the 
following  notice:  "Tola,  a  grasslike  plant  (una  yerva  de  los  erva- 
zales)  out  of  w^hich  in  ancient  times  they  made  a  straw  rope  (una 
soguilla  6  tomiza),  which  they  brought  to  confession  and  laid  down 
on  the  ground  before  the  pijana  and  confessed  what  sins  they  Avished 
to  confess.  Hence  it  comes  that  tola  is  still  used  w^ith  the  meaning  of 
'  sin  and  that  they  also  say  lao-tola,  '  place  of  sin  or  of  confession 
although  the  word  also  means  '  a  dark  place  '  ". 

The  expression  pijana,  that  is,  pixana,  which  Juan  de  Cordova 
uses  here,  seems  to  refer  to  a  ceremony  observed  specially  among  the 
Zaj^otecos  Serranos.  For  this  word  pixana,  "  dedicated  to  the  god 
was  not  used  by  them  merely  for  the  priest  pupils,  but  generally  for 
the  priests  of  the  idols.  Father  Burgoa  describes  very  fully  this 
ceremony  of  the  Zapotecos  Serranos,  which  w^as  still  practiced  in 

"No  eran  tan  carniceros  como  los  Mexicanos  ("They  were  not  so  fond  of  carnage  as 
the  Mexicans"),  says  Father  Burgoa,  work  cited,  chap.  58.  Gay  concludes  that  Father 
Burgoa  means  in  this  passage  that  they  performed  no  human  sacrifices  at  all. 

"  Juan  de  Cordova  distinguishes  :  peni  yy,  peni  quij,  peni  y&  "  hombre  que  sacrificavan 
tornado  en  guerra,  6  captivo  presentado  a  un  Sefior  para  sacrificarle  (a  man  taken  in 
war  that  they  sacrificed,  or  a  captive  presented  to  the  lord  to  sacrifice)  ",  and  xdyaa, 
xuyaaquij,  "si  era  guisado  o  cocido  6  asado  para  comerlo  (if  it  was  baked,  stewed,  or 
broiled  for  eating) 

Toti-nije-a,  ti-c6oa,  quij  nije,  "  sacrificar  por  las  mieses  hombre  (to  sacrifice  for  har- 
vest a  man)". 

Totia  peni-quij-cocijo,  tiquixe  a  cocijo,  "sacrificar  hombre  por  la  pulvia,  o  nino  (to 
sacrifice  a  man  for  rain,  or  a  child)". 


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ZAPOTEC  PRIESTHOOD  AND  CEREMONIALS 


279 


his  time,  1()52,  in  a  village  in  the  neighborhood  of  San  Francisco  de 
Cajonos.  P'ather  Bnrgoa  had  come  into  this  region  on  an  inspection 
tour,  and  there  he  met  with  a  stately  old  cacic^ue,  who  was  magnifi- 
cently dressed  in  Spanish  fashion,  all  in  silk,  and  was  evidently 
treated  by  the  Indians  with  great  respect.  He  came  to  pay  his 
respects  to  the  padre  and  to  give  an  account  of  the  progress  of  reli- 
gious instruction  in  his  village,  and  the  padre  perceived  that  he  was  a 
well-informed  man,  with  complete  command  of  the  Spanish  lan- 
guage, but,  from  some  indications  Avhich  long  experience  had  taught 
him,  his  suspicions  were  aroused  in  regard  to  the  man's  soundness  of 
faith.  He  imparted  his  suspicions  to  the  vicar  of"  the  place,  but  re- 
ceived such  satisfactory  information  from  him  that  he  thought  he  had 
deceived  himself  this  time.  It  was,  however,  this  same  old  man  who, 
a  few  days  later,  Avas  seen  by  a  Spaniard  roaming  through  the  moun- 
tain forest  after  game,  in  a  place  hidden  behind  rocks  and  bushes,  per- 
forming heathenish  idolatrous  ceremonies  in  the  midst  of  a  devout 
assembly.  The  Spaniard  hastened  away  terrified,  roused  the  monks 
while  it  was  still  night,  and  in  the  early  morning,  before  an  intima- 
tion of  the  matter  had  reached  the  Indian  servants  of  the  monastery, 
the  vicar  and  the  prelate,  guided  by  the  Spaniard,  started  on  their 
way.  After  weary  wandering  in  hunters'  paths  they  reached  the 
place  at  noon  and  found  on  the  stone  which  served  for  an  altar  all  the 
sacrificial  gifts  still  fresh,  "  feathers  of  many  colors,  sprinkled  with 
blood  which  the  Indians  had  drawn  from  the  veins  under  their 
tongues  and  behind  their  ears,  incense  spoons,  and  remains  of  copal, 
and  in  the  middle  a  horrible  stone  figure,  which  was  the  god  to  whom 
they  had  offered  this  sacrifice  in  expiation  of  their  sins  (sacrificio  de 
expiacion  de  sus  culpas)  while  the}^  made  their  confessions  to  the 
blasphemous  priest  and  cast  off  their  sins  in  the  following  manner. 
They  had  woven  a  sort  of  dish  out  of  a  tough  herb  which  was  specially 
gathered  for  this  purpose  (uno  como  fuente,  6  plato  muy  grande), 
and,  throwing  this  upon  the  ground  before  the  priest,  had  said  to 
him  that  they  came  to  beg  mercy  of  their  god  and  pardon  for  the  sins 
which  they  had  committed  in  that  year,  and  that  they  had  brought 
them  all  carefully  enumerated.  They  then  drew  out  of  a  cloth 
pairs  of  slender  threads  made  of  dry  maize  husks  (toto-jnostle) , 
that  they  had  tied  two  by  two  in  the  middle  with  a  knot,  by 
which  they  represented  their  sins.  They  laid  these  threads  on  the 
dishes  of  braided  grass  and  over  them  pierced  their  veins  and  let  the 
blood  trickle  upon  them,  and  the  priest  took  these  offerings  to  the  idol 
and  in  a  long  speech  he  begged  the  god  to  forgive  these,  his  sons,  their 
sins  which  were  brought  to  him  and  to  permit  them  to  be  joyful  and 
hold  feasts  to  him  as  their  god  and  lord.  Then  the  priest  came  back 
to  those  who  had  confessed,  delivered  a  long  discourse  on  the  cere- 


280 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


monies  they  had  still  to  perform,  and  told  them  that  the  i^od  had 
pardoned  them  and  that  they  might  be  glad  again  and  sin  anew 

This  elaborate  ceremonial,  the  details  of  which  were  established 
beyond  a  doubt  in  the  course  of  the  inquisitorial  examination  to 
which  all  the  participants  were  subjected,  was  not  suggested  to  the 
Indians  by  Christian  confession  and  absolution,  but  corresponds  to 
the  confession  which  was  made  in  Mexico  to  the  priests  of  the  earth 
goddess,  who  was  called,  for  this  reason,  Tlaelquani,  "  filth-eater 
and  Tlazolteotl,  "  god  of  ordure  ".  Only  in  Mexico  the  necessity  of 
this  confession  was  confined  to  sins  in  veneribus,  that  is,  to  offenses 
against  the  sacredness  of  marriage,  while  with  the  Zapotecs,  as 
appears  from  the  entire  description,  this  ceremony  must  have  had  a 
more  general  intention,  applying  to  the  expiation  of  all  sins.  The 
AVords  which  the  padre  reported  in  conclusion,  namely,  that  the 
lieathen  priest  told  his  penitents  that  they  were  now  absolved  from 
their  sins  and  could  sin  anew,  are  probably  to  be  taken  quite  seriously ; 
for  in  Mexico  also  the  idea  prevailed  that  by  this  confession,  which 
was  made  to  the  priests  of  the  earth  goddess,  and  the  penance  fol- 
lowing upon  it  the  sinner  was  entirely  freed  from  his  sins,  to  such 
an  extent,  indeed,  that  he  could  no  longer  be  reached  by  any  secular 
punishment,  which  in  this  case  was  very  seA^ere,  stoning  to  death 
being  the  punishment  for  adultery.  It  cost  the  monks  trouble 
enough  to  persuade  the  Indians  that  the  confession  Avhich  they 
demanded  and  received  AA^as  folloAved  by  no  sucji  exemptions  from 
the  laAv. 

There  is  another  point  of  interest  connected  with  the  Zapotec  cere- 
monies described  aboA^e,  namely,  the  use  nuide  of  the  grass  rope  on 
these  occasions,  for  it  serves  to  throw  further  light  on  certain  passages 
in  the  picture  Avritings.  Here,  as  in  the  cases  discussed  in  connection 
with  the  calendar,  the  l^orgian  codex  and  Codex  Yaticanus  B  corre- 
spond most  closely  to  the  description. 

Among  the  fcAA^  fundamental  characters  Avhich,  as  I  have  demon- 
strated,<^  recur  in  a  typical  manner  in  the  different  picture  manu- 
scripts of  the  group  forming  the  Borgian  codex,  a  representation  of 
the  tonalamatl  occupies  a  prominent  place.  It  is  here  represented  as 
divided  into  tAventy  sections  of  18  days  each,  to  each  of  which  i^ 
ascribed  a  certain  deity  Avho  Avas  the  ruling  power  in  it,  and  Avho  was 
sufficiently  indicated  to  the  understanding  of  the  Indians  by  the 
initial  sign  of  the  section.  The  order  in  Avhich  the  deities  follow  one 
another  here  seems  to  have  been,  in  a  measure,  a  canonical  one;  for 
in  other  passages  in  these  picture  Avritings  we  find  these  deities 
ascribed  to  the  twenty  daA^  signs  in  the  same  order,  except  that  in  the 


"  Der  Codex  Borgia  und  die  verwandten  axtekischen  Bilderschriften,  Zeitschrift  fiir 
Ethnologic,  v.  19,  1887,  p.  (105)  and  following. 


beliok] 


ZAPOTEC   PRIESTHOOD  AND  CEREMONTAI.S 


281 


latter  case  a  new  deity  is  inserted  belAveen  the  tenth  and  the  eleventh, 
and  therefore  the  twentieth  deity  of  the  first  (original?)  series  is 
omitted  at  the  end.  The  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  deities  of  the 
first  series,  or  the  eigliteenth  and  nineteenth  of  the  second,  are  the 
ones  wliich  seem  to  liave  s])e('ial  reference  to  the  festival  of  expiation 
of  the  Zapotecs  wliich  has  just  been  described. 

The  expiation  of  sin  is  expressed  in  the  clearest  and  most  realistic 
way,  especial!}^  by  the  picture  of  the  first  of  these  two  deities.  He  is 
depicted  in  the  form  of  a  turkey  cock,  designated  by  the  interpreter 
as  Chalchiuhtotolin,  "  emerald  fowl  and  explained  as  the  image  of 
the  god  called  by  the  Mexicans  Tezcatlipoca,  "  smoking  mirror 

By  a  natural  and  quite  comprehensible  transference  of  ideas  sin 
was  designated  l)y  the  people  of  ancient  Mexico  as  dirt,  excrement, 
offal,  and  Avas  ]:)ortrayed  in  the  picture  writings,  in  a  Avay  to  be  recog- 
nized more  or  less  clearly,  in  the  form  of  human  faeces.  Tlaelquani, 
"  she  who  eats  ordure  ",  was  called  by  the  Mexicans  the  earth  god- 
dess ",  because  she  was  the  eradicator  of  sins,  to  whose  priests  the 
people  went  to  confess  their  sins  in  order  to  be  freed  from  them  by 
this  confession.  In  all  the  passages  under  consideration  there  is 
always  depicted  opposite  Chalchiuhtotolin  a  man  in  the  act  of  self- 
castigation,  of  drawing  his  own  blood,  or,  in  liis  stead,  the  imple- 
ments and  symbols  of  castigation.  In  tlie  calendars  of  Codices 
Telleriano-Iiemensis  and  Vaticanus  A,  next  to  the  representation  of  a 
penitent,  sin  is  .expressed  by  the  conventioiuil  drawing  of  ordure  {a, 
figure  GO)."  On  page  51  of  the  Borgian  codex,  to  which  page  32  of 
Codex  Vaticanus  B  corresponds,  an  eagle's  claw  is  represented  beside 
the  symbols  of  castigation,  ofl'ering  the  ordure  to  Chalchiuhtotolin  to 
eat  (Z>,  figure  ()0)J'  By  tliis  means  the  '*  emerald  fowl  ",  the  image  of 
Tezcatlipoca,  is  likewise  designated  as  Tlaelquani,  the  eradicator  of 
sins.^  Finally,  in  the  Borgian  codex,  page  29,  to  Avhich  pages  l  and 
77,  Codex  Vaticanus  B,  correspond,  opposite  Chalchiuhtotolin,  there 
is  (a,  figure  Gl)  the  penitent  (who  bores  out  his  eye  Avith  a  sharp- 
ened bone)  in  the  middle  of  a  ring,  Avhich  appears  from  its  coloring 
to  be  of  braided  grass,  since  it  consists  of  alternating  green  and  Avhite 
sections,  the  Avhite  ones  dotted  Avith  red,  indicating  the  sprinkling 
Avith  blood.  This  ring  evidently  represents  the  tola  of  the  Zapotecs, 
the  rope  of  grass,  Avhose  use  is  explained  above. 

The  same  rope  of  grass  is  also  represented  in  page  30  of  the 

«  In  the  third  section  of  the  calendar,  in  the  place  where  in  some  picture  writings  the 
earth  goddess  is  represented  opposite  the  god  TepeyollotI,  in  others,  instead  of  the 
former,  there  is  the  picture  of  a  man  eating  his  own  excrement  (hieroglyph  for  Tlael- 
quani) and  the  symbol  of  the  moon  (see  figure  05). 

*  I  had  not  arrived  at  a  full  comprehension  of  all  these  circumstances  when  I  wrote 
my  work  on  Tonalamatl  der  Aubinschen  Sammlung. 

<^  This  signification  of  Tezcatlipoca  is  also  supported  by  other  passages  in  the  picture 
writings,  specially  by  the  following  codices  :  Borgian,  p.  27  ;  A'aticanus  B,  pp.  6,  70,  or 
Borgian,  p.  46  ;  and  A^aticanus  B,  p.  37. 


282 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


Borgian  codex,  corresponding  to  pages  3  and  76  of  Codex  Vaticanus 
B,  with  the  deity  of  the  nineteenth  day  sign,  h  and  c.  Here  is 
apparently  not  a  question  of  ' directly  doing  penance,  but  of  pious 
exercises  in  general,  especially  of  fasting.  I  have  copied  these 
pictures,  first,  because  the  figure  of  Codex  Vaticanus  B,  page  3,  c, 
shows  clearly  a  rope  of  grass  by  the  ends  of  the  braid  which  are  cut 


h 

Fig.  60.    Drawing  blood  from  the  ears,  and  implements  of  castigation,  from 
Mexican  codices. 


off  below  and  terminate  above  in  small  flower  heads,  after  the  manner 
of  the  malinalli,  and  secondly,  because  this  rope  of  grass  recurs  in 
Mexican  picture  writings,  to  wit,  as  a  symbol  for  "  fasting  "  in  the 
hieroglyphs  of  the  kings  Nezahualcoyotl,  "  the  fasting  prairie  wolf 
and  Nezahualpilli,  "  the  fasting  prince  of  Tetzcoco,  as  they  are 
depicted  in  the  Codex  Telleriano-Iiemensis,  d  and  e. 


SELER 1 


ZAPOTEC  PRIESTHOOD  AND  CEREMONIALS 


283 


Although  it  is  therefore  plain  that  the  symbol  of  the  grass  rope 
Avas  not  unknown  to  the  Mexicans,  still  it  is  frequent  onW  in  the 
picture  Avritings  of  the  Borgian  codex  group,  and  in  this  group  is 
represented  onl}^  particularly  in  connection  Avith  expiation  of  sin. 
Its  occnrrence,  like  that  of  the  representation  of  the  four  rain  gods 
(figure  58)  and  the  deer  figures  bearing  the  day  signs  (figure  59), 
seem  therefore  to  point  to  the  conclusion  that  the  picture  writings  of 
the  Borgian  codex  group  are  either  actually  Zapotec  or  belong  to  a 
territory  whose  people  resembled  the  latter  in  their  religious  and 
calendric  notions.  This  is  a  fact  which  Ave  have  every  reason  to  keep 
well  in  mind. 


h  d 


Fig.  G1.     Self-pnnisliment  and  symbol^:  of  two  kin^s  from  Mexican  codices. 

The  special  signification  attached  to  the  twisted  grass  rope,  tola, 
among  the  Zapotecs  also  explains  the  singularly  baneful  part  Avhich 
the  "  grass  "  malinalli,  "  the  tAvist ",  plays  as  a  day  sign.  For  there 
is  probably  no  doubt  that  this  Mexican  malinalli  and  the  Zapotec 
tola  are  the  same  thing,  although  tola  Avas  not  used  in  the  Zapotec 
calendar  for  malinalli,  but  pija,  chija,  corresponding  to  the  literal 
sense  of  malinalli.  This  fact  seems  in  its  turn  to  indicate  that  in  the 
land  of  the  Zapotecs  Ave  are  not  A^er}^  far  from  the  spot  Avhere  the  day 
signs  originated  and  Avhere  the  Avhole  remarkable  system  of  the 
Central  American  calendar  Avas  elaborated. 


DEITIES  AND  RELIGIOUS  CONCEPTIONS  OF  THE 

ZAPOTECS 


The  Zapotec  dictionary,  by  Father  Juan  de  Cordova,  already  fre- 
quently mentioned,  forms  a  chief  source  of  information  concerning 
the  immediate  religious  conceptions  of  the  Zapotecs,  the  forms  of 
the  gods  which  were  worshiped  by  them  and  to  which  they  turned  in 
every  need  and  for  the  satisfaction  of  all  their  desires.  Among  the 
different  names  and  designations,  which,  generally  speaking,  are 
rather  designations  of  activities  than  true  names,  the  most  prominent 
of  all  are  those  pertaining  to  a  creative  deity.  In  their  meaning  and 
application  these  designations  were  very  likely  similar  to  the  Mexican 
Totecuyo,  Tloque  Nauaque,  Ilhuicaua,  Tlaticpaque,  Youalli  ehecatl, 
and  the  like,  that  is,  they  were,  like  these,  used  to  a  certain  extent  as 
a  general  appellation  of  the  deity,  and  probably  also  in  addressing 
the  different  deities,  or  as  attributes  to  name  them  by.  Their  con- 
struction and  their  etymology,  however,  furnish  a  clue  to  the  lines 
along  which  speculative  thought  moved  among  the  Zapotecs  in  refer- 
ence to  the  origin  of  all  things.  I  give  here  the  names  and  the  Span- 
ish expression  of  which  they  are  sup})osed  to  be  a  translation,  accord- 
ing to  the  dictionary  of  Father  Juan  de  Cordova.  They  are  as  fol- 
low : 

Coqni-Xee,  Coqui-Cilla, 

Xee-TAo,  Pixee-Tao,  Cilla-Tsio, 

Nixee-Tao.  Xi-Cilla-Tao, 

Pije-Tao,  IM.j-Xoo,  IMje-Xoo, 

"  God  ^yitllo^t  end  and  withont  beginning,  so  they  called  him  with- 
out knowing  whom"  (Dios  infinito  y  sin  prineipio,  llamavanle,  sin 
saber  a  quien). 

Coqui-Cilla,  Xee-Tflo,  Piyee-Xao,  Chilla-Tao, 

*'  The  uncreated  lord,  who  has  no  beginning  and  no  end  "  (el  Senor 
increado,  el  que  no  tiene  prineipio  y  fin). 

Piye-Tao,  Piye-Xoo, 

Coqui-Xee,  Coqui-Cilla,  Coqui-Xij, 

*'  God,  of  whom  they  said  that  he  was  the  creator  of  all  things  and 
was  himself  uncreated  "  (Dios  que  decian  que  era  creador  del  todo  y  el 
increado). 

As  to  the  elements  Avhich  are  contained  in  these  appellations,  coqui 
simply  means  "  lord  ",  "  leader  '*  cacique  ",  king  " ;  tao  and  xoo  are 
adjectives;  tao  (too,  or  roo)  means  "great".  With  the  prefix  for 
animate  beings,  the  word  forms  the  customary  expression  for  "  god  " 
(Pitao,  Bitoo,  that  is,  "  the  great  one  ").  Xoo  is  a  synonym  of  the 
284 


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DEITIES  AND  RELIGIOUS  CONCEPTIONS 


285 


former,  and  means  "  strong",  "  powerful  ■'.    Ni  and  pi  are  prefixes; 
the  second  is  the  prefix  just  mentioned  for  animate  beings,  while  the 
first  has  a  more  general  meaning  and  is  equivalent  to    he  Avho  is 
There  then  remain  as  essential  elements  in  the  above  appellations 
only  the  following:  Xee,  cilia  (xilla,  chilla),  pij  (pije,  piyee),  nij. 

Of  these  different  expressions,  the  first  two,  xee  and  cilia,  are  syno- 
nyms. They  are  regularly  used  together  as  a  compound,  with  the 
meaning  of  "  beginning  "  origin  The  fundamental  meaning  of 
both  is  doubtless  "  growing  light  "  morning  cilia  is  the  technical 
expression  for  "morning";  te-cilla,  "in  the  morning";  zoo-cilla, 
piye-zoo-cilla,  or  toa-tillani-copijcha,  "  the  quarter  of  the  heavens  be- 
longing to  the  morning ",  "  the  east  ",  or  "  where  the  sun  rises  ". 
Xilla  and  chilla  are  phonetic  variants  of  cilia.  We  must  probably 
accept  "  bright  "  as  the  exact  meaning  of  xee.  Alone  or  accompanied 
by  the  root  ati  xee  is  often  used  with  the  meaning  "  pure  ".  A  direct 
reference  to  the  morning  lies  in  the  words  quixee  and  quixij,  properly 
"  the  coming  morning ",  Avhich  are  used  for  "  to-morrow  ",  that  is, 
"  the  next  day  ". 

"The  lord  of  the  beginning"  (Coqui-Xee,  Coqui-Cilla) ,  or  "the 
great  beginning"  (Xee-Tao,  Pixee-Tao,  Cilia  Tao),  is  thus  properly 
"  the  lord  of  groAving  bright,  of  the  morning  ".  Translated  into  Mex- 
ican it  would  read  Tlauizcalpan  Tecutli.  The  Mexicans  used  this 
Avord  for  the  morning  star. 

An  entirely  different  meaning  lies  in  the  third  Avord.  Pij,  or  chij, 
for  p  and  ch  ar3  here  and  frequently  in  Zapotec  interchangeable,'^ 
means  "  to  be  turned  ",  "  to  turn  oneself  ".  From  that  is  developed, 
on  the  one  hand,  the  meaning  pij,  pije,  chije,  piyee,  pee,  "  that  Avhich 
whirls  ",  "  the  wind  ";  on  the  other  hand,  the  meaning  quoted  above 
of  pije,  piye  "(rotation,  rotation  of  time),  calendar  "  and  chij,  chee, 
yee,  "  course  of  time  ",  "  time  ",  "  day  ".  The  latter  meaning  does  not 
concern  us  here.  But  from  the  meaning,  "  Avind  ",  the  further  ones  of 
"breath",  "respiration"*  and  "inner  vital  principle",  "soul", 
"spirit"^  have  been  developed,  and  Ave  must  refer  to  this  for  the 
names  of  the  creative  deity  quoted  above.  Pije-Tao  and  Pij-Xoo  are 
"  the  great  wind  ",  "  the  strong  Avind  "  and  "  the  great,  the  strong, 
powerful  (living)  spirit". 

Finally,  the  fourth  word,  nij,  is  the  same  as  nij  a,  Avhich  means 
"  foot  ",  "  lower  end  ",  "  beginning  ".  Coqui-Nij  is  therefore  only 
another,  a  prosaic,  expression  for  the  meaning  which  lies  in  the  name 
Coqui-Xee,  Coqui-Cilla. 

However,  the  association  of  ideas  Avhich  arises  from  the  use  for  the 

«  This  interchangeableness  evidently  occurs  in  tlie  case  before  us  because  the  root  is 
properly  ii  or  ee,  which  is  combined  with  a  prefix  (originally  nominal)  for  the  forma- 
tion of  an  enlarged  stem. 

"  Cobaa,  pee,  pije,  chije,  "  anhelito  "  (Juan  de  Cordova,  Vocabulario) . 

«  Pij,  chije,  "  viento,  anima,  y  espiritu  "  (Juan  de  C6rdova,  Vocabulario). 


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creative  deity  of  names  of  different  origin,  preserved  by  the  Vocabu- 
lary, has  also  another  interesting  and  important  side.  I  have  trans- 
lated above  the  Coqui-Xee,  Coqni-Cilla,  of  the  Zapotecs  by  the  Mex- 
ican name  Tlauizcalpan  Tecutli.  If  we  should  seek  to  translate 
Pije-Tao,  Pije-Xoo,  into  Mexican,  then  a  strictl}^  synon3anous,  though 
by  no  means  literal,  rendering  Avould  be  the  name  Quetzalcoatl. 
Here  we  find  a  connecting  link,  which  throws  light  upon  the  logic 
of  the  relation  between  objects  and  ideas  that  have  hitherto  existed 
rather  incongruously  side  by  side.  The  Mexican  legend  tells  of 
the  wind  god  Quetzalcoatl  that  after  his  death  or  after  his  dis- 
appearance in  the  sea  of  the  east  he  changed  himself  into  Tlauiz- 
calpan Tecutli,  the  lord  of  the  dawn,  that  is,  the  morning  star,  the 
planet  Venus.  The  Zapotec  names  explain  this  change  to  us;  for  it  is 
the  creative  deity  who  is  at  once  the  soul,  the  spirit,  the  living  prin- 
ciple of  all  things  and  the  lord  of  the  dawn,  of  the  coming  day,  who  is 
conceived  of  as  merged  in  the  star  of  the  dawn,  the  luminous  planet, 
which  was  called  Pelle-Nij  by  the  Zapotecs  and  Citlalpol,  "  the 
great  star  ",  by  the  Mexicans.  It  appears,  moreover,  from  the  fres- 
coes which  are  reproduced  in  this  work,  as  we  shall  see  below,  that 
Quetzalcoatl  occupied  in  fact  the  central  place  in  the  Zapotec 
Olympus,  at  least  as  he  was  understood  and  presumably  expounded 
by  the  priests. 

Tlauizcalpan  Tecutli,  the  lord  of  the  dawn  and  of  the  evening  twi- 
light, who  is  also  designated  by  the  interpreter  as  the  first  light 
which  illuminated  the  earth  in  the  period  before  the  flood,  that  is, 
before  the  creation  of  the  sun,  is  represented  in  the  calendar  opposite 
the  fire  god  in  the  ninth  section,  which  begins  with  the  day  "  1  snake". 
As  the  representations  of  this  god  are  important  also  for  future  dis- 
cussion, I  have  given  them  together  in  figures  62  and  68,  taken  from 
Codices  Borgia,  page  46,  Vaticanus  B,  page  40,  and  Telleriano- 
Remensis  II,  page  14,  and  the  Tonalamatl  of  the  Aubin  collection. 

Coqui-Xee,  Coqui-Cilla,  the  "  lord  of  dawn  ",  and  Pije-Tao,  Pije- 
Xoo,  the  "  mighty,  strong  wind  however,  designate,  as  it  were, 
merely  the  principle,  the  essence  of  the  creative  deity  or  of  deity  in 
general,  Avithout  reference  to  the  act  of  creating  the  world  and 
human  beings.  In  respect  to  this  event  itself  the  mythologies  of  the 
Central  Americans,  as  well  as  those  of  most  of  the  peoples  of  the 
earth,  have  placed  at  the  beginning  of  things  a  male  and  female 
deity.  These  w^ere  called  by  the  Mexicans  Tonacatecutli  and  Tona- 
caciuatl,  "  lord  "  and  "  mistress  of  our  flesh  "  or  "  of  subsistence  or 
Ometecutli  Omeciuatl,  "  lords  of  duality ".  In  the  calendars  they 
occup}^  the  first  place  and  are  represented  as  the  deities  dominfiting 
the  beginning,  the  first  division,  whose  initial  sign  is  "  1  crocodile 
They  are  figured  always  clothed  in  light,  varied,  and  rich  colors. 
The  male  deity  is  more  or  less  definitely  identified  with  the  sky,  the 


seler] 


DEITIES  AND  RELIGIOUS  CONCEPTIONS 


287 


sun,  or  the  fire  god,  who  was  at  the  same  time  the  god  of  the  chase 
nnd  of  war;  the  female  deity,  with  the  earth  or  the  water,  the  element 


a  h 

Fig.  62.    Deity  of  the  morning  star,  from  a  Mexican  codex. 


which  imparts  fruitfulness  to  the  earth.  Thus  in  the  Tonalamatl  of 
the  Aubin  collection,  on  the  first  page,  the  fire  god  and  the  water  god- 


FiG.  63.    Figures  of  the  deity  of  the  morning  star,  from  Mexican  codices. 

dess  are  placed  opposite  one  another  as  rulers  of  the  first  section  of 
the  calendar. 


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[BULL.  28 


We  find  a  similar  notion  among  the  Zapotccs.  Under  the  heading 
criador,  creator  the  dictionary  of  Father  Juan  de  Cordova  gives 
the  following  two  different  deities : 

Cozaana,  Pitoo-Cozaana, 

"Creator,  the  maker  of  all  beasts"  (Criador,  o  hacedor  de  todas  los  ani- 
males). 
Huichaana, 

"Creator,  the  maker  of  men  and  of  fishes"  (Criador  asi  de  los  hombres  y 
peces). 

Zaana  means  "  to  give  birth  "  to  beget  " ;  and  Xaana,  chaana,  are 
probably  mere  phonetic  variants  of  the  same  stem.  Cozaana,  how- 
ever, is  the  nomen  agentis,  formed  directly  from  this  stem,  and  there- 
fore means  "  one  who  gives  birth  or  "  procreator  ".  Huichaana, 
Huechaana  imply  a  causative  formed  from  this  stem.  Cozaana  and 
Huichaana  and  Huechaana  are  both  used  alike  for"  descent  race" 
(linaje  generalmente) .  Hence  word  analysis  does  not  suffice  to 
determine  what  deities  are  meant  by  the  above  names,  and  we  shall 
have  to  look  for  other  applications  of  these  expressions,  and  these 
other  applications  will  make  it  possible  to  determine  the  deities 
without  possibility  of  error. 

Cozaana  is  used  concerning  the  sun.  The  proper  Zapotec  name  for 
the  sun  is  copijcha.  It  has  also  a  briefer  name,  pitoo,  as  in  Mexican  it 
has  the  name  Teotl,  that  is,  "  god  ".  But  as  the  "  great  procreator  of 
all  things"  (el  Sol  con  forme  al  engendrar  las  cosas  que  las  engendra), 
the  dictionary  calls  it  Cozaana-tao  quizaha-lao.  It  seems,  therefore, 
as  if  we  ought  to  accept  this  as  the  original  meaning  of  Pitoo- 
Cozaana;  the  sun  as  the  male  portion  of  the  creative  deity;  and  if 
this  Pitoo-Cozaana  was  designated  specially  as  creator  of  beasts,  also 
as  "  god  of  the  chase  "  and  as  "  god  of  beasts,  to  whom  the  hunter  and 
the  fisher  sacrificed  in  order  to  be  helped  ",  it  seems  as  if  we  must  re- 
•  call  also  the  Mexican  point  of  view,  according  to  which  the  sun  god 
is  also  looked  upon  as  the  god  of  the  chase  and  of  war.  This  concep- 
tion, however,  is  in  a  measure  contradicted  by  the  fact  that  in  two 
places  in  the  dictionary  Cozaana  is  spoken  of,  according  to  the  proper 
meaning  of  the  word,  as  "  procreatrix  "  ( engendra dora,  procrea- 
dora)  of  beasts  and  of  fishes.  Since,  now,  the  beasts  of  the  woods  and 
fields,  as  we  shall  see  below,  are  brought  into  especial  connection 
with  the  earth,  it  is  still  possible  that  Cozaana  also  has  this  meaning 
and  is  to  be  considered  as  designating  either  the  female  portion  of  the 
dual  creator  or,  as  the  male  portion,  a  god  of  the  earth  and  lord  of 
beasts. 

Huechaana,  Huichana,  is  translated  also  in  the  dictionary  by 
"  water  ",  "  element  of  water  ",  and  Huichaana,  Pitao-Huichaana,  Co- 
chana,  Huichaana,  by  "  god,  or  goddess,  of  little  children,  or  of  birth, 
to  whom  those  giving  birth  sacrificed  "  (dios  o  diosa  de  los  ninos,  6 
de  la  generacion,  a  quien  las  paridas  sacrificavan).    Hence  it  is  clear 


selek] 


DEITIES  AND  RELIGIOUS  CONCEPTIONS 


289 


that  this  is  the  female  part  of  the  creative  deity  who,  as  I  noted  above, 
is  represented  opposite  the  male  creative  deit3%  the  fire  god,  in  the 
Tonalamatl  of  the  Aiibin  collection  in  the  form  of  the  water  goddess, 
Chalchiuhtlicue ;  and  this,  its  special  meaning,  explains  the  singnlar 
combination  by  which,  as  stated  above,  Hiiichaana  is  called  the  cre- 
ator, or  rather  the  creatrix,  of  men  and  of  fishes. 

In  this  connection  I  must  mention  a  legend,  which  is  not  told  of  the 
Zapotecs  themselves  but  of  that  fragment  of  the  Mixtec  nation  which 
lived  in  the  immediate  neighborhood  of  the  royal  city  of  the  Zapotecs.^ 
in  the  place  called  Co^^olapan  by  the  Mexicans,  the  present  Cuilapa. 

This  legend,  contained  in  chapter  -1,  book  5,  of  Origen  de  los  Indios, 
by  Fray  Gregorio  Garcia,  which  otherwise  contributes  very  little  to 
the  ancient  history  of  Central  America,  gives  the  following  account 
of  the  origin  of  things : 

In  the  year  and  in  the  day  of  obscurity  and  darkness,  when  there  were  as  yet 
no  days  nor  years,  the  world  was  a  chaos  sunk  in  darkness,  while  the  earth  was 
covered  with  water,  on  which  slime  and  scum  floated.  One  day  the  deer  god 
(el  dios  Ciervo),  who  bore  the  surname  "puma  snake"  (Culebra  de  Leon),  and 
the  beautiful  deer  goddess  (diosa  Ciervo)  or  jaguar  snake  (Culebra  de  Tigre) 
appeared.  They  had  human  form,  and  with  their  great  knowledge  [that  is, 
probably  with  their  magic]  they  raised  a  great  cliff  over  the  w^ater  and  built  on 
it  fine  palaces  for  their  dwelling.  On  the  summit  of  this  cliff  they  laid  a  copper 
ax  with  the  edge  upward,  and  on  this  edge  the  heavens  rested.  These  build- 
ings stood  in  Upper  Mixteca,  close  to  the  place  Apoala,*  and  the  cliff  was 
called  "  place  where  the  heavens  stood  ".  The  gods  lived  many  centuries  in 
peace,  enjoying  bliss,  until  it  happened  that  they  had  two  little  boys,  beautiful 
of  form  and  skilled  and  experienced  in  all  arts.  For  the  days  of  their  birth 
they  were  named  "Wind  9  Snake"  (Viento  de  neuve  Culebras)  and  "Wind  9 
Cave"  (Viento  de  neuve  Cavernas). 

Much  was  lavished  on  their  education,  and  they  possessed  the  knowledge  of 
how  to  change  themselves  into  an  eagle  or  a  snake,  to  make  themselves  invisible, 
and  even  to  pass  through  (solid)  bodies. 

While  these  gods  were  enjoying  the  profoundest  peace  (passed  their  days 
in  profoundest  peace)  they  decided  to  make  an  offering  and  a  sacrifice  to  their 
ancestors.  Tliey  took  for  this  purpose  pottery  incense  vessels,  placed  firebrands 
in  them,  and  burned  a  quantity  of  finely  ground  poison  plant  (tobacco).  That 
was  the  first  offering  (to  the  gods).  Then  they  made  a  garden  with  plants 
and  flowers,  trees  and  fruit-bearing  plants,  and  sweet-scented  herbs.  Adjoin- 
ing this  they  made  a  grass-grown  level  place  (un  prado)  and  equipped  it  with 
everything  necessary  for  sacrifice.  The  pious  brothers  lived  contentedly  on 
that  piece  of  ground,  tilled  it,  burned  poison  plant  (tobacco),  and  with  prayers, 
vows,  and  promises  they  supplicated  their  ancestors  to  let  the  light  appear,  to 
let  the  water  collect  in  certain  places,  and  the  earth  be  freed  from  its  covering 
(water),  for  they  had  no  more  than  that  little  garden  for  their  subsistence. 
In  order  to  strengthen  their  prayer  they  pierced  their  ears  and  their  tongues 
with  pointed  knives  of  flint  and  sprinkled  the  blood  on  the  trees  and  plants  with 
a  brush  of  willow  twigs. 

"Apoala  (Mexican  A-pouallan,  "accumulation  of  water")  is  the  Mixtec  Yuta-Tnoho,  or 
Yuta-Tnuhu,  "  the  river  of  generation  where  the  ancestors  of  the  Mixtec  rulers  are  said 
to  have  come  forth  from  trees  which  stood  by  a  deep  Canada. 


7238— No.  28—05  19 


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[BULL.  28 


The  deer  gods  had  more  sons  and  daughters;  but  there  came  a  flood  in 
which  many  of  these  perished.  After  the  catastrophe  was  over  the  god  who 
is  called  the  "  creator  of  all  things  "  formed  the  heavens  and  the  earth  and 
restored  the  human  race. 

Thus  we  have  here  the  primal  pair  of  gods  and  the  actual  creator 
god  who  procured  for  men  light  and  the  other  conditions  of  human 
.  existence  by  means  of  his  endeavors  and  self-castigation.  The 
former,  since  they  were  designated  as  deer  god  "  and  "  deer  god- 
dess were  probably  also  considered  as  the  father  and  the  mother 
of  animals,  like  the  Pitoo-Cozaana  of  the  Zapotecs.  The  latter,  the 
real  practical  creative  god,  has,  as  among  the  Zapotecs,  an  unmis- 
takable connection  with  Quetzalcoatl,  since  the  two  names  given 
here  are  combined  with  the  determinative  word  "  wind  " ;  but  this 
practical  creative  god  is  here  conceived  of  as  twin  brothers.  The 
names  9  snake  *'  and  "  9  cave  "  appear  to  have  been  intended  to 
mean  the  light  and  the  dark  brother.  The  second  name  is  inter- 
esting because  the  word  "  cave  "  evidently  forms  the  connecting  idea 
between  the  Mexican  Calli,  "  house  ",  and  the  Maya  and  Zapotec 
Akbal  and  Ela,  "night",  the  names  of  the  third  day  sign,  which 
apparently  differ  so  very  much  from  one  another.  Moreover,  a  dual 
nature  is  also  indicated  in  Quetzalcoatl,  since  the  name,  as  we  know, 
can  be  translated  "  decorative  feather  snake  "  as  well  as  "  the  precious 
twin  Xolotl  appears  in  the  calendar  pictures  as  the  twin  brother 
of  Quetzalcoatl.  He  is  the  sinister  god  of  monstrosities,  who  wears 
the  eca-ilacatz-cozquitl,  the  spirally-twisted  wind  ornament  (cut 
from  a  snail  shell),  and  the  ear  pendants  made  from  the  shell  of  the 
whelk,  and  also  the  head  ornament  of  Quetzalcoatl. 

The  primal  j^air  of  gods,  as  I  have  already  mentioned,  occupy  the 
first  place  in  the  calendars  of  the  picture  writings,  as  rulers  of  the 
first  section.  In  conformity  with  the  peculiar  position  which  Quetzal- 
coatl occupies  in  relation  to  the  primal  pair  of  gods  and  as  the 
creator  of  the  Avorld  and  man,  he  follows  the  primal  gods,  coming- 
second,  as  the  ruler  of  the  second  division  of  the  calendar.  In  the 
third  place,  as  rider  of  the  section  beginning  with  the  day  "  1  deer 
there  then  follows  a  god  in  the  form  of  a  jaguar,  who  sits  above 
a  mountain  cave,  before  him  the  sign  of  war  (shield,  bundle  of 
javelins,  and  spiked  club),  food  (a  vessel  with  maize  and  a  pulque 
jar),  and  a  costly  neck  ornament,  and  opposite  him,  in  some  manu- 
scripts (Codices  Telleriano-Kemensis  and  Vaticanus  A),  Quetzalco- 
atl, and  in  others  (Codices  Borgia,  page  52,  and  Vaticanus  B,  page 
46),the  earth  goddess  Tlazolteotl  or  Tlaelquani,  who  apparently  bring 
a  bound  captive  to  him  for  sacrifice  (see  figure  64,  which  is  copied  from 
the  Borgian  codex,  page  52).  There,  where  in  the  series  of  gods  of 
the  day  signs  this  god  would  be  expected  to  be  with  his  female  com- 


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DEITIES  AND  RELIGIOUS  CONCEPTIONS 


291 


panioii,  at  the  third  day  sign  Calli,  house  "  (or  Zapotec  Ehi,  Maya 
Akbal,  "night"),  is  the  earth  goddess  alone  expressed  by  the  hiero- 
glyph of  her  name  Tlaelquani,  "  dirt  eater  namely,  by  the  picture  of 
a  man  eating  his  own  excrement,  with  the  symbol  of  the  moon  (fig- 
ure 65). 


Fio.  64.    Tepeyollotl  and  Tlacolteotl,  Mexican  deities,  from  the  Borgian  codex. 


This  god  of  the  third  calendar  section  is  named  Tepeolotlec  by  the 
interpreter  of  the  Codex  Telleriano-Remensis.  This  is  evidently  only 
a  distortion  of  Tepe3^ollotl,  "heart  of  the  mountain  (of  the  place, 
village,  country)'',  Avho  was  named  as  the  eighth  of  the  series  of  the 
nine  lords,  the  so-called  "  acompahados  de  la  noche  *',  and  who  (Bor- 


FiG.  G5.    Tlaelquani,  Mexican  goddess,  from  the  Borgian  codex. 


gian  codex,  page  25)  is  represented  in  the  form  of  figure  66.  The 
interpreter  makes  the  following  remark  concerning  Tepeolotlec: 

This  name  refers  to  the  condition  of  the  earth  after  the  flood.  The  sacrifices 
of  these.  13  days  were  not  good,  and  the  translation  of  their  name  is  "  dirt  sacri- 
fices ".  They  caused  palsy  and  bad  humors  .  .  .  This  Tepeolotlec  was  lord 
ot  these  18  days;  in  them  were  celebrated  the  teast  to  the  jaguar  (hazian  la 
fiesta  en  data  a  tigre)  and  the  four  last  preceding  days  were  days  of  fast- 
ing .  .  .  Tepeolotlec  means  the  "  lord  of  beasts ".  The  four  feast  days 
were  in  honer  of  the  Suchiquezal,  who  was  the  man  that  remained  behind  on 
the  earth  upon  which  we  now  live.    This  Tepeolotlec  is  the  same  as  the  echo  of 


292 


BUKEAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


the 'Voice,  when  it  reechoes  in  u  valley  froiii  one  uiountain  to  another.  .  .  . 
This  name  "  jaguar  "  is  given  to  tlie  earth,  because  the  jaguar  is  the  bohtest 
animal,  and  the  echo  which  the  voice  awaliens  in  the  mountains  is  a  sarvival 
of  the  flood,  it  is  said. 

The  above  description  makes  it  plain  that  this  figure  must  be  con- 
sidered a  deity  of  the  earth,  of  the  hollow  interior  of  the  earth  and 
the  mountain  wilderness,  who 
has  nothing  to  do  Avith  the 
light,  pure  upper  regions.  ^Ve 
seek  in  vain  for  mention  of 
this  deity  and  for  statements 
concerning  his  worship  in  the 
works  of  the  historians  who 
lived  near  the  capital  of  Mex- 
ico in  the  midst  of  Mexican - 
speaking  people,  and  wlio 
therefore  drew  their  infor 
mation  chiefly  or  exclusively 
fro  m  Mexican  traditions. 
Neither  Sahagun,  Dunin,  Mo- 
tolinia,  nor  Mendieta  men- 
tion this  god.  On  the  otlier 
hand,  we  have  reliable  information  that  in  the  tei-ritory  Avith  which 
we  are  here  concerned,  and  indeed  among  both  the  kindred  nations  of 
the  Mixtecs  and  Zapotecs,  he  Avas  knoAvn  and  even  receiA^ed  special 
veneration. 

As  Yooi)aa,  or  Mictlan,  Avas  the  holy  city  of  the  Zapotecs,  so  Nuu- 
ndecu,  or  Achiotlan  the  place  of  the  Bixa  Orellnna  "),  was  the 
holy  city  of  the  Mixtecs,  Avhere  the  high  priest  had  his  abode  and 
Avhere  there  Avas  a  far-famed  oracle,  Avhich  indeed  King  Motecuhzoma 
is  said  to  have  consulted  Avhen  he  Avas  disturbed  by  the  ncAvs  of  the 
landing  of  Cortes.  The  chief  sanctuary  was  situated  on  the  highest 
peak  of  a  mountain.  Here,  as  Father  Burgoa  relates, «  there  Avas 
among  other  altars  one  of  an  idol  "  Avhich  they  called  the  'heart  of 
the  place  or  of  the  country  (Corazon  del  Pueblo)',  and  Avhicli  re- 
ceiAed  gi\^at  honor.  The  material  aa  as  of  marvelous  value,  for  it  Avas 
an  emerald  of  the  size  of  a  thick  pepper  pod  (capsicum),  upon  Avhich 
a  small  bird  Avas  engraved  Avith  the  greatest  skill,  and.  Avith  the  same 
skill,  a  small  serpent  coiled  ready  to  strike.  The  stone  was  so  trans- 
parent that  it  shone  from  its  interior  Avith  the  brightness  of  a  can- 
dle flame.  It  was  a  very  old  jcAA^el,  and  there  is  no  tradition  extant 
concerning  the  origin  of  its  veneration  and  Avorship  The  first 
missionary  of  Achiotlan,  Fray  Benito,  afterAvard  visited  this  place 


Fio.  66.   Tepeyollotl,  Mexican  deity,  from  the 
Borgian  codex. 


«  Work  cited,  chap.  28. 


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DEITIES  AND  EELTGIOUS  CONCEPTIONS 


293 


of  worship  and  succeeded  in  persuading  the  Indians  to  surrender  the 
idol  to  hini.  He  had  the  stone  ground  up,  although  a  Spaniard 
offered  3,000  ducats  for  it,  stirred  the  powder  in  water,  and  poured 
it  upon  the  earth  and  trod  upon  it,  in  order  at  the  same  time  to 
destroy  the  heathen  abomination  entirely,  and  to  demonstrate  in 
the  sight  of  all  the  impotence  of  the  idol.  It  is  worthy  of  notice 
that  there  existed  in  the  immediate  neighborhood  of  this  place  of 
worship,  in  the  middle  of  the  ])lain  of  Yancuitlan,  a  second  sanctuary, 
Avhich  also  had  a  high  ]:)riest,  who,  however,  A^as  subordinate  to  the 
one  at  Achiotlan.  This  sanctuar}^  consisted  of  a  great  cave,  in  the 
rear  of  which  the  idol  was  set  up."  To  a  certain  extent  it  seems  to 
have  been  considered  equivalent  to  the  aforesaid  sanctuary  situated 
on  the  sununit  of  the  mountain,  for  it  is  said  that  those  who  came 
hither  from  a  distance,  those  who  were  hindered  by  their  inability  to 
walk  so  far,  and  the  women,  who  could  not  climb  the  rugged  moun- 
tains of  Achiotlan,  made  tlieir  offerings  here. 

It  is  true  that,  as  far  as  the  Zapotec  territory  is  concerned,  this  god 
is  not  expressly  named  in  connection  with  the  chief  sanctuary  of  the 
country  at  Mitla ;  but  in  the  neighborhood  of  Tehuantepec,  on  the 
great  salt-water  lagoon,  which  was  called  in  Burgoa's  time  "  Laguna 
de  San  Dionisio  ",  and  which  was  inhabited  by  the  small  tribe  of  tlie 
Huaves,  there  was,  as  Burgoa  relates,^  a  small  Avooded  island  shaped 
like  a  temple  pyramid  and  abounding  in  game.  Upon  this  island  was 
"  a  deep  and  extensive  cave,  where  the  Zapotecs  had  one  of  their  most 
important  and  most  i-ev(U'ed  idols,  and  they  called  it  '  soul  and  heart 
of  the  kingdom  (Alma  y  Coi'azon  del  Reyno)'  because  these  l)arba- 
rians  Avere  persuaded  that  this  fabulous  deity  w^as  Atlas,  upon  whom 
the  land  rested  and  who  bore  it  on  his  shoulders,  and  when  he  moved 
his  shoulders  the  earth  Avas  shaken  Avith  nuAvonted  tremblings;  and 
from  his  favor  came  the  victories  Avhich  they  Avon  and  the  fruitful 
years  Avhich  yielded  them  the  means  of  living There  was  an  oracle 
connected  also  Avith  this  temple,  and  the  last  king  of  Tehuantepec, 
Cocijo-Pij,  is  said  to  have  received  here  from  the  god  the  information 
that  the  rule  of  the  Mexicans  Avas  at  an  end  and  that  it  was  not  pos- 
sible to  Avithstand  the  Spaniards.  AVhen  the  baptized  king  Avas  later 
seized  and  imprisoned  on  account  of  his  falling  back  into  idolatry 
the  vicar  of  Tehuantepec,  Fray  Bernardo  de  Santa  Maria,  sought 
out  the  island,  forced  his  Avay  into  the  cave,  and  found  there  a  large 
quadrangular  chamber,  carefully  SAvept,  Avith  altarlike  structures 
around  on  the  sides,  and  on  them  many  incense  A^essels,  rich  and  costly 
offerings  of  valuable  materials,  gorgeous  feathers,  and  disks  and  neck- 
laces of  gold,  most  of  them  sprinkled  Avith  freshly  draAvn  blood. 
There  is  no  record  of  finding  an  idol  here.    Unlike  the  padre  Fray 


«  Biu'goa,  work  cited,  chap.  32. 


''  AA'ork  cited,  chaps.  72  and  75. 


294 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


Benito,  the  vicar  of  Tehuantepec  seized  all  these  ornaments,  an  inven- 
tory was  taken,  and  by  order  of  the  viceroy  the  proceeds  of  the  sale  of 
these  objects  were  employed  for  the  benefit  of  the  church. 

It  is  certain  that  the  expressions  mentioned  here,  "  Corazon  del 
Pueblo  "  and  "  Corazon  del  Reyno  "  are  only  translations  of  the  name 
Tepeyollotl,  for  tepetl  means  in  Mexican  not  merely  "  mountain 
but  also  place  " ;  tepe-pan,  "  in  the  place  ",  "  in  the  country  " ;  cecen 
tepepan  is  translated  in  Molina's  dictionary  by  "  in  every  town  "  (en 
cada  pueblo  6  ciudad).  The  Mixtec  translation  of  the  name  Tepe- 
yollotl would  probably  have  been  Jni-nuu;  and  the  Zapotec,  Lachi- 
Gueche.  However,  no  deities  of  any  such  names  are  mentioned. 
According  to  the  passage  last  quoted  it  may  nevertheless  be  assumed 
Avith  certaint}^  that  this  god,  Corazon  del  Reyno,  was  a  deity  of  the 
earth  and  that  earthquakes  were  ascribed  to  him.  It  is  therefore 
probable  that  he  is  identical  with  the  god  who  is  mentioned  in  the 
dictionary  of  Father  Juan  de  Cordova  as  Pitao-Xoo,  "  god  of  earth- 
quakes "  (dios  de  los  temblores  de  tierra). 

Moreover,  the  knowledge  and  the  worship  of  this  god  was  not  con- 
fined to  the  Mixtec  or  ZajDotec  races,  but  existed,  perhaps  more  exten- 
sively, among  the  Maya  tribes  bordering  on  the  south,  the  Zotzils  and 
the  Tzentals,  for  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  often-mentioned  god 
Votan  of  the  Tzentals  is  identical  with  Tepeyollotl,  hence  with 
the  Zapotec  Pitao-Xoo.  This  appears  from  the  etymology  of  the 
name,  which,  it  seems,  means  in  Tzental,  simply,  "  heart  "  breast 
This  is  furthermore  expressly  mentioned  by  Bishop  Nunez  de  la  Vega, 
who  states  at  the  conclusion  of  the  paragraph  referred  to  that  this 
god  was  called  in  some  provinces  Corazon  de  los  Pueblos ;  and,  finally, 
this  is  proved  by  the  fact  that  this  Votan  is  also  the  ruler  of  the  third 
day  sign.  The  third  day  sign,  that  is,  the  sign  which  the  Mexicans 
call  Calli,  "  house  and  the  other  Maya  races  generally  call  AkbaJ, 
night by  the  Tzentals  is  simply  called  Votan,  after  the  god  him- 
self. I  quote  here  the  statement  which  Bishop  Nunez  de  la  Vega 
makes  concerning  this  deity,  because  it  serves  to  complete  the  picture 
in  some  particulars.    The  bishop  writes  :^ 

Votan  is  tbe  third  beatlieii  iu  the  calendar  [that  is,  the  deity  who  is  ascribed  to 
the  third  division  of  the  calendar],  and  in  the  little  history  written  in  the  Indian 
language  all  the  provinces  and  cities  in  which  he  tarried  were  mentioned  ;  and  to 
this  day  there  is  always  a  cl-an  in  the  city  of  Teopisa  that  they  call  the  Votans. 
It  is  also  said  that  he  is  the  lord  of  the  hollow  wooden  instrnment  which  they  call 
tepanaguaste  [that  is,  the  Mexican  teponaztli]  ;  that  he  saw  the  great  wall, 
namely,  the  tower  of  Babel,  which  was  built  from  earth  to  heaven  at  the  bidding 

"  Brinton  has  proved  this  in  Lis  book  Hero  Myths,  p.  217.  In  a  copy  of  bilingual 
directions  for  administering  the  sacrament,  of  the  year  1707,  which  is  in  Brintou's 
possession,  the  following  passage  occurs:  Ta  zpizil  auotan,  "con  todo  ru  corazon  (with 
all  thy  heart)";  xatigh  xny  auotan,  "  hirrendote  en  los  pechos  (wounding  thee  in  the 
bosom)";  zghoyoc  alagh  ghoyoc,  "  di  conmigo  (speak  with  me)". 

^  Nunez  de  la  Vega,  Constituciones  Diocesanas  I'reambulo,  no.  34,  sec.  30. 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY  BULLETIN  28    PLATE  XXXII 


RELIEF   DESIGNS   FROM   THE  WALLS  AT  MITLA 


SRLKR J 


DETTFES  AND  RELTGrOtJS  CON(^EPTTONS 


295 


of  his  grandfather,  Noah  ;  and  that  he  was  the  first  man  whom  God  sent  to 
divide  and  api)ortion  this  country  of  India,  and  that  there,  wliere  ho  saw  the 
great  wall,  he  gave  to  every  nation  its  special  language.  It  is  related  that  he 
tarried  in  Iluehueta  [which  is  a  city  in  Soconusco]  and  that  there  he  i)laced  a 
tapir  and  a  great  treasure  in  a  slippery  [damp,  dark,  subterranean!  house, 
which  he  built  by  the  breath  of  his  nostrils,  and  he  appointed  a  woman  as 
chieftain,  with  tapianes  [tiuit  is,  Mexican  tlapiani,  "keepers"]  to  guard  her. 
This  treasure  consisted  of  jars,  which  were  closed  with  covers  of  the  same  clay, 
and  of  a  room  in  which  the  pictin-e  of  the  ancient  heathens  who  are  in  the  cal- 
endar were  engra^ed  in  stone,  together  with  chalchiuites  [which  are  small, 
heavy,  green  stones]  and  other  superstitious  images;  and  the  chieftainess  her- 
self and  the  tapianes.  her  guardians,  surrendered  all  these  things,  which  were 
publicly  burned  in  the  market  place  of  Iluehueta  when  we  insi)ected  the  afore- 
said province  in  1091.  All  the  Indians  greatly  revere  this  Votan,  and  in  a 
certain  province  they  call  him  "  heart  of  the  cities  "  (Corazon  de  los  pueblos). 

Thus  writes  Nunez  de  la  Vega.  I  add  in  conclusion  that  the  bat 
ojod  also,  who  was  the  national  god  of  the  Cakchikels,  whose  form  is 


Fiu.  67.    Mexican  symbols  and  figures  of  deities,  from  tlie  Mendoza  codex  and  ttie 

Sahagun  manuscript. 

frequently  met  with  on  antiquities  in  Guatemala  and  Yucatan,  and 
whose  picture,  as  I  have  proved,"  is  to  be  found  in  the  Borgian,  Vati- 
canus  B,  and  Fejervary  codices,  may  have  had  some  remote  connection 
with  this  Pitao-Xoo,  Tepeyollotl,  or  Votan. 

The  sun,  as  I  mentioned  above,  was  called  by  the  Zapotecs  Copijcha 
or,  more  briefly,  Pitoo,  *'  the  god  So  also  the  Mexicans  in  familiar 
speech  frequently  said  Teotl,  "  god  ",  when  they  meant  the  sun ; 
Teotl  ac,  "  the  god  has  gone  in  (gone  into  the  house)",  is  equivalent 
to  the  "  sun  has  gone  down  " ;  and  wherever  in  Mexican  city  hiero- 
glyphs the  syllable  teo  was  to  be  represented  it  is  always  expressed 
by  the  picture  of  the  sun  («,  figure  67).  The  cities  also  whose  names 
contained  the  syllable  teo  Avere  generally  ancient  seats  of  sun  worship, 


"Zeltschrift  fur  Etlinologie,  v.  26,  1894,  pp.  (577)-(585). 


296 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


like  the  famous  Teotihuacan,  abandoned  in  prehistoric  times,  where  in 
the  midst  of  desolated  fields  and  tlie  flat  mounds  which  indicate  the 
sites  of  ancient  dwellings  still  rise  the  two  high  pyramids  of  the  sun 
and  the  moon. 

There  is  no  actual  record  of  sun  worship  among  the  ancient  Zapo- 
t€cs ;  but  there  was,  and  is,  in  the  ancient  tribal  country  of  the  Zapo- 
tecs,  in  the  Valle  de  Oaxaca,  a  place  which  is  called  in  Mexican 
Teotitlan,  "  near  the  sun  god  in  Zapotec,  Xa-Quie,  "  at  the  foot  of 
the  stone  This  village,  as  Father  Burgoa  relates,"  Avas  one  of  the 
most  imj^ortant  and  oldest  cities  of  the  Zapotecs,  and  there,  on  a  rocky 
crag,  directly  opposite  the  houses  of  the  village,  was  a  very  ancient 
sanctuary,  where  an  idol  uttered  oracles  in  a  terrific,  rumbling  voice, 
which  sounded  as  if  it  came  from  the  depths  of  the  earth;  and 
this  idol  was  said  "  to  have  come  from  heaven,  in  the  form  of  a  bird, 
in  a  luminous  constellation  "  (fingiendo  haver  venido  del  cielo,  en 
figura  de  ave,  en  una  lumiosa  constelacion). 

It  admits  of  no  doubt  that  this  luminous  bird  is  to  be  regarded 
merely  as  a  particular  conception  of  the  sun  god.  So  also  descended 
about  noon  in  Izamal,  as  Father  Lizana  relates,'^  the  idol  called 
Kinich  Kakmo,  which  means,  sun  Avitli  a  face  whose  rays  were  of 
fire  to  consume  the  sacrifice  on  the  altar,  as  the  red  guacamayo 
(macaw)  flies  down  with  his  bright  feathers  We  often  meet  with 
similar  conceptions  on  the  American  continent.  The  Zapotecs  called 
the  sun's  rays  simply  "  foot,  sting,  or  plumage  of  the  sun  (xinnij, 
xicoocho,  xilouela  copijcha)  .'^^ 

This  Zapotec  Teotitlan  generally  had  the  addition  del  valle  ("  of 
the  valley"),  to  distinguish  it  from  the  Teotitlan  Avhich  is  situated 
on  the  road  from  Oaxaca,  on  the  boundaries  of  the  Mazateca,  and 
which  on  that  account  generally  receives  the  addition  of  del  camino 
("of  the  road")  (see  the  hieroglyph  in  a).  Herrera  makes  some 
statements  concerning  the  latter  place,''  from  which  it  would  seem 
that  there  the  god  Xipe,  "  the  flayed  one  ",  received  special  wor- 
ship. In  fact,  a  number  of  characteristic  Xipe  representations 
from  Teotitlan  del  camino  have  found  their  way  into  the  collec- 
tions, together  with  representations  of  the  rain  god.  The  Eoyal 
Museum  of  Ethnology  in  Berlin  possesses  a  beautiful  large  pottery 
image  of  Xipe,  which  Professor  Felix  obtained  in  Teotitlan  del  cam- 
ino. But,  during  my  stay  in  that  place,  I  found  most  frequently 
complete  figures  and  fragments  of  a  deity  distinguished  by  a  white 

»  Work  cited,  chap.  53. 

&  Historia  de  Yucatan,  Devocionario  de  Nuestra  Sefiora  de  Izmal,  Valladolid,  1633, 
la.  part  7,  chap.  4. 

"  Compare  lohue,  "  plumas,  las  6rdenes  dellas  que  tienen  lospapagallos  en  si  (feathers, 
the  kinds  thereof  that  parrots  have  on  them)";  Lohue-yache,  "las  amarillas  (the  yel- 
low) "  ;  Lohu&-yaa,  "  las  azules  (the  hlue)  "  ;  Lohue-naxiilaa,  L.  huijta,  "  las  coloradas 
(the  red)"  (Juan  de  Cordova,  Vocabulario). 
Decada  III,  book  3,  chap.  18,  p.  102. 


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297 


design  resembling  a  butterfly  about  the  mouth,  whose  face,  painted 
in  many  colors,  looks  out  of  the  open  jaws  of  a  bird  with  a  tall 
and  erect  crest.  We  succeeded  in  bringing  home  a  complete  spec- 
imen of  this  sort,  which  is  now  in  the  Royal  Museum  of  Eth- 
nology in  Berlin,  and  a  copy  of  this  (front  and  side  views)  is  given 
on  plate  xlii,  reproduced  by  photographic  process.  The  worship 
of  this  deity,  who,  in  character  is  evidently  identical  w^ith  the  idol  of 
the  Zapotec  Teotitlan  del  valle,  seems  to  have  been  remarkably  wide- 
spread. Countless  stone  images  of  this  deity,  of  whose  bird's-head 
mask  only  the  towering  crest  remained,  have  been  found  in  the  moun- 
tains of  the  slope  toward  the  coast  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  in  those 
strips  of  territory  which  succumbed  to  the  so-called  Chichimec  inva- 
sion, the  expansion  of  the  higliland  Nahua  tribes.  In  the  capital, 
Mexico,  this  deity  Avas  known  under  the  name  of  Macuil-xochitl, 
"  5  floAver  and  was  regarded  as  the  deity  of  luck  in  gaming."  He 
has  a  dark  brother,  to  whom  the  name  Ixtlilton,  "  the  little  black- 
face    was  given  in  Mexico,  and  to  him  they  turned  for  help  when 


a  1) 

Fig.  68.     Oods  Macnil-xochitl  and  Ixtlilton,  from  Mexican  codices. 


their  children  were  ill.  I  have  reproduced  (in  c  and  cZ,  figure  67)  the 
representations  of  these  two  deities  as  they  are  given  in  the  Sahagun 
manuscript  of  the  Biblioteca  del  Palacio.  These  pictures  also  show 
that  there  is  left  of  the  bird's-head  mask  only  the  erect  feather  crest, 
with  a  wing  as  an  ornament  or  device  to  be  worn  on  the  back. 

A  characteristic  group,  which  evidently  represents  these  same  two 
deities,  is  found  in  the  Fejervary  codex,  page  21,  the  fourth  in  a  set  of 
six  pairs  of  gods  (a,  figure  68).  These  two  deities  have  a  somcAvhat 
different  form  in  the  parallel  passage  of  Codex  Vaticanus  B,  page 
58,  which  is  reproduced  in  6,  figure  68. 

That  the  deity  of  the  Zapotec  Teotitlan  del  valle  was  considered 
by  the  Mexicans  the  same  as  their  Macuil-xochitl  appears  to  follow 

«I  have  given  more  careful  proof  of  this  in  my  worlt  Das  Tonalamatl  der  Au- 
binscheu  Sammlung  (Compte  rendu  7eme  Session  du  Congres  international  des 
Americanistes,  Berlin,  1888),  p.  723  and  following,  and  in  my  Altmexil^anische  Studien 
(Veroffentlichungen  aus  dem  Koniglichen  Museum  fiir  Volicerkunde  zu  Berlin,  Band  I, 
Heft  4)  pp.  162-164. 


298 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


from  the  fact  that  in  the  immediate  neighborhood  of  this  place  there 
was  another  place  called  Qnije-quilli,  "  garland  of  flowers  by  the 
Zapotecs,  bnt  by  the  Mexicans,  Macuilxochic.  "  in  Macuil-xochitl's 
village  "  (see  the  glyph,     figure  67). 

Nothing  remains  to-day  of  the  magnificent  buildings  of  the  Zapotec 
Teotitlan  del  valle,  but  portions  of  the  ancient  buildings,  stone 
mosaics  with  geometric  designs  of  the  fashion  of  those  of  Mitla 
and  fragments  of  reliefs  are  here  and  there  found  embedded  in  the 


Fig.  60.    Zapotec  relief  fragments  from  Teotitlan. 


walls  of  houses  and  churches  in  Teotitlan,  as  well  as  in  those  of  the 
neighboring  Macuilxochic.  Other  pieces  have  already  been  placed 
in  the  Museo  de  Oaxaca.  WHiat  relief  fragments  I  have  met  with  I 
have  reproduced  in  figures  69  and  70,  which  are,  of  course,  only 
sketches  and  make  no  pretensions  to  special  accuracy.  The  frag- 
ments in  h  and  c,  figure  70,  are  now  in  the  museum  at  Oaxaca; 
figure  69,  was  still  to  be  seen  in  Macuilxochic  when  I  was  there,  while 
«,  figure  69,  and  «,  figure  70,  are  embedded  in  the  wall  of  the  church  of 
Teotitlan  del  valle.    It  is  quite  evident  that  the  reliefs  exhibit, 


SELER]  DEITIES  AND  RELIGIOUS  CONCEPTIONS  299 

besides  the  jaguar,  the  special  local  deity,  a  man  whose  face  is  held 
by  the  jaws  of  a  bird;  that  is,  the  god  who  came  down  from 


Fig.  70.    Zapotec  relief  fragments  from  Teotitlan. 

heaven  in  the  form  of  a  bird.  A  sharply  defined  feather  crest  on  the 
top  of  the  head  is  seen  here,  as  in  the  pottery  idols  of  tlie  Macnil- 


300 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


xochitl  of  Teotitlan  del  camino,  and  this  again  points  to  the  identity 
of  the  deities  worshiped  in  both  cities. 

As  to  the  other  conceptions  of  tlie  sun  hekl  by  the  Zapotecs,  Juan 
del  Cordova  mentions  in  his  grammar «  the  remarkable  impression 
which  the  eclipse  of  the  sun  made  on  the  ancient  Zapotecs.  They 
feared  nothing  less  than  the  end  of  the  world,  war  of  all  against  all, 
and  murder  on  all  sides;  and  since  they  had  a  notion  that  dwarfs 
were  created  at  the  bidding  of  the  sun,  when  an  event  like  the 
one  above  mentioned  occurred  they  seized  upon  all  dwarfed  persons 
wherever  found  and  sacrificed  them,  in  this  way  paying  their  debt 
to  the  sun,  as  it  Avere,  by  restoring  that  which  belonged  to  it. 

There  is  not  much  to  be  extracted  from  literature  concerning 
the  other  deities  worshipped  by  the  Zapotecs.  Besides  the  sun,  the 
moon,  certainly  also  some  of  the  stars,  received  a  certain  sort  of 
worship.  Of  the  moon  the  Zapotecs  believed,  as  did  the  Mexicans 
and  other  peoples,  that  the  women  stood  in  special  relation  to  it. 
If  there  was  an  eclijDse  of  the  moon,  they  thought  it  indicated  the 
death  of  the  wives  of  the  caciques  and  chieftains.''  I  have  already 
spoken  of  the  morning  star  and  its  relation  to  the  wind  god  and  the 
(Teative  deities.  Moreover,  the  I^leiades  seem  to  have  been  especially 
regarded,  and  the  Zaj)otecs  calU-d  them  Pi/.aana-Cache,  the  seven 
boys  '\ 

The  rain  god,  who,  as  I  have  already  stated  above,  was  called 
Cocijo  by  the  Zapotecs,  evidently  had  a  special  significance.  With- 
out doubt  he  was  entirely  simihir  in  form  and  conception  to  the  Mex- 
ican Tlaloc.  Large  stone  images  and  small  figures  Avith  the  char- 
acteristic features  of  Tlaloc  have  been  frequently  found  also  in  the 
Zapotec  country;  and,  as  I  have  stated  above,  children  in  particular 
were  sacrificed  to  the  rain  god  among  both  the  Mexicans  and  the 
Zapotecs. 

A  god  Avhom  the  dictionary  calls  Pitao-Cozobi,  "  god  of  the  har- 
vests "  (dios  de  las  mif^ses),  appears  to  have  stood  in  a  certain  rela- 
tion to  the  rain  god.  Human  sacrifices  were  also  made  to  him,  and 
the  people  sacrificed  to  him  were  called  peni-nije,  peni-quij-nije,  or 
peni-cocijo. 

A  special  ceremony  relating  to  the  increase  of  the  fruits  of  the 
field  was  recorded  from  the  village  of  Quiecolani.  Father  Burgoa 
relates  ^  that  at  the  time  of  harvesting  in  this  village,  which  was 
famed  throughout  the  province  for  the  quantity,  size,  and  superiority 
of  its  maize,  the  ear  Avhich  was  the  largest,  fullest,  and  most  conspicu- 
ous for  its  beauty  and  the  perfection  of  its  kernels  Avas  selected,  and 
this  Avas  honored  Avith  demonstrations  of  all  kinds;  "for  thcA-  said 


"Arte  del  idioma  zapoteco,  p.  215.  '' Jiian  de  Cordova.    Arte,  p.  215. 

Work  cited,  chap.  67. 


seler] 


DEITIES  AND  RELIGIOUS  CONCEPTIONS 


301 


that  in  it  the  god  was  present  who  had  fnrnished  them  with  every- 
thing besides,  and,  as  the  abode  of  the  god,  they,  with  much  burning 
of  incense,  addressed  worship  and  prayers  to  it  while  they  phiced  it 
ui)right  on  an  altar  and  honored  it  Avith  songs  and  merry  dances. 
They  dressed  it  in  clothes,  which  were  made  according  to  its 
measure,  and  hung  upon  it  small  green  stones  which  were  their 
jewels,  and  after  they  had  offered  it  sacrifice  it  was  rolled  in  a 
wdiite  cotton  cloth  and  thus  preserved.  When  the  season  for  plow- 
ing the  land  and  planting  the  seed  returned  they  notified  and 
summoned  the  priests,  and  the  foremost  men  of  the  village  assem- 
bled in  the  house  where  the  gaily  decked  ear  of  maize  w^as  kept,  and 
after  repeating  the  heathenish  ceremonies  in  its  honor  they  begged 
its  permission  to  carry  it  out  to  watch  over  the  fields;  and  then  a 
priest  took  it,  rolled  it  in  a  clean  deerskin  which  he  had  brought 
with  him  for  this  purpose,  and  they  all  went  together  to  a  place 
in  the  midst  of  their  planted  fields,  where  they  had  made  for  it 
of  stones  an  ovenlike  hole  in  the  ground,  and  in  this  they  placed  it, 
with  much  burning  of  incense,  and  earnestly  besought  it  to  take 
under  its  gracious  protection  the  seeds  of  these  poor  men  who  hoped 
for  their  means  of  subsistence  at  its  hands,  and  they  covered  the 
place  [with  earth]  so  that  they  could  see  it  from  afar  without  anyone 
daring  to  approach.  If  the  year  was  a  fruitful  one,  they  took  it  out 
with  great  solenmity  at  the  harvesting  of  the  crops,  thanked  it  for 
the  liberality  with  which  it  had  given  them  food,  and  the  ear  of 
maize,  which  had  become  entirely  moldy  from  the  dampness,  was 
divided  among  those  present  as  a  relic  and  a  sacred  object ". 

Pinopiaa,  the  goddess  of  the  fruitful  vega  of  Xalapa,  above 
Tehuantepec,  seems  to  have  been  a  deity  of  the  earth.  The  sanctu- 
ary of  this  goddess,  whom  later  tradition  declared  to  be  a  daughter 
of  the  Zapotec  king  Cocijo-eza  who  had  been  changed  into  stone 
after  her  death,  was  found  on  the  summit  of  a  small  mountain,  where, 
in  the  middle  of  a  small  plaza,  were  four  stone  slabs,  so  placed  as 
to  form  a  roof,  and  under  them  the  idol  of  the  goddess,  a  cone-shaped 
white  stone.  When  the  matter  became  known  and  the  monks  hunted 
down  the  priests  and  devotees  of  this  goddess  it  was  found  that 
the  belief  was  spread  among  the  Christian  Indians  of  Xalapa  that 
St.  Katharine  of  Sienna,  who  had  her  church  in  one  of  the  quarters 
of  Xalapa,  was  identical  with  the  goddess  Pinopiaa  and  that  the 
special  worship  Avhich  was  devoted  to  that  saint  was  really  meant 
for  the  daughter  of  King  Cocijo-eza  who  was  turned  into  stone 
after  death. « 

A  number  of  other  deities  are  mentioned  in  the  dictionary  of 
Father  Juan  de  Cordova,  with  their  functions,  but  without  further 


"  Burgoa,  work  cited,  chap.  71. 


302 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


particulars  as  to  their  position  or  importance  in  the  system  of  wor- 
ship. Thus  was  Coqui-Lao,  the  "  lord  of  poultry  " ;  Pitao-Peeze, 
Pitao-Quille,  or  Pitao-Yaxe,  the  god  of  merchants  and  the  lord  of 
wealth:  Pitao-Zij,  Pitao-Yaa,  or  Pitao-Tee,  the  god  of  poverty  and 
misfortune;  Pixee,  or  Pecala  (properly  "  sleep  ",  "  dream  the  god 
of  desire  (luxuria,  el  asmodeo,  6  demonio  que  incita,  como  dicen,  el 
dios  de  amor,  "lust,  Asmodeus,  or  the  demon  who  entices,  as  they  say, 
the  god  of  love  ")  ;  Pitao-Xicala,  or  Pecala,  the  god  of  dreams;  Pitao- 
Piji,  Peezi,  or  Pijze,  the  god  of  omens;  and  Pitao-Pezelao,  the  god 
of  the  underworld. 

Finally,  we  have  an  abundant  and  unsophisticated  source  of  infor- 
mation, which  ought  to  give  us  the  key  to  the  mythical  conceptions  of 
the  Zapotecs,  in  the  antiquities  of  the  country,  the  images  of  stone 
and  especially  those  of  pottery,  the  large  and  small  figures,  the  figure 
vessels,  the  pottery  whistles  and  small  pottery  heads,  found  in  great 
numbers  in  the  country,  which  was  once  thickly  populated  and 
abounds  in  graves.  In  an  earlier  work  «  I  have  discussed  in  detail 
one  of  the  principal  types  of  these  antiquities,  the  remarkable  great 
figure  vases,  distinguished  by  gigantic  head  ornaments  and  a  pecu- 
liarly conventionalized  face,  in  which  the  most  conspicuous  features 
are  puffings  over  the  ej^ebrows  and  under  the  eyes  and  a  serpent's 
jaw  set  into  the  human  countenance.  As  to  the  form  of  the  vessels, 
I  refer  to  plate  xxxvi,  where  three  vessels  from  Mitla,  now  in  the 
Museo  Nacional  de  Mexico,  are  reproduced.  The  vessel  standing 
on  the  right  side  of  the  page  shows  the  human  face  with  the  inserted 
serpent's  jaw.  I  have  represented  other  forms  in  my  treatise  referred 
to  above.  They  were  probably  all  burial  vessels.  I  have  selected 
two  figures  of  the  picture  writings  to  explain  the  deity  represented 
on  these  vessels.  On  pages  5,  30,  and  33  of  the  Vienna  codex  a 
deity  is  represented  who  is  painted  in  a  dark  color  and,  like  Ixtlilton 
(see  c,  figure  67),  wears  a  crest  decorated  with  stone  knives,  and 
about  this  are  wound  a  couple  of  serpents,  while  a  serpent  crawls 
out  of  his  mouth.  The  deity  is  designated  in  each  of  the  three 
passages  by  the  day,  "  4  snake  ",  and  in  one  of  them  (page  30)  he  is 
accompanied  by  a  dragon,  which  bears  a  sun  disk  on  its  back.  Oppo- 
site him,  as  the  companion  figure,  is  the  wind  god  Quetzalcoatl, 
who  is  designated  by  the  day  "  9  wind  "  and  accompanied  by  a  kind 
of  serpent  with  a- dog's  or  a  jaguar's  head  («,  figure  71).  Identical 
v\dth  this  figure  of  the  deity  "4  snake"  is  another  {h,  figure  71), 
which  forms  in  the  Borgian  codex,  page  14,  one  of  the  four  deities 
w^ho  are  evidently  distributed  according  to  the  four  points  of  the 
compass:  Tlaloc,  this  god  with  the  serpent  in  his  mouth,  Mix- 

«  Die  sogenannten  sakralen  Gefiisse  der  Zapoteken  ( Veroffentlichungen  aus  dem  Konig- 
lichen  Museum  fiir  Volkerkunde,  Bund  I,  Heft  4,  pp.  182-188). 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


BULLETIN  28    PLATE  XXXV 


/ 


POTTERY   FRAGMENTS   FROM   ZAACHILLA   AND  CUiLAPA 


DEITIES  AND  RELIGIOUS  CONCEPTIONS 


303 


cuatl,  and  Xipe,  who,  it  seems,  are  referred  respectively  to.  the  east, 
north,  south,  and  west  quarters  of  the  heavens.  This  god  with  the 
« serpent  in  his  mouth,  appeared  to  me  to  have  features  like  those 
exhibited  by  the  representation  in  the  same  codex,  of  Tepeyollotl, 
the  god  of  caves,  of  the  interior  of  the  earth  (figure  66).  He 
is  doubtless  a  deity  of  the  earth  and  related  to  the  god  Tepe}^- 


h 

Fig.  71.    Mexican  deities,  from  the  Vienna  codex. 


ollotl.  Hence  the  exceedingly  frequent  representations  of  this  par- 
ticular god  on  the  burial  vessels  seem  only  natural. 

I  believe  we  must  also  consider  the  various  vessels  and  figures 
exhibiting  a  jaguar  in  the  act  of  springing  as  connected  with  Tepey- 
ollotl, who  is  represented  in  the  calendars  in  the  form  of  a  jaguar 
(see  the  vessel  on  the  left  side  of  plate  xxxvi). 


304 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


Other  figures  and  vessels  evidently  represent  a  female  personage  or 
a  female  deity.  Thus  the  two  beautiful  figure  vessels  which  are 
reproduced  in  the  middle  of  plate  xxxiii,  and  on  plate  xxxiv,  which, 
together  with  the  two  others,  w^ith  the  serpent  face,  reproduced 
on  plat«  xxxiii,  and  two  plain,  low,  three-footed  vessels,  were  found 
in  a  field  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  royal  city  of  the  Zapotecs, 
Zachila,  or  Teotzapotlan.  .We  had  the  good  fortune  to  be  on  the  spot 
on  the  very  day  Avhen  this  discovery  was  made,  and  Avere  able  to  add 
these  pieces  to  our  collection,  after  some  bargaining.  They  have 
passed  with  our  whole  collection  into  the  possession  of  the  Royal 
Museum  of  Ethnology  at  Berlin. 

I  have  grouped  together  in  plate  xxxv  some  t3^pes  of  small  pottery 
antiquities.  We  collected  the  originals  partly  in  the  neighborhood 
of  Zachila  and  Cuilapa,  partly  in  Mitla,  and  partly  in  Zoquitlan, 
above  Totolapan.  Some  of  the  heads  are  the  tops  of  bulbous  clay 
Avhistles,  Avhich  have  tAvo  short  feet  in  front,  the  mouthpiece  of  the 
Avhistle  forming  a  third  foot  behind.  (3thers  are  fragments  of  flat 
figures,  evidently  modeled  in  potter}^  molds.  We  knoAv  that  the  pot- 
tery Avhistles  w^ere  frequently  used,  together  AAdth  great  Avhelk  shells 
Avhich  serA^ed  as  trumpets  and  other  musical  instruments,  at  religious 
ceremonies,  especially  at  the  penitential  exercises  in  honor  of  the  rain 
god  and  other  deities.  They  Avere  A'ery  often,  we  may  cA^en  say  ver}' 
generally,  copies  of  the  figure  of  a  god.  Those  which  come  from  the 
Valle  de  Mexico  A'ery  often  have  the"  form  of  the  god  of  gaming, 
song,  and  dancing,  but  sometimes  those  of  Xipe  and  others.  Prob- 
ably the  small  pottery  figures  Avere  in  the  main  small  house  idols, 
small  images  for  A'otiA^e  offerings,  and  the  like. 

There  are  tAvo  principal  types  to  be  recognized  among  these  Zapotec 
pottery  heads  and  small  pottery  figures.  First,  male  faces  Avith 
deeply  furroAved  features,  some  Avith  beards  and  some  Avith  projecting 
eye  teeth,  very  often  Avith  a  distinct  halo.  I  believe  these  must  be 
identified  Avith  the  old  god,  the  male  part  of  the  primal  pair  of  gods. 
The  other  principal  type  is  eA'idently  that  of  a  youthful  female  deity. 
There  is  generally  to  be  recognized  over  the  broAv  the  transversely 
grooved  palate  and  the  tAvo  eyes  of  a  reptile  (alligator),  out  of  whose 
open  jaAvs  looks  the  face  of  the  goddess.  These  heads  therefore 
doubtless  represented  the  earth  goddess  who  grants  fertility  and 
prosperity.  Jaguar  heads,  or  faces  Avhich  Avear  a  jaguar  as  a  helmet 
mask,  are  seldom  met  with  among  these  smaller  potterA^  antiquities, 
and  the  face  Avith  the  inserted  serpent  jaAvs,  Avhich  is  so  frequent  in 
the  larger  figure  A^essels,  the  mortuary  vessels,  seldom  or  never  occur 
among  them.  We  obtained,  chiefly  in  Zoquitlan,  torsos  dressed  in 
wadded  armor,  holding  a  shield  in  one  hand  and  a  club  or  a  lance  in 
the  other;  but  similar  ones  are  also  found  occasionally  among  the 
antiquities  discovered  in  other  places. 


srlkr] 


DEITIES  AND  RELUHOUS  (M)NCKPTI()NS 


305 


One  reflection  in  particular  is  forced  on  us  while  considering 
these  anti(}uities  peculiar  to  the  Za})()tec  country.  Ihe  types  are 
very  uniform  and  very  characteristic,  and  in  them  can  be  recognized, 
strictly  speaking,  only  the  old  creative  god  (fire  god?),  the  earth 
goddess,  Tepeyollotl,  and  perhaps  a  war  god.  Among  the  genuine 
Zapotec  antiquities  there  is  no  trace  to  be  found  of  the  crowded 
Olympus  of  the  picture  writings  and  its  very  characteristic  hgures, 
particularly  the  forms  of  Quetzalcoatl,  Tezcatlipoca,  Xipe,  and 
the  rest,  which  we  shall  meet  with  again  in  the  frieze  of  Mitla,  while 
among  the  antiquities  of  the  Valle  de  Mexico  and  that  portion  of 
the  highlands  bordering  upon  it  the  characteristic  form  of  Quetz- 
alcoatl, at  least,  is  often  found.  Hence  the  conclusion  seems  inevi- 
table that  the  cosmogonic  representations  referring  to  Quetzalcoatl, 
explained  more  fully  above,  as  well  as  the  Olympus  with  its  many 
personages  which  meets  us  in  the  picture  writings  and  which  we  shall 
find  again  in  the  frieze  of  Mitla,  were  not  properly  national,  did  not 
have  their  roots  in  the  Zapotec  country,  but  represented  a  superim- 
posed culture,  which  owes  its  origin  to  the  influence  of  Nahua  tribes 
dating  back  to  prehistoric  times. 

7238— No.  28—05  20 


EXPLANATION  OF  THE  AY  ALL  PAINTINGS 


The  fragments  of  painting  reproduced  in  plates  xxxvii  to  xxxix 
are  so  arranged  that  each  piece  furnished  with  its  special  number  rep- 
resents a  connected  strip,  and  the  transition  from  one  number  to 
another  always  means  a  gap  in  the  painting  caused  by  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  intervening  part.  It  is  apparent  that  only  the  upper 
parts  of  the  frieze  have  been  preserved.  This  is  very  much  to  be 
j'egretted,  because  the  figures  or  groups  on  these  friezes,  as  in  the 
Vienna  manuscript,  were  accompanied  by  dates,  designations  of  years 
and  days,  which  Avere  certain^,  as  in  the  Vienna  codex,  doubly  im- 
portant, serving,  on  the  one  hand,  as  a  connecting  bond  between  the 
series  of  scenes  represented  by  bringing  them  into  a  definite  chro- 
nologic point  of  view,  and,  on  the  other,  furnishing  the  names  or  des- 
ignations of  the  personages  represented.  To  be  sure,  an  attempt  has 
not  yet  been  made  to  inter})ret  and  decipher  all  these  dates  in  any  of 
the  manuscripts  of  this  class.  Any  sucli  interpretation,  however,  is 
made  forever  impossible  for  the  paintings  of  Mitla,  because  the  lower 
half  of  the  frieze  in  which  the  dates  stood  or  down  into  which  they 
extended  is  entirely  destroyed. 

The  bands  grouped  on  plate  xxxvii  belong  together  in  respect  to 
their  character,  inasmuch  as  they  all  have  for  their  upper  and  lateral 
border  the  "  house  of  the  sun  ",  that  is,  a  band  which  is  formed  by 
the  regular  repetition  of  tlie  elements  of  the  sun  glyph,  namely,  eyes 
and  rays.  In  fragment  1  these  rays  are  stone  knives,  between  Avhich 
an  Qje  surrounded  by  rays  and  eyes  looks  down,  and  in  the  other 
fragments  human  faces  look  doAvn  surrounded  by  rays  consisting  of 
figures  resembling  eyes. 

The  fragments  (>  to  11  belong  to  the  east  side  of  the  court  adjoining 
Palace  I.  The  others,  hoAA^ever,  all  belong  to  Palace  IV,  fragment  1 
to  the  east  side  and  fragments  2  to  5  to  the  north  side.  It  appears 
from  this  that  the  entire  Palace  IV  must  haA^e  been  dedicated  to  the 
sun  god.  This  supposition  is  confirmed  by  the  fact  that  in  the  middle 
of  the  north  side  of  this  palace  (fragment  5),  in  a  conspicuously 
prominent  place,  there  is  a  sun  glypli,  in  the  middle  of  Avhich  there 
was  doubtless  a  representation  of  the  sun  god,  but  Avhich  has  been 
cut  aAvay,  intentionally,  as  it  seems.  The  north  side  Avas  the  principal 
side  in  all  the  palaces.  It  lay  along  tlie  principal  axis,  since  the  prin- 
cipal courts  of  all  the  palaces  open  t()\\ar(l  the  south,  and  the  mam 
building,  Avith  its  adjoining  court,  lies  on  the  north  side  of  the  chief 

306 


SBLER] 


EXPLANATION   OF   WALL  PAINTINGS 


807 


court.  Hence  the  siiii  glyph  in  the  niidclle  of  this  side  in  Pahice  IV 
must  certainly  be  looked  upon  as  the  sign  of  the  palace. 

There  is  in  fragment  1,  besides  pedunculate  oculiform  elements 
and  the  stone  knives,  which  here  represent  the  rays  of  the  sun  glyph, 
a  design,  already  mentioned,  which  consists  of  an  eye  with  an  eyebrow 
rolled  up  at  the  ends,  on  which  rest  elongated  (protruding)  eyes, 
between  which  latter  are  inserted  threc^  pointed  elements  resembling 
rays.  In  the  Mexican  figurative  symljolism  eyes  are  very  generally 
employed  to  express  radiating  light.  Lustrous  stones  (emerald,  tur- 
qouise,  and  muscovite)  are  expressed  heiroglyphically  by  a  disk  that 


Fig.  72.   Symbols  and  figure  of  deities,  from  Mexican  codices. 


is  marked  dilferently  according  to  the  nature  of  the  stone,  and  on  its 
circumference  are  drawn  four  eyes  placed  in  the  form  of  a  cross  (see 
the  hieroglyph  chalchiuiti,  emerald  in  the  pyramidal  structure  of 
the  temple,  «,  figure  75).  The  stars  shining  down  from  the  night 
sky  are  designated  by  eyes  which  are  attached  to  the  surface  and  to 
the  rim  of  a  stripe  or  lialf  circle  painted  in  a  dark,  nebulous  color 
(SQC  the  representation  of  day  and  night  in  the  middle  design  of 
figure  58  and  the  drawing  of  night  with  the  symbol  of  the  moon,  a 
labbit  in  a  watery  field,  in  figure  65  and     figure  72). 

It  seems,  therefore,  certain  that  the  composite  designs  in  fragment 
1  are  intended  to  represent  radiating  light.    One  is  even  tempted 


308 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


to  ascribe  to  them  a  special  meaning.  If  the  eyes  mean  stars,  this 
eye  surounded  by  other  radiating  eyes  might  be  intended  to 
indicate  an  especially  brilliant  star ;  perhaps  Citlalpol,  the  "  great 
star  that  is,  the  planet  Venus.  But  the  conjecture  is  contradicted 
b}^  the  fact  that  where  the  planet  Venus  is  plainly  expressed  in  the 
picture  writings  as  an  astronomic  body  it  is  designated  by  the  date. 
"  1  reed  " ;  as,  for  example,  in  the  group  m  figure  72,  the  symbol  of 
the  morning  star  and  the  moon,"  which,  in  the  Borgiaii  codex,  page 
44,  is  drawn  beside  the  great  picture  of  the  sun  god,  and  in  a,  figure 
(>3,  from  the  Codex  Telleriano-Remensis,  beside  the  deity  of  the  morn- 
ing star.  The  gleaming  eye  of  fragment  1  is  generally  represented  in 
a  blue  field,  a  clear  sky,  as  in  6,  figure  72,  and  figure  73,  from  the  Vi- 
enna codex,  pages  47  and  48,  and  in  similar  pictures  in  the  same  codex, 
page  52,  where  the  creative  gods  are  seen  enthroned  in  the  clear  blue 
sky.  In  the  Borgian  codex,  pages  62  to  6G,  are  found  a  number  of 
complicated  representations  which  refer  to  the  deities  of  the  four 
points  of  the  compass  and  of  the  center,  the  fifth  point  of  the  compass, 
or  the  interior  of  the  earth.  Here  the  house  of  the  sun,  in  the  east,  is 
designated  by  <?,  figure  74,  in  which  the  yellow-straw  roof  is  seen  to  be 
proAdded  with  a  cornice  of  flowers,  while  the  house  of  the  earth  or  of 
stone,  in  the  north,  is  crowned  with  a  row  of  stone  kniA^es,  and  the 
house  of  the  owl,  in  the  south,  is  formed  entirely  of  human  bones. 
Now,  there  are  houses  exactly  like  this  house  of  the  sun  in  the  east  on 
certain  pages  of  the  Borgian  codex,  a  and  6,  figure  75,  and  in  one  of 
these  is  represented  Quetzalcoatl,  painted  red,  as  the  sun  god,  it 
would  seem;  in  the  other,  his  brother  Xolotl,  with  the  image  of  the 
sun  on  his  back.  Here,  however,  the  roof,  instead  of  being  painted 
with  the  yellow  color  of  straw,  as  in  c,  figure  74,  has  the  clear  sky 
painted  upon  it,  stripes  of  many  colors  in  which  are  drawn  stone 
knives,  eyes,  and  the  e3^e  surrounded  by  radiating  eyes  of  fragment  1 
of  our  plate,  while  (Z>,  figure  75)  the  border  is  supported  from  below 
by  female  figures  with  death's-heads  and  jaguar  claws,  which  are  in 
nil  probability  the  Tzitzimime  Ilhuicatzitzquique  or  Petlacotzit- 
zquique,  "  the  Avinged  forms  of  the  air  who  support  the  sky  "  (angeles 
de  aire  sostenedores  del  cielo)  or  "  holders  of  the  reed  mat  (tene- 
dores  del  tapete  de  cana^,  mentioned  by  Tezozomoc.^  In  these  pic- 
tures the  palace  of  the  sun  is  placed  opposite  another  house,  out  of 
Avhich  tongues  of  flame  curl  high  in  the  air  and  in  which  dAvell  dark 
forms  of  night.    The  roof  is  pointed  like  the  cave  temple,  which,  in 

«  The  moon  is  represented  here,  as  above  in  figure  65,  by  the  picture  of  a  rabbit  in  a 
vessel  of  water,  the  walls  of  which  are  formed  of  bones  ;  that  is,  the  bones  of  the  dead.  The 
ancient  Mexicans  recognized  the  form  of  a  rabbit  in  our  "  man  in  the  moon  ",  as  did  the 
ancient  Hindoos.  The  story  runs  that  originally  the  moon  shone  with  a  light  equal 
to  that  of  the  sun  ;  that  on  this  account  the  gods  threw  a  rabbit  into  its  face  and  thus 
diminished  its  brilliancy  to  its  present  glow. 

"  Cronica  Mexicana,  chap.  38. 


srler] 


EXPLANATION   OF  WALL  PAINTINGS 


309 


the  Borgian  codex  (fio^ure  06)  is  represented  opposite  Tepej'-ollotl.  It 
is  probably  intended  to  represent  the  house  of  the  earth  or  stone. 

In  the  Vienna  codex,  page  38,  in  exactly  the  same  way,  a  mountain 


h  c 

Fig.  73.  Descent  of  Qiietzalcoatl  and  house  symbols,  from 
the  Vienna  codex. 


(painted  green,  as  usual),  with  the  radiating  eye  on  its  surface,  is 
placed  opposite  another  mountain,  painted  brown  and  black,  the 
color  of  stone,  out  of  which  rise  tongues  of  fire  (6,  figure  74).  In 


810 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BrLL.  28 


the  Vienna  codex  is  found  also  a  representation  where  the  radiating 
eye  is  enthroned  in  a  house  of  its  own  (figure  76).  This  palace 
of  the  radiating  eye  is  represented  on  a  mountain,  on  whose  surface 


a  h  (■ 


Pig.  74.   Venus  symbol  and  figures  of  mountains  and  liouse,  from  Maya  and  Mexican  codices. 


is  indicated  a  blossoming  tree,  and  opposite  is  seen,  clothed  in  eagle 
array,  the  deity  "  9  rolling  ball  AYe  have  already  seen  this 
same  deity  in  the  remarkable  representation  in  figure  78,  where, 


Fig.  75.   Temple  and  sun  symbol,  from  the  Borgian  codex. 

clothed  in  eagle  array,  he  and  a  god  with  an  alligator  mask,  together 
Avith  the  descending  Quetzalcoatl,  are  bringing  down  from  the 
heavens  the  houses  of  the  day  and  the  night.  Night  is  here  repre- 
sented (see     figure  73)  by  a  head  with  closed  eyes.   This  representa- 


RKLER] 


EXPLANATION   OF  WALL  PATNTTNGS 


311 


tion  is  one  which  can  nnqiiestionably  be  compared  with  the  represen- 
tations of  day  and  night  among  the  so-called  celestial  shields  of  the 
Maya  manuscripts,  and  it  proves  that  1  was  entirely  in  the  right  when 
1  pronounced  this  sign  of  the  night  in  the  Maya  manuscripts,  which  is 
at  the  same  time  the  hieroglyph  for  the  mnneral  '20,  to  be  a  head  with 
empty,  bleeding  eye  sockets/'  The  entire  picture  in  figure  73  appears 
to  be  a  remarkable  parallel  to  a,  figure  74,  from  the  Dresden  manu- 
script, which  was  interpreted  by  Forstemann  as  the  descent  of  Venus. 


Fig.  76.    Mexican  deity,  from  the  Vienna  codex. 


I  even  feel  inclined  to  recognize  the  original  form  of  the  Maya  sign, 
which  Forstemann  regards  as  the  hieroglyph  of  the  planet  Venus,  in 
the  object  set  with  five  eyes  which  is  carried  on  the  staiT  of  the 
descending  Quetzalcoatl.  If  that  is  the  case  there  is  so  much  the 
less  reason  for  accepting  the  theory  that  the  planet  Venus  was 
intended  to  be  represented  by  the  eye  surrounded  by  radiating  eyes  in 
fragment  1.  A  summing  up  of  the  points  demonstrated  above  proves 
beyond  a  doubt,  I  think,  that  the  eye  surrounded  by  radiating  eyes  is 
not  a  "  star  eye  as  I  myself  formerly  designated  it,  but  an  eye  of 
light,  a  "  sun  eye  ",  kin-ich,  as  the  Mayas  called  it.  Therefore,  we 
may  consider  this  eye  of  light  of  fragment  1  without  hesitation  as 
homologous  to  the  faces  surrounded  by  radiating  eyes  in  the  other 
fragments  of  plate  xxxvii.    For  the  notions  "  eye  "  and  "  face  "  are 


"See  Zeitschrift  fur  Ethnologie,  v.  19  (1887),  pp.  (237)-(246). 


312 


BUKEAU  OF  AMEKICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


merged  one  in  the  other  in  the  languages  of  Mexico  and  Central 
America.* 

There  is,  besides,  a  representation  in  which  a  deity  of  this  "  eye  of 
light or  eye  of  rays  is  presented  to 
us  directly.  It  is  on  that  one  of  the  fa- 
mous relief  slabs  of  Santa  Lucia  Cozu- 
malhuapa  which  is  now  in  the  Royal 
Museum  of  Ethnology  at  Berlin,  and  I 
reproduce  it  here  in  figure  77  (after  C. 
Habel,  but  with  some  corrections). 
Here  is  seen  the  deity  hovering  above, 
and  before  him,  beloAv,  the  dancer 
dressed  in  the  attributes  of  the  deity. 
The  head  of  the  deity  is  set.  as  it  were, 
like  an  eye  under  a  large  eyebrow  which 
is  curled  up  at  the  ends,  and  on  which 
rest  three  zigzag  rays.  The  dancer  wears 
in  his  hair  ornament  the  eye  set  in  an 
eyebrow  with  three  upright  points,  and  a 
simihir  eye  is  above  him  on  the  end  of  a 
separate  staff.  The  otlier  attributes,  such 
as  the  jaguar's  skin  which  hangs  down 
from  the  back  of  the  dancer,  the  point  of 
the  spear,  which  is  seen  behind,  and  the 
jaguar's  head,  which  he  wears  as  a  hand 
mask  and  as  a  decoration  on  his  belt,  show 
that  we  have  before  us  the  deity  of  a  burn- 
ing star,  of  the  sun  itself. 

No  part  of  the  representations  which 
Avere  beloAv  the  border  of  clear  skv  is 
preserved  on  the  east  side  of  Palace  IV 
(fragment  1,  plate  xxxvii).  On  the 
north  side  can  be  seen  the  head  of  Xipe  ^ 
near  the  western  end  (fragment  2,  plate 
xxxvii).  The  god  is  recognized  by  the 
narrow  eye,  the  forked  nose  ornament,  and 

the  broad  red  stripe,  of  the  width  of  the  eye,  that  passes  down  the 
whole  length  of  the  face,  which  seems  to  connect  this  deity,  much  wor- 
shiped in  the  Atlantic  Sierra  Madre  and  the  coast  lands  lying  before 


Fig.  77.  Sculptured  slab,  Santa 
Lucia  Cozumalhuapa,  Guate- 
mala. 


"Compare  Mexican:  ixtli,  "la  haz  6  la  cara  (the  front  or  the  face)";  ix-telolotli,  "  ojo 
(eye)";  Zapotec  :  lao,  loo,  piahui-lao-ni,  "haz  por  el  rostro  o  cara  del  hombre  (front  to 
the  beak  or  face  of  a  man)"  ;  lao,  pizaa-lao,  "ojo  con  que  vemos,  6  ojos  (eye  with  which 
v>e  see,  or  eyes)";  Maya:  ich,  "cara,  ojos,  vista,  semblante,  haz,  anverso  (face,  eyes, 
aspect,  appearance,  front,  obverse)". 

See,  concerning  this  god,  Tonalamatl  der  Aubinschen  Sammlung,  work  cited,  pp. 
657-675,  and  Veroffentlichungen  aus  dem  Koniglichen  Museum  fiir  Volkerkunde,  v.  1, 
pt.  4,  pp.  145,  146  (illustration,  fig.  13,  p.  151). 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


WALL  PAIN 


BULLETIN  28    PLATE  XXXVll 


GS  AT  MITLA 


seler] 


EXPLANATION  OF  WALL  PAINTINGS 


313 


it.  with  a  Avell-known  deity  of  the  Maya  manuscripts,  a  deity  of  war, 
fire,  and  death,  who  appears  in  the  retinne  of  the  death  god.  Xipe  in 
our  fragment  does  not  appear  directly  as  the  stone-knife  god  "  (Iz 
tapal  totec,  that  is,  Itz-tlapalli,  or  Tlapal-itztli,  Totec),  as,  for  exam- 
ple, in  the  Codex  Telleriano-Reniensis ;  but  he  wears  a  crown  of  stone 
knives,  from  which  hangs  a  feather  plume.  Beside  him,  on  the  right, 
are  visible  the  heads  and  bodies  of  two  serpents,  having  a  row  of 
points  along  their  backs. 

In  fragment  3  there  can  be  recognized  two  persons  sitting  with  their 
arms  crossed  over  their  breasts,  evidently  two  penitents,  for  be- 
tween them  project  two  sharpened  thigh  bones,  implements  of  self- 
castigation,  which  served  to  pierce  the  tongue,  ears,  or  limbs  in  order 
to  draw  blood  for  sacrifice  to  the  deity. 

The  remnants  still  preserved  in  fragment  4  will  no  longer  permit  of 
interpretation.  In  fragment  5,  however,  we  still  have  on  each  side 
of  the  sun  glyph  a  continuous  representation.  On  the  right  and  left, 
from  the  sun  glyph,  Avhich  is  flanked  by  steplike  structures,  a  cord  is 
seen  to  proceed,  Avhich  is  set  with  eyes  (stars)  and  the  eyes  of  light 
or  rays  discussed  in  detail  above.  Figures  falling  from  the  sky 
border,  wearing  peculiar  wigs,  which  rise  to  a  crest  and  are  curled 
like  waves,  grasp  at  these  cords,  to  which  cling,  from  below  recum- 
bent female  forms  with  jaguar  claws.  These  latter  may  perhaps  be 
considered  as  homologous  Avith  the  "  ilhuica-tzitzquique "  of  Z>, 
figure  75.  The  incident  seems  intelligible.  The  sun  is  being  drawn 
out  of  its  cave.  A  legend  descriptive  of  such  an  incident  has,  how- 
ever, not  yet  been  discovered. 

It  is  difficult  to  interpret  other  remains  of  figures  which  can  still  be 
distinguished  in  fragment  5.  On  the  left  side  of  the  fragment  the 
head  of  a  bird  seems  partially  visible.  Farther  toward  the  middle, 
just  on  the  left  of  the  sun  glyph,  is  the  head  of  a  jaguar.  It  seems 
as  if  this  jaguar  were  intended  to  bear  on  its  back  the  entire  structure 
containing  the  image  of  the  sun,  for  on  the  right  of  the  sun  glj^ph  and 
equally  distant  from  it  there  seems  to  hang  down  the  tail  of  the 
jaguar.  A  scorpion,  with  one  claAv  and  upward-curling  tail,  is  plainly 
visible  at  the  right  end  of  the  fragment. 

Fragments  6  to  11  on  plate  xxxvii,  belonging  to  the  east  side  of  the 
court  adjoining  Palace  I,  are  more  carefully  drawn  and  more  deli-  / 
cately  executed  than  the  paintings  of  Palace  TV.  The  bird  forms 
with  clearly  marked  crests  are  very  interesting  objects  here.  These 
appear  on  the  left  (northern)  end  of  the  picture  (fragment  6)  as  com- 
plete birds;  then  half  turned  into  men  (fragment  10)  ;  finally,  on  the 
right  (southern)  end  (fragment  11),  the  full  human  face  looks  out  of 
the  bird  face,  which  is  reduced  to  a  helmet  mask.  These  bird  forms 
and  bird  men  are  evidently  identical  with  the  idol  of  Teotitlan  del 
valle,  whose  form  I  was  able  to  show  in  the  reliefs  reproduced  above 


314 


BUREAU  OF   AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


in  figures  69  and  70.  The  fact  that  these  figures  occur  in  the  rep- 
resentations of  the  east  side  of  this  court,  in  the  house  of  the  sun,  is  a 
proof  of  the  correctness  of  niy  conjecture  that  this  idol  of  Teotitlan 
is  the  sun  bird,  which  conjecture  I  have  ah-eady  mentioned  above  and 
which  was  directly  suggested  by  the  name  Teotitlan  itself. 

Besides  the  sun  bird  two  figures  of  the  wind  god,  Quetzalcoatl, 
strike  us  as  significant  on  the  east  side  of  the  court  of  Palace  I,  frag- 
ments 7  and  9  of  plate  xxxvii.  They  are  recognizable  from  the  ocelo- 
copilli,  the  round,  conical  cap  of  jaguar  skin,  and  from  the  winglike 
feather  ornament  on  the  nape  of  the  neck,  concerning  which  I  shall 
speak  farther  on.  In  regard  to  the  other  remains  of  figures,  various 
heads  of  serpents  are  still  recognizable;  at  the  right  end  of  frag- 
ment 7  is  a  deity  in  a  watery  field,  from  the  surface  of  which  rise  two 
divergent  branches,  bordered  by  what  seem  to  be  curling  wreaths  of 
smoke  ending  in  bundles  of  flowers  or  feathers;  and  in  fragment  8 
is  evidently  another  deity,  a  counterpart  to  the  first  one. 

The  whole  of  plate  xxxviii  and  fragments  1  to  5  of  plate  xxxix 
are  taken  from  the  north,  the  principal,  side  of  the  side  court  of 
Palace  T.  The  border  here,  as  on  the  south  side,  is  formed  of  simple 
disks.  The  underlying  idea  of  this  design  is  doubtless  that  of  the 
stone  disks  (representing  turquoise,  emerald,  or  other  precious 
stones) ,  which  we  find  expressed  in  the  headbands,  especially  in  that 
of  the  sun  god,  in  the  picture  writings  and  stone  figures. 

The  representations  on  this  north  side  of  the  court  are  uncommonly 
rich  and  manifold,  and  it  is  only  to  be  regretted  that  so  large  a  por- 
tion of  the  paintings  are  already  destroyed,  and  also  that  we  do  not 
know  the  particular  form  of  the  legends  which  are  expressed  in  these 
paintings. 

Undoubtedly  the  god  Quetzalcoatl  is  the  central  figure  of  these 
legends.  His  picture  can  be  recognized  in  the  painted  fragments  on 
this  side  of  the  court  no  fewer  than  nine  times  (in  fragments  3,  4a,  4b, 
and  5  of  plate  xxxvii  and  in  fragments  1,  3,  and  4  of  plate  xxxix). 
I  have  spoken  at  length  concerning  the  nature  of  this  god  and  his 
attributes  in  my  article  on  the  Tonalamatl  of  the  Aubin  collection," 
and  in  my  translation  of  the  chapter  on  the  costumes  of  the  gods  of 
the  Aztec  Sahagun  text.^ 

The  god  is  represented  in  the  painted  fragments  of  Mitla,  in  every 
instance,  with  the  ocelo-copilli  on  his  head,  the  round  conical  cap 
of  jaguar  skin,  in  which  are  fixed  the  implements  of  castigation — on 
one  side,  the  sharpened  thigh  bone,  from  whose  condyle  blood  flows 
or  a  flower  is  pendent,  and  on  the  other  side,  the  sharp,  prickly  point 

"  Compte  rendu  VII.  Session  Congres  International  des  Americanistes,  Berlin,  1888, 
pp.  545-559. 

Veroffentlichungen  aus  dem  Koniglichen  Museum  fiir  Volkerkunde,  v.  1,  pt.  4,  pp. 
126-1 'JO. 


SELER] 


EXPLANATION   OF  WALL  PAINTINGS 


315 


of  an  agave  leaf.  The  round  ends  of  tlie  head  knots,  which  are  char- 
acteristic, of  Quetzalcoatl,  for  evcrythino-  about  the  wind  god  is 
round  or  twisted  in  spirals,  are  to  be  found  here  and  there.  The 
thorny,  curved  "  ear  decoration  tzicoliuluHii  nacochtli,  plainly 
meant  to  look  as  if  cut  out  of  a  snail  shell,  seen  in  the  pictures  of  this 
god  in  the  Borgian  codex,  Codex  Vaticanus  B,  etc.,  is  entirely  lack- 
ing in  our  paintings,  being  replaced  by  a  simple  ear  disk.  The  breast 
ornament  of  Quetzalcoatl,  no  less  characteristic,  and  is  evidently 
cut  out  of  a  Avhelk  shell,  which  is  called  in  the  Aztec  Sahagun  text 
ecailacatz-cozcatl,  "  the  spirally  twisted  wind  ornament is  also 
lacking,  but  probably  only  because  from  the  neck  down  the  figures 
are  altogether  destroyed.  On  the  other  hand,  in  fragment  4b,  plate 
XXXVII,  it  is  outlined  on  the  shield  of  the  god.    The  fanlike  or  wing- 


FiG.  78.    Symbols  and  figures  of  Quetzalcoatl,  from  Mexican  codices. 

like  feather  ornament,  standing  out  stiffly  from  the  nape  of  the 
neck,  which  in  the  Aztec  Sahagun  text  is  once  called  cuezaluitoncatl, 
"  fanlike  ornament  of  red  guacamayo  feathers  and  another  time 
quetzal-coxol-tlamamalli,  dorsal  ornament  of  quetzal  and  partridge 
feathers  '■.  is  in  our  paintings  always  drawn  like  the  pictures  in  the 
Borgian  codex,  Codex  Vaticanus  B,  the  Vienna  codex,  and  the  Mixtec 
Colombino  codex  (Dorenberg  codex)  ;  that  is,  it  consists  of  elongated, 
radiating  feathers  (in  the  picture  writings  painted  entirely  red  or 
red  with  blue  points),  which  are  probably  intended  to  represent  the 
tail  feathers  of  the  red  guacamayo  ("  macaw  and  objects  between 
these  which  are  either  actual  representations  of  eyes  (see  a,  figure  78, 
from  the  Mixtec  Colombino,  or  Dorenberg,  codex)  or  surfaces  orna- 
mented with  eyes  more  or  less  clearly  expressed  (see      from  the 


316 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull:  28 


Vienna  codex,  page  30;  c,  from  the  Borgian  codex,  and  from 
Codex  Telleriano-Reniensis,  page  2).  These  intervening  parts  of  the 
feather  ornaments  for  the  nape  of  the  neck,  especially  in  fragment  7 
of  j^late  XXXVII,  are  very  nuich  like  the  oculiform  designs  which  sur- 
round radiall}^  the  faces  of  light  in  the  sk}^  border. 

Therefore  this  figure,  as  Avell  as  from  the  Colombino  codex  (Dor- 
enberg  codex),  recalls  very  strikingly  the  eyes  of  light,  or  radial  eyes, 
which  I  have  already  described  in  detail,  and  for  this  reason  I  believe 
that  this  feather  ornamen]t  for  the  back  of  the  neck,  cuezal-uitoncatl 
is  also  intended  to  be  a  representation  of  the  sun  as  well  as  that  eye  of 
light,  or  radial  eye.  Quetzalcoatl  or  a  kindred  form  is  portrayed 
in  Codex  Telleriano-Remensis  II,  page  25,  rising  from  the  jaws  of 
the  night  monster,  Avith  the  sun  on  his  back,  and  in  the  picture  from 
the  Borgian  codex  reproduced  in  6,  figure  75,  is  represented  his 
brother  Xolotl,  with  the  sun  disk  on  his  back.  The  red  guacamayo 
feathers  have  indeed  already  pointed  to  this  connection;  for  the  red 
guacamayo  is  the  xilouela  copijcha,  as  the  Zapotecs  called  it,  the 
cuezal-tonameyotl  of  the  Mexican  Sahagun  text,  that  is,  "  the  picture 
or  the  i-eflection  of  the  sun''.  The  picture  of  the  sun  god  was  deco- 
rated with  the  feather  ornament,  cuezal-tonameyotl,  on  the  day  Naui 
Ollin,  4  rolling  ball  which  was  dedicated  to  the  sun."  It  is 
an  important  circmnstance  for  the  perfect  understanding  of  these 
forms  and,  not  less,  for  the  knowledge  of  the  province  which  was  the 
home  of  this  god  or  in  which  the  people  dwelt  among  whom  this 
form  of  the  wind  god  was  worshipped  that  in  the  description  of 
costumes  in  the  Aztec  Sahagun  text  Macuil  Xochitl  and  Ixtlilton,  the 
light  and  the  dark  brother,  are  likewise  provided  with  an  uitoncatl, 
otherwise  called  cuezal-uitoncatl.  We  recognized  this  light  and  dark 
brother  in  the  idol  of  the  Zapotec  Xa  quie,  or  Teotitlan  del  valle, 
as  well  as  in  that  of  Teotitlan  del  camino,  situated  near  the  boundary 
between  the  Xahua  tribes  and  the  Mazateca.  In  the  capital,  Mexico, 
the  city  of  Uitzilopochtli,  Quetzalcoatl  had  no  festival,  scarcely 
a  place  of  worship,  nor  in  the  other  cities  of  the  Valle  de  Mexico, 
with  the  single  exception  of  Mizquic ;  but  he  had  a  sanctuary  in  Cho- 
lula,  and  from  that  point  along  the  entire  road  over  which  the  Tol- 
tecs,  the  wandering  Nahua  tribes,  are  said  to  have  passed  we  find 
more  or  less  evident  traces  of  his  worship  until  we  reach  Cozcatlan, 
inhabited  by  Mexican-speaking  Pipils,  in  the  present  republic  of 
San  Salvador.^  It  w^as  the  Toltecs,  or  the  Nahua  race,  "  who  were 
familiar  with  Mexican,  although  they  did  not  speak  it  as  perfectly  as 
they  use  the  language  to-day  ",  whose  lord  and  god  was  Quetzalcoatl. 

Since  they  were  quick  of  wit  and  apt  in  trade  they  succeeded  in  a 


"  Sahagun,  v.  4,  chap.  2. 

*  Palacio.  lielacion  de  Guatemala.  Coleccion  de  Documentos  ineditos  del  Archivo 
General  de  las  Indias,  v.  6  (1886),  p.  26  and  following. 


seler] 


EXPLANATION   OF  WALL  PATNTTN(?S 


317 


short  time  in  acquiring  riches,  and  men  said  their  god  Quetzalcoatl 
gave  them  these,  and  so  it  was  said  among  them  of  one  who  became 
rich  rapidly  that  he  was  a  son  of  Quetzalcoatl  The  same  author- 
ity ^  makes  a  similar  statement  concerning  the  Olmecs,  Uixtotins,  and 
Mixtecs — (under  which  name,  as  I  stated  above,  are  included  different 
tribes  of  the  tierra  caliente,  and  probably  also  the  Zapotecs),  to  wit, 
that  likewise  among  these  "  there  Avere  many  who  spoke  the  Mexican 
language"  (iniquein  miequintin  in  navatlatoa).  Doubtless  the  form 
of  this  god  passed  to  the  Zapotecs  from  the  conquering  and  trad- 
ing Nahua  tribes,  and  perhaps  the  key  to  this  frieze  of  Mitla,  so 
abounding  in  figures,  might  liave  been  found  among  the  Nahua  tribes, 
neighbors  of  the  Zapotecs,  in  Teotitlan  or  in  Teouacan  (Tehuacan), 
full  of  idols  and  priests  and  productive  of  picture  writings. 

The  western  part  of  the  frieze  on  the  north  side  in  Palace  I  is 
pretty  thoroughly  destroyed.  In  consequence,  fragment  1  on  plate 
XXXVIII  shows  in  general  only  disconnected  remains.  Two  inter- 
twined serpents,  characterized  by  a  row  of  points  on  the  back,  are 
quite  distinct  and  recall  those  of  fragment  2  on  plate  xxxvii.  Fur- 
thermore there  is  a  bird  with  a  pointed  beak,  which  appears  again 
below  on  fragment  4b,  plate  xxxviii.  The  numerals  1  and  2  are 
coordinated  in  the  Borgian  codex,  page  44,  with  two  bird  forms 
Avhich  apparently  correspond  to  this  one  of  the  pointed  beak.  Finally, 
there  is  preserved  at  the  right  end  of  fragment  1  a  deit}^  who  wears 
a  bar  in  the  nose  that  diminishes  in  steps,  like  those  by  which  the 
deities  of  the  earth,  Chantico  and  Xochiquetzal,  are  characterized  in 
the  Borgian  codex.  The  elaborate  painting  of  the  face  recalls  also 
the  Xochiquetzal  of  the  Borgian  codex,  page  53. 

In  fragment  3  of  plate  xxxviii  are  to  be  first  noticed  two  pictures 
of  the  sun  god.  They  can  be  recognized  by  the  headband,  which  is 
set  with  disks  representing  precious  stones  and  has  a  bird's  head  in 
front,  and  b}^  two  lines  which  border  the  outer  corners  of  the  eyes. 
The  sun  god  in  the  Borgian  codex,  page  49,  is  represented  opposite 
the  moon  god,  as  ruler  of  the  sixth  week,  "  1  death  ",  in  exactly  the 
same  way  (see  below,  figure  82).  The  forward  one  of  the  two  figures 
in  fragment  3  appears  to  hold  a  cup  in  his  hand,  the  other  a  disk  or 
ball.  Opposite  the  latter  a  god  is  portrayed  who  also  wears  the  step- 
shaped,  tapering  nose  bar  of  the  earth  goddess.  To  this  god  the  day 
date  seems  to  belong,  which  consists  of  the  head  of  the  rain  god 
(quiauitl,  "  rain  ")  with  a  numeral  which  can  no  longer  be  identified. 
Behind  the  second  figure  of  the  sun  god  is  given  the  year  date  "7  (?) 
flint  After  this  follows  a  representation  difficult  to  interpret,  in 
which  can  be  recognized  a  mountain,  with  a  finely  drawn  head  of  a 
turkey,  and  Avith  a  house  ( ?)  on  its  summit. 

Fragment  4a  begins  with  a  serpent,  which  has  the  head  of  Quetzal- 


"  Saliagun,  v.  10,  chap.  29,  sec.  1. 


Ibid.,  sec.  10. 


318 


BUKEAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


coatl  and  lies  along  the  roof  of  a  house.  Then  follows  unmistakably 
the  figure  of  Xolotl,«  the  twin  brother  of  Quetzalcoatl,  characterized 
by  the  physiognomy  of  an  animal  (dog?).  He  is  adorned  with 
Quetzalcoatl's  conical  cap  of  jaguar  skin  and  his  necklace  of  sriail 
shells.  The  torn  ears  of  a  dog  appear  here  almost  in  the  shape  of 
feather  tufts. 

After  Xolotl  the  drawing  of  a  mountain,  or  town,  with  the  hiero- 
glyph "  emerald  "  on  its  surface,  and  on  its  top  a  house,  follows,  and 
out  of  the  roof  of  the  house  grows  a  blossoming  tree.  Then  follow 
two  human  forms  facing  downward,  which  bear  two  mountains 
(towns)  on  their  backs  by  means  of  the  mecapal,  a  carrying  strap 
passing  over  the  forehead.  The  first  is  characterized  by  waving  lines 
on  its  surface,  in  the  middle  of  which  are  two  mirrors.  On  its  sum- 
mit it  bears  the  house  Avith  the  blossoming  trees.  The  other  mountain 
has  on  its  surface  the  hieroglyph  mirror  repeated  three  times, 
one  above  the  other,  and  on  its  summit  it  has  the  head  of  a  turkey. 

In  fragment  5  on  plate  xxxviii,  besides  a  couple  of  serpents'  heads, 
there  are  visible  an  eagle  and  a  jaguar,  at  least  the  splendidly  exe- 
cuted claws  of  one. 

In  fragment  1,  plate  xxxix,  the  picture  of  the  death  god  is  to  be 
seen,  whose  face  is  painted  like  that  of  Tezcatlipoca,  and  who  wears 
the  stone  knife  as  an  ear  peg  and  throws  a  lance  with  one  hand. 

In  fragment  4,  plate  xxxix,  the  year  '*  1  reed  the  name  of  the 
morning  star,  is  given  beside  the  jjicture  of  QuetzalcoatJ.  It  seems 
therefore  that  here  on  the  right  (eastern)  end  of  the  frieze  of  the 
north  side  the  transformation  of  Quetzalcoatl  into  the  morning 
star  was  indicated. 

The  remains  of  the  frieze  on  the  west  side  of  the  court  of  Palace 
I  are  reproduced  in  fragments  G  to  9  on  plate  xxxix.  I  was  obliged 
to  free  the  last  of  these  from  the  masonry  that  had  been  built  over 
them  before  I  could  cop}-  them.  The  night,  or  the  starry  sky,  is  here 
represented  as  a  surrounding  border  b}^  means  of  e3^es  in  a  dotted 
(that  is,  dark)  field. 

On  'this  side  of  the  court  are  represented,  not  different  deities, 
but  different  disguises  of  the  same  deity.  The  application  of  dark 
paint  to  the  face  around  the  e3^es,  like  a  domino,  is  the  one  essential 
characteristic  in  which  this  god  coincides  with  the  deity  of  the  morn- 
ing star,  who,  according  to  the  interpreter's  rendering,  "  is  lord  of  the 
dawn,  but  also  lord  of  the  twilight  Avhen  night  is  about  to  fall  " 
(quiere  dezir  senor  de  manana  quando  amanege,  y  lo  mismo  es  senor 
de  aquella  claridad  quando  quiere  anochecer).  (See  figures  62  and 
03.)  The  same  characteristic  is,  however,  also  an  attribute  of  Cam- 
axtli,  who  was  the  god  of  Tlaxcallan  and  was  called  god  of  the  chase 


"  See,  concerning  this  god,  Das  TonalamatI  der  Aubinschen  Sammlung,  p.  682  and 
following. 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


WALL  PAIN 


BULLETIN  28    PLATE  XXXVIII 


IGS  AT  MITLA 


selek] 


EXPLANATION   OF  WALL  PAINTINGS 


319 


(a,  figure  71),  from  Duniii,  volume  2,  plate  (>,  a),  and  of  Payual  and 
xVtlaua  as  they  are  represented  in  the  Aztec  Sahagun  nianuscri})t  of 
the  Biblioteca  del  Palacio  at  Madrid  {b  and  c,  figure  79).  It  was  also 
characteristic  of  Mixcoatl,  who,  like  Camaxtli,  was  god  of  the  chase, 
and  in  honor  of  whom  the  Mexicans  celebrated  the  feast  of  Quecholli. 
A  picture  in  the  Sahagun  manuscript  of  the  Biblioteca  del  Palacio 
represents  this  feast,  with  the  god  and  hunters  wearing  the  costume 
of  the  god,  who  perform  a  dance  or  march  in  procession  before  him 
(a,  figure  80).  Finally,  this  characteristic  is  exhibited  in  exactly  the 
same  way  in  the  Borgian  codex,  by  the  god  who  is  being  sacrificed  on 
the  ball  ground  on  whicli  the  red  and  the  black  Tezcatlipoca  are  at 
play  {h.  figure  80).  It  is  also  one  of  the  attributes  of  the  Mimix- 
coua,  the  sorcerers,  called  Xiuhnel  and  Mimitzin,  who,  with  their 
sister  Quilaztli,  were  found  by  the  migratory  Aztecs  in  the  north 


a  h  G 

Fig.  79.    Mexican  deities,  after  Duran  and  Sahagun. 


("the  land  of  the  Mimixcoua '\  Mimixcoua  in  tlalpan)  below  the 
mesquites  and  hanging  on  the  melon  thistle  cacti,  and  who  became 
their  first  tribute  (yehuantin  yacachto  tequitizque) ,  that  is,  they 
were  the  first  whom  they  offered  as  sacrifices  to  their  god  (r;,  figure 
81).«  The  characteristic  is  doubtless  also  indicated  on  the  faces  of 
the  captives  adorned  for  the  sacrificio  gladiatorio,  by  whom  the  con- 
quest and  subjugation  of  a  city  or  country  is  regularly  typified  in 
the  Codex  Telleriano-Kemensis  (see  above,  figures  55  and  56). 

It  is  obvious  that  this  black  painting  about  the  eye  is  connected  in 

'»  Boturini  codex,  p.  f).  The  foremost  prostrate  figure,  that  is,  the  one  lying  farthest 
on  the  right,  whom  the  Aztec  designated  hy  the  hieroglyph  Aztlan  is  sacrificing,  is 
Quilaztli.  that  is,  the  earth  goddess,  recognizable  by  the  black  color  about  the  mouth. 
Next  follow  her  brothers,  the  Mimixcoua,  the  first  designated  hieroglyphically  by  the  pic- 
ture of  a  fish,  mimitzin,  the  other  by  the  hieroglyph  "turquoise  (mosaic)  "  and  smaU 
individual  pieces  of  turquoise,  xiuhnel.    The  three  are  dressed  as  Chichimecs  in  skins. 


320 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


most  of  these  cases  with  the  white  or  red  and  Avhite  striped  paint- 
ing of  the  body.  It  is  fairly  stereotyped  as  to  form  and  extension; 
but  a  variation  exists,  inasmuch  as  in  one  of  the  manuscripts  (Borgian 
codex  )  there  is  only  a  plain  patch  of  black  paint,  while  in  the  others 
(Codex  Telleriano-Remensis,  Tonalamatl  of  the  Aubin  collection, 
Sahagun  manuscript)  this  black  surface  has  a  border  of  little  circles. 
In  the  Aztec  Sahagun  manuscript,  this  painting  of  the  face  is  desig- 


h 

Ftg.  80.    Procession  and  sacrifice,  from  the  Sahagun  manuscript  and  the  Borgian  codex. 

nated  as  the  "  face-cage  marking  "  and  the  "  face-star  marking  which 
is  called  darkness  (tlayoualli)  The  expression  "cage  marking" 
refers,  it  would  seem,  to  the  stripes  on  the  face.  It  is  therefore  evi- 
dent that  the  technical  designation  "  star  marking,  darkness  refers 
to  the  design  resembling  a  black  domino.  This  nomenclature  not 
only  explains  the  nature  of  the  thing  itself,  but  is  also  a  proof  that  all 
the  intricate  and  manifold  symbols  which  we  find  as  attributes  of  the 
personages  of  the  Mexican  Olympus  were  no  thoughtless  repetitions 


SELEU] 


EXPLANATION  OP  WALL  PAINTINGS 


321 


of  adopted  forms,  but  signs  purposely  employed  to  enable  the  be- 
holder to  recoG'nize  the  nature  of  the  personage  represented  without 
the  possibility  of  error;  In  the  case  before  us  there  has  simply  been 
drawn  on  the  face  of  the  deity  the  hieroglyph  "  night  '\  as  we  have 
learned  to  know  it  in  figure  Of)  and  figure  72;  and  it  follows  from 
this  signification  and  the  designation  given  that  the  more  complete 
and  correct  symbol  was  that  Avhich  shows  us  the  black  surface  bor- 
dered by  small  circles.  These  small  circles  are  doubtless  the  eyes  by 
which  the  Mexicans  indicated  the  stars  in  the  expanse  of  the  dark 
nocturnal  sky. 

The  deities  on  whose  faces  this  hieroglyph  was  Avritten  have  in- 
deed a  large  number  of  traits  in  common,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that 
their  entities  are  apparently  very  divergent.  The  interpreter  has 
already  laid  stress  upon  the  statement  that  the  morning  star  is  also 
the  lord  of  the  evening  twilight,  and  thus  belongs  to  the  region  of 


a  h 

Fig.  81.   Sacrifices  and  tribute-bearer,  from  Mexican  codices. 


the  west.  This  is,  moreover,  an  astronomic  fact.  The  Indians  of  the 
isthmus,  according  to  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,"  up  to  this  day  call  the 
morning  star  the  "transient  sun"  (le  soleil  passant).  The  gods 
who  were  at  home  in  the  north,  the  region  of  darkness,  were,  from  the 
Indian  point  of  view,  moreover,  merged  in  these  deities  of  the  twi- 
light, that  is,  the  time  when  the  sun  was  not  yet  or  no  longer  shining: 
and,  since  in  the  north  lived  the  roaming  hunter  tribes,  the  Chichi- 
mecs,  the  god  of  the  north  was  naturally  the  god  of  the  chase.  The 
merging  of  the  deity  of  the  morning  star  in  the  hunting  god  of  the 
north  is  actually  carried  out  in  the  Tlauizcalpan  Tecutli  of  the  Ton- 
alamatl  of  the  Aubin  collection,  since  the  netted  pouch  (chitatli),  the 
javelin,  and  the  attendant  animal  of  the  god  Camaxtli  are  placed  in 
front  of  him  (see  6,  figure  73).  The  north  is,  hoAvever,  also  the  king- 
dom of  the  dead.    Therefore,  those  who  are  destined  for  sacrifice,  for 

"  Voyage  sur  Tlsthme  de  Tehuantepec.    I'aris,  1861,  p.  81, 
7238— No.  28—05  21 


322 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  2S 


death,  are  naturally  clothed  in  the  livery  of  this  god.  Finally,  the 
morning  star,  according  to  the  interpreter,  was  also  the  first  light 
which  illuminated  the  world,  before  the  sun  was  created.  Hence  this 
god  is  the  primal  deity,  the  creator  of  the  world  and  of  men,  the  Tztac 
Mixcoatl,  who,  as  Motolinia  reports,  lived  in  the  north,  in  Chicom- 
oztoc,  and  from  whom  and  his  wife,  Ilancueye,  descended  the  differ- 
ent nations  of  the  world,  that  is,  of  Mexico. 

The  deities  of  the  evening  twilight,  who  are  represented  on  the  west 
side  of  the  court  of  Palace  T  (fragments  (>  to  9  of  plate  xxxix),  have, 
almost  all  of  them,  a  beard  of  the  kind  that  is  given  to  Quetzalcoatl, 
to  the  creative  god  Tonacatecutli,  and  occasionally  also  to  the  moon 
god,  and  several  of  the  figures  wear  a  tusklike  curved  peg  in  the  under 
lip.  The  Mexicans  called  this  tez-^aca-necuilli,  and  in  the  historical 
picture  writings  the  warriors  of  Uexotzinco  and  Tlaxcallan  are  gen- 
erally drawn  with  it  (see  6,  figure  81).  The  st^de  of  dressing  the 
hair  and  the  adornment  vary  someAvhat  in  other  particulars,  but  one 
has  the  impression  that  these  were  mere  calligraphic  variants  or 
different  forms  of  the  same  deity.  Each  held  a  spear  thrower  in  one 
hand  and  spears  in  the  other.  The  gods  are  probably  thus  character- 
ized as  gods  of  war  and  of  the  chase. 

As  for  the  rest  of  the  figures,  we  have,  first,  in  fragment  G.  on  the 
left  side,  a  deer  facing  downwards  (recognizable  by  the  hoofs)  and 
clothed  in  a  petticoat  bordered  with  stone  knives.  Then  comes  an 
eagle,  then  a  second  form  facing  downwards  which  has  the  feet  and 
claws  of  the  jaguar;  in  fragment  7,  a  deer  with  two  heads;  in  frag- 
ment 8,  a  figure  difficult  of  interpretation,  in  which  the  petticoat  bor- 
dered with  stone  knives  occurs  again;  finally,  in  fragment  10,  are 
intertAvined  blossoming  branches  set  Avith  thorns  or  points. 

The  south  side  of  the  court  of  Palace  T.  from  which  I  have  been 
able  to  copy  fragment  10  of  plate  xxxix,  is  the  most  uniform.  The 
border,  like  that  on  the  north  side,  consist^  of  simple  disks.  The  per- 
sonages represented  beloAv  tlie  border  are  all  different  forms  or  calli- 
graphic variants  of  the  sun  god.  The  cliaracteristic  features  here  are 
again  the  headband  set  Avith  disks  representing  precious  stones  and 
bearing  on  the  front  a  conventionalized  bird's  head  and  the  lines 
around  the  outer  corners  of  the  eyes.  The  headband  in  all  the  fig- 
ures Avithout  exception  is  almost  exactly  the  same.  The  lines  around 
the  outer  corners  of  the  eyes  of  the  third  figure  in  fragment  10  are  the 
only  ones  draAvn  in  the  characteristic  manner  to  be  seen  in  the  picture 
of  the  sun  god  of  the  Borgian  codex  (figure  82)  and  also  in  fragment 
8  of  plate  xxxviii.  The  fourth  personage  has  a  broad  rectangular 
iatticcAvork  stripe.  The  others  seem  to  haA^e  only  a  line  of  demar- 
cation betAveen  the  parts  surrounding  the  eyes  and  the  upper  por- 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOOY 


BULLETIN  28    PLATE  XXXIX 


ALL   PAINTINGS  AT  MITLA 


selerJ 


EXPLANATION   OF   WALL  PAINTINGS 


323 


lion  of  the  forehead.  In  the  hist  figure  on  the  riglit.  which  differs 
from  tlie  other  forms  of  this  side  of  the  court  in  having  a  round  eye 

of  death,  the  face  is  divided  length- 
wise by  a  broad  stripe,  which  re- 
calls the  drawing  of  Xipe,  into  a 
light  front  half  and  a  dark  rear 
half.  The  latter  is  covered  with 
concentric  circles  very  much  resem- 
bling the  divisions  in  the  face  paint- 
ing which  are  generally  seen  in  the 
pictures  of  Quetzalcoatl.  There 
is  in  this  case  also  evident  varia- 
tion of  form  or  of  conception  of  the 
same  deity.  The  way  in  which,  on 
one  single  strip  of  wall  painting, 
the  same  deity  is  represented  with 
slight  alterations,  sometimes  in  dif- 
PiG.  85i.  The  sun  god,  from  the  Borgiaii     fercut  fomis,  aiid  somctimcs  ouly  in 

calligraphic  variants,  closely  follow- 
ing one  upon  the  other,  recalls  the  calligraphic  variants,  or  hiero- 
glj^phic^  elements  repeated  with  slight  alterations,  which  one  so  often 
jneets  with  in  the  ornamentation  and  hieroglyphic  writings  of  the 
Maya  races. 


CONCLUSION 


Defective  and  incomplete  as  they  now  are,  these  paintings  of  Mitla, 
taken  as  a  whole,  present  an  important  document.    They  are,  up  to 
the  present  day,  the  only  known  picture  writings  of  mythologic  con- 
tent, whose  origin  has  been  indisputably  established,  that  date  from 
ancient  heathen  times.    Since  these  paintings  show  in  the  style  of 
the  figures  and  the  subjects  of  the  representations  an  unmistakable 
relationship  to  the  Borgian  codex,  it  follows  that  this  large,  beau- 
tifully and  brilliantly  executed,  manuscript  can  not  have  origi- 
nated far  from  the  place  where  the  designers  of  the  frescoes  of 
Mitla  received  their  inspiration,  their  knowledge,  and  their  skill 
in  art.    This  place  can  not  well  have  been  the  Zapotec  country 
itself,  for,  while  the  deity,  or  the  deities,  who  occupy  the  most 
prominent  place  in  these  picture  writings,  doubtless  played  an  impor- 
tant part  in  the  priest  lore  and  the  philosophy  of  the  Zapotecs, 
it  seems  that,  with  the  exception  of  the  idol  of  Teotitlan,  they  were 
by  no  means  true  national  forms.    On  the  other  hand,  these  picture 
writings  contain  a  large  number  of  elements  which  point  to  ideas  and 
customs  recorded  precisely  of  the  Zapotecs,  but  which  are  com- 
pletely, or  almost  completely,  lacking  in  the  centers  of  political  power 
belonging  to  the  Nahua  tribes  of  later  times,  as  well  as  among  the 
Mayas.    It  seems,  therefore,  that  we  ought  not  to  seek  the  place 
Avhich  produced  and  spread  this  culture  very  far  from  the  Zapotec 
country.    I  believe  that  these  picture  writings  are  tangible  evidences 
pointing  to  the  idea  we  ought  to  form  of  the  Toltecs,  whose  name  has 
been  so  often  mentioned  and  so  nuich  abused,  for  they  were  neither 
mere  mythical  forms  dwelling  in  a  fantastic  region  beyond  the  clouds 
nor  the  inhabitants  of  a  single  small  city,  least  of  all  an  exotic  civil- 
ized race  that  spread  over  the  Avhole  American  continent,  coming 
from  the  primal  Asiatic  home  of  man,  lying  somewhere  near  the 
biblical  paradise.    As  Father  Sahagun's  authority  emphatically  de- 
clares, the  Toltecs,  or  their  descendants,  spoke  Nahuatl;  yet  they 
were  not  the  Nahua  tribes  of  the  highlands,  those  who  later  obtained 
predominant  political  power,  but  the  Nahua  tribes  who  lived  in  the 
coast  region  as  neighbors  of  the  Mixtec-Zapotec  and  the  Maya  tribes, 
and  who,  in  and  by  means  of  this  contact,  in  active  peaceful  inter- 
course with  the  other  tribes,  developed  the  calendar  and  the  philoso- 
phy connected  Avith  and  emanating  from  it,  which  embraced  their 
own  deities  and  those  of  other  tribes,  a  calendar  and  philosophy 
which  afterward  became,  to  a  certain  extent,  the  common  property 
of  all  the  civilized  peoples  of  ancient  Mexico. 
324  . 


SIGNIFICANCE  OF  THE  MAYA  CALENDAR 
IN  HISTORIC  CHRONOLOGY 

BY 


825 


SK4NIF1CANCE  OF  THE  MAYA  CALENDAR  IN 
HISTORIC  (JHRONOLOGY" 


By  Editard  Seler 


In  the  traditions  of  the  Mexican  and  Central  American  races  thei-e 
is  mention  of  a  civilized  nation,  said  to  have  been  in  the  country 
before  all  others,  which  was  the  originator  of  all  arts  and  sciences. 
This  was  the  Toltec  nation.  Among  other  things,  the  invention  of 
the  calendar  is  ascribed  to  this  nation,  and  we  are  told  that  they 
carried  their  books  with  them  on  their  migrations  and  that  they  were 
led  by  their  wise  men  and  soothsayers,  the  Amoxhuaque,  "  who  under- 
stood the  books  ",  that  is,  the  picture  writings.  This  is  to  some  extent 
a  confirmation  of  the  statement  that  they  were  the  inventors  of  all 
arts  and  sciences.  For  the  calendar  is  indeed  the  alpha  and  omega  of 
the  Central  American  sacerdotal  wisdom,  and  the  great  mass  of 
Mexican  and  Maya  manuscripts  is  nothing  more  than  an  elaboration 
of  this  calendric  sj^stem  in  respect  of  its  numerical  theory,  its  chro- 
nology, and  its  system  of  divination.^ 

The  nature  of  this  calendar,  consisting  in  the  fact  that  it  originated 
from  the  fundamental  number  20  in  combination  with  the  number  13, 
is  a  well-known  matter.  A  simple  calculation  shows  us  that  the 
peculiar  period  of  52  years  in  use  among  the  Mexican  races  proceeds 
directly  from  the  application  of  this  fundamental  system  to  a  solar 
year  of  365  days.  There  is  still  a  diversity  of  opinion  as  to  how  far 
the  Mexicans  themselves  were  able  to  harmonize  this  system  with 
actual  time,  the  solar  year  and  the  revolution,  of  the  various  heavenly 
bodies. 

Among  the  Maya  races  the  s^^stem  seems  to  have  been  brought  to 
perfection  on  the  numeric-theoretic  side  in  particular.  This  is  shown 
by  the  long  rows  of  figures  rising  to  high  amounts  which  Forstemann 
first  brought  to  notice  and  deciphered.  One  thing  seems  to  follow 
distinctly  from  these  series  of  figures,  namely,  that  not  only  the 
movement  of  the  sun  but  also  the  movements  of  the  large  planets 
were  noted,  and  that  these  people  Avere  capable  of  connecting  the 


«  Globus,  V.  68,  n.  3. 

^See  Zeitschrift  fur  Ethnologic  (1891),  v.  23,  p.  91. 


327 


328 


BUEEAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


period  of  revolution  of  these  bodies  with  the  solar  year  of  365 
days  and  with  the  period  of  20X13  days,  the  true  basis  of  the 
system.  The  apparent  period  of  revolution  of  Venus  may  be  set 
down  with  tolerable  accuracy  as  584  days.  Five  such  revolutions 
give  us  the  figures  2,920,  or  8  solar  years  of  365  days.  This  precise 
number  is  plainly  the  basis  of  the  computations  on  certain  pages 
of  the  Dresden  manuscript.  But  65  such  periods  give  us  the  number 
37,960,  that  is,  double  the  period  of  52  years,  which,  as  I  said,  is  the 
direct  result  of  the  application  of  the  designation  of  days  in  accord- 
ance Avith  the  system  of  the  20  characters  and  the  13  digits  to  the 
solar  year  of  365  days.  In  like  manner,  as  Forstemann  has  also 
proved,  the  apparent  revolution  of  Mercury  around  the  sun,  whicli 
is  completed  in  115  days,  seems  to  be  brought  into  connection  with  the 
period  of  20X13  days;  for  104  of  these  revolutions  produce  the 
number  11,960,  which  is  as  well  forty-six  times  the  period  of  20X13 
days.  And  this  number  clearly  forms  the  basis  of  other  pages  in  the 
Dresden  manuscript." 

Now,  while  this  elaboration  of  the  system  is  shown  with  tolerable 
clearness  by  the  extensive  computations  continued  throughout  entire 
series  of  pages,  \\g  are  still  in  doubt  in  regard  to  the  cardinal  ques- 
tion, whether  the  Mayas  and  Mexicans  were  capable  of  harmoniz- 
ing this  system,  in  Avhich  none  but  entire  days  are  reckoned,  with  the 
actual  duration  of  the  year,  which  includes  a  fraction  of  a  day;  in 
other  Avords,  Avhether  they  were  acquainted  with  intercalation,  and 
hoAV  they  managed  it.  It  is  evident  that  the  solar  year  of  365  days 
necessarily  caused  a  displacement  of  the  beginning  of  the  year,  Avhich 
must  needs  become  very  apparent  within  a  comparatively  short  space 
of  time.  That  this  circumstance  Avas  not  taken  into  account  by  the 
Mexicans,  at  least,  Avithin  short  periods  of  time,  is  proved  by  the 
displacement  of  the  beginning  of  the  year,  which,  as  I  have  shoAvn, 
actually  occurred  in  the  space  from  the  conquest  of  the  city  of  Mexico 
to  the  time  Avhen  Father  Sahagun  Avrote  his  history.^  The  Mayas 
Avere  more  systenuitic  than  the  Mexicans  in  regard  to  chronologic 
dates,  since  they  had  in  the  first  place  longer  periods,  somewhat  over 
256  years,  Avithin  Avhich  they  could  mark  off  13  divisions  Avith  more 
precision.  And  furthermore,  it  seems  to  folloAv  from  botli  manu- 
scripts and  stone  monuments  that  the  Mayas  possessed  a  normal  date 
to  Avhich  all  present,  past,  and  future  events  were  referred,  the  days 
being  simply  reckoned  from  or  up  to  this.  This  normal  date,  Avhich 
Forstemann  has  also  taught  us  to  recognize,  is  4  Ahau  8  Cumku, 
that  is,  the  day  designated  by  the  figure  4  and  the  character  Ahau, 
Avhich  Avas  the  eighth  day  of  the  month  Cumku.  Wherever  in  the 
manuscripts  the  dates  of  day  and  month  are  accurately  indicated,  the 


"  Forstemann,  Die  Zeitpei  ioden  der  Mayas,  Globus,  v.        n.  2. 

"Die  Bilderhnndschi-iften  Alex,  von  Ilnniboldt,  in  der  Kimi^ie  Bibliotliek  /u  Berlin. 


SELERl  MAYA  CALENDAR  IN   TTISTORTC   CITRONOLOGY  329 

figures  attached  invariably  refer  to  this  normal  date  as  the  starting 
or  ending  point.  The  stela?  of  Copan  and  Quirigua  and  the  altar 
slabs  of  Palenque  all  have  at  the  top  a  large  glyph  followed  by  a  date, 
an  ahau,  the  initial  date  or  the  name  of  a  period  of  20X360  days. 
And  these  large  numerals  invariably  appear  to  give  the  difference 
between  this  date  and  the  above-mentioned  normal  date.  When  such 
a  distinct  fixing  of  time  occurs  and  when  such  weight  is  attached  to 
it  that  the  monuments  erected  at  various  periods,  without  exception, 
give  this  determination  of  the  time  first,  we  might  well  expect  that 
these  people  Avere  also  capable  of  so  ordering  the  calendar  as  to  reduce 
the  displacements  resulting  from  the  insufficient  estimate  of  the 
length  of  the  year ;  but  hitherto,  as  I  said,  we  have  not  succeeded  in 
clearing  this  matter  up. 

The  so-called  books  of  Chilam  Balam  are  to  be  regarded  as  off- 
shoots of  the  Maya  manuscripts,  most  of  them  originating  toward 
the  end  of  the  sixteenth  and  in  the  first  half  of  the  seventeenth 
centuries.  The}^  recite  in  the  characters  invented  and  taught 
by  the  monks  all  the  old  traditions  still  lingering  in  the  memory  of 
individuals.  It  is  to  be  regretted  that  these  valuable  sources,  which 
exist  in  various  transcripts  in  Yucatan,  were  not  published  earlier. 
Copies  of  them  were  made  by  our  indefatigable  compatriot,  Dr  Her- 
mann Behrendt,  whose  death  was  a  great  loss  to  science,  and  these 
copies  were  bought  after  his  death  by  Doctor  Brinton.  I  furnished 
various  proofs  in  the  last  session  but  one  of  ^e  Americanist  Congress 
at  Huelva  that  these  books  treat  in  general  of  matters  similar  to  those 
given  in  at  least  a  portion  of  the  hieroglyphic  Maya  manuscripts,  and 
that  a  considerable  part  of  the  old  traditions  is  still  to  be  found  in 
their  pages. 

These  books  also  contain  the  small  amount  of  historic  information 
regarding  antiquity  that  is  preserved  by  tradition.  They  have  been 
brought  together  and  published  by  Brinton  in  the  first  volume  of  his 
Librarv  of  Aboriginal  American  Literature,  under  the  title,  "  Maya 
Chronicles  ".  They  are,  in  fact,  brief  chronicles,  a  recountal  of  the 
divisions  of  time,  the  periods  called  katun,  which  had  elapsed  since  the 
immigration  into  the  country  and  of  the  few  memorable  events  which 
tradition  has  preserved.  "  This  is  the  series  of  the  katuns  "  this  is 
the  enumeration  of  the  katuns  "  this  is  the  account  of  the  katuns  ", 
are  the  stereotyped  forms  with  Avhicli  the  text  of  these  chronicles 
begins. 

The  periods  which  are  numbered,  the  katuns,  are  of  considerable 
length.  Their  actual  extent  is  still  a  matter  of  controversy.  While 
the  older  Spanish  authors,  as  Bishop  Landa  and  Cogolludo,  without 
exception  ascribe  to  them  20  years,  and  this  length  of  time  also  forms 
the  basis  of  the  computations  which  occur  in  the  text  of  the  books  of 
Chilam  Balam,  the  length  of  the  katun  is  said  to  be  24  years  in  the 


330 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[RtJLr..  28 


marginal  notes  to  that  text,  which,  however,  were  evidently  the  work 
of  some  later  hand.  And  the  same  thing  has  been  affirmed  recently  by 
the  Yiicatec  archeologist,  Pio  Perez,  with  great  positiveness.  I  pointed 
out  years  ago"  that  from  the  way  in  which  the  katuns  were  named  and 
reckoned,  that  is,  designated  by  the  cliaracter  for  the  day  Ahau  and 
a  numeral  which  seems  to  be  decreased  in  each  successive  katun  by  the 
value  of  2— as  13,  11,  9,  7,  5,  3,  1 ;  12,  10,  8,  6,  4,  2  Ahau— the  conclu- 
sion is  to  be  drawn  that  the  length  of  the  katun  was  neither  20  nor  24 
solar  years,  l)ut  20X360  days,  a  period  of  time  actually  used  by  the 
Mayas  in  reckoning,  as  clearly  follows  from  the  numeric  characters 
in  the  Dresden  manuscript  with  which  Forstemann  first  acquainted 
us.  It  is  merely  a  lack  of  exactness  on  the  part  of  the  old  writers 
Avhen  they  speak  of  20  years  instead  of  20X360  days.  The  more 
recent  theory  that  the  length  of  the  katun  was  24  years  clearly  arose 
from  the  fact  that  the  first  days  of  the  period  of  24  years  received 
the  same  designation  as  those  of  the  periods  of  7,200  days. 

On  the  basis  of  a  passage  in  the  book  of  Chilam  Balam  of  Mani, 
which  gives  the  beginning  of  the  katun,  5  Ahau,  as  the  17th  day  of 
the  month  Zac  in  the  year  13  Kan,  or  A.  D.  1593,  I  have  reckoned 
the  first  days  of  the  katuns  as  follows : '' 


Name  of 

Name  of 

First  day  of 

Date  in  the  Chris- 

katun 

year 

katun 

tian  era 

8  Ahau 

11  Ix 

7  Chen 

January  29,  1436 

C  Ahan 

5lx 

7  Zotz 

October  15,  1455 

4  Ahau 

11  Muluc 

12  Kayab 

July  3,  1475 

2  Ahau 

5  Muluc 

12  Ceh 

March  19,  1495 

13  Ahau 

12  Muluc 

12  Yaxkin 

December  5,  1514 

11  Ahau 

6  Muluc 

12  Uo 

August  22,  1534 

9  Ahau 

12  Kan 

17  Moan 

May  9,  1554 

7  Ahau 

6  Kan 

17  Yax 

January  24,  1574 

5  Ahau 

13  Kan 

17  Zac 

October  16,  1593 

Anyone  who  has  ever  taken  the  trouble  to  collect  the  dates  in  old 
Mexican  history  from  the  various  sources  must  speedily  have  dis- 
covered that  the  chronology  is  very  much  awry,  that  it  is  almost  hope- 
less to  look  for  an  exact  chronology.  The  date  of  the  fall  of  Mexico 
is  definitely  fixed  according  to  both  the  Indian  and  the  Christian 
chronology,  and  this  one  fixed  date  makes  it  possible  to  harmonize, 
with  approximate  certaint}^  at  least,  the  two  calendric  systems:^ 
but  in  regard  to  all  that  precedes  this  date,  even  to  events  tolerably 
near  the  time  of  the  Spanish  conquest,  the  statements  differ  widely. 
The  chronology  of  the  books  of  Chilam  Balam  is  as  bad  or  worse.  In 
the  first  place,  the  list  of  traditional  events  is  exceedingly  meager; 
then,  but  few  dates  can  be  relied  on  with  any  degree  of  confidence. 
In  most  cases  the  arrangement  of  the  entire  statement  shows  that 


"Zeitschrift  fiir  Ethnologie  (1891),  v.  23,  p.  112. 

''In  an  essay  read  before  the  Berlin  Anthropolo.^ic  Society  in  June,  1895. 

"  See  Erliiuteiungen  zu  den  Bilderhandschriften  Alexander  von  rinmholdts.    Berlin,  1898. 


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331 


the  dates  were  not  actual  dates,  but  were  chosen  according^  to  a  fixed 
scheme. 

Three  events  are  recorded  with  some  degree  of  accuracy,  to  wit, 
the  final  establishment  of  the  Spaniards  and  the  foundation  of 
Merida,  the  death  of  a  certain  Ah])ula.  and  the  first  appearance  of 
the  Spanish  in  the  peninsula. 

The  final  establishment  of  the  Spanish  was  the  result  of  the  victory 
which  they  won  on  St.  Barnabas's  day,  June  11  (old  style),  of  the 
year  1541  over  the  powerful  league  of  the  hostile  Yucatec  cliief- 
tains  in  the  city  of  Ichcanzihoo,  afterward  Merida."  The  victory 
was  followed,  »Ianuary  0.  154^2,  by  the  founchition  of  the  Spanish  city 
of  Merida,  which  from  that  time  forward  Avas  the  capital  of  the  prov- 
ince." The  statements  of  native  chroniclers,  and  in  accord  with  them 
also  the  first  Spanish  chronicle.  Bishop  Landa's,  ascribe  this  event 
to  the  period  known  as  11  Ahau ;  and  Avhen  in  one  of  these  state- 
ments, the  second  list  in  the  Chilam  Balam  of  Chumayel,  the  year  1519 
is  set  down,  in  apparent  contradiction  to  this,  as  falling  in  the  period 
11  Ahau,  this  seems  to  be  due  simply  to  a  confusion  of  two  events,  the 
appearance  of  the  soldiers  of  Hernando  Cortes's  fleet  upon  the  penin- 
sula in  the  year  1519  and  the  later  final  establishment  of  the  Span- 
ish in  1541.  While  the  accounts  as  to  the  period  generally  agree 
throughout,  statements  as  to  the  division  of  the  period  in  which  the 
event  named  befell  dilfer  very  widely.  If  we  are  to  believe  Bishop 
Landa,  the  year  1541,  the  year  in  w^hich  the  Spanish  definitely  estab- 
lished themselves  in  Merida,  was  the  first  one  of  the  period  11  Ahau.'' 
A  chronicler  generally  trustworthy,  as  it  seems,  Nakuk  Pech,  the 
cacique  of  the  village  of  Chac-Xulub-Chen,  the  present  Chic- 
xulub,  wdio  wrote  about  1565,  states  that  it  Avas  the  fifth  division  of 
the  period. '^^  The  second  list  of  the  Chilam  Balam  of  Chumayel, 
mentioned  above,  ascribes  the  event  to  the  seventh  division  of  the 
period  1 1  Ahau.*^  Finally,  the  Chilam  Balam  of  Mani  asserts  that 
the  establishment  of  the  Spanish  at  Merida  occurred  before  the  expi- 
ration of,  that  is  to  say  during,  the  katun  1 1  Ahau.^  Of  these  various 
statements,  that  of  the  Chilam  Balam  of  Chumayel  seems  to  agree 
tolerably  well  with  my  computation,  for,  according  to  this,  the  sev- 
enth division  of  11  Ahau  would  have  ended  on  July  18,  1541,  and  the 
decisive  engagement  at  Merida,  as  I  stated  above,  took  place  on  June 
11  of  that  year.  Nakuk  Pech's  statement  differs  by  two  years;  he 
must  have  ascribed  the  beginning  of  the  katun  11  Ahau  to  the  year 
1536  of  the  Christian  era.    Bishop  Landa's  statement  is  not  likely 

"  Cogollndo,  V.  3,  chap.  7. 

'' Relaciones  de  las  cosas  de  Yucatan,  odid.  de  la  Rada  y  Delyado,  p.  103. 

Brinton,  Maya  Chronicles,  p.  198. 

Same  place,  p.  168. 
e  Same  place,  p.  98. 


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BUREAU  OF  AMERIOAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BrLL.  28 


to  be  founded  on  any  more  exact  information.  Nakuk  Pech  gives 
the  name  of  the  year  1542,  in  which  the  Spanish  founded  the  city 
of  Merida,  as  13  Kan.  This  accords  witli  the  other  agreements 
occurring  in  the  books  of  Chihim  Balam— with  one  exception,  of 
which  I  shall  speak  directly — and  also  with  the  above  computation. 

The  second  one  of  the  dates  which  are  recorded  with  comparative 
accuracy  is  that  of  the  death  of  a  certain  Ahpula,  or  Ahpulha,  who  is 
called  Napot  Xiu  in  the  second  list  of  the  Chilam  Balam  of  Chuma- 
yel.  The  latter  is  tlie  true  name  of  the  man,  who  was,  therefore,  on 
his  father's  side,  of  the  tribe  of  Xiu,  the  reigning  dynasty  of  Mani, 
and  on  his  mother's  side  of  the  Pot  tribe.  The  other  word,  appar- 
ently, merely  signifies  the  quality,  the  trade,  the  occupation  of  the 
person  in  question.  Ah-pul,  "  the  thrower  ",  or  ah-pul-ya,  ah-pul- 
yaah,  thrower  of  evil  ",  "  thrower  of  diseases  ",  was  the  technical 
name  for  a  certain  class  of  magicians  of  whom  it  was  believed  that 
they  busied  themselves  in  casting  sickness  upon  their  fellow-men. 
The  death  of  a  dreaded  conjurer  was  therefore  announced.  From  the 
name  we  must  suppose  that  it  Avas  an  event  which  especially  affected 
the  territory  of  the  principality  of  Mani.  Ah  Napot  Xiu,  by  the  way, 
also  occurs  as  the  name  of  a  mythic  or  historic  ])ersonage  for  whom 
one  of  the  1)^)  katuns  is  named. 

The  death  of  this  Ahpula  is  given  in  three  of  the  lists — the  Chilam 
Balam  of  Mani,  that  of  Tzimin,  and  the  first  list  of  the  Chilam 
Balam  of  Chumayel — in  perfect  agreement  and  with  remarkable 
accuracy.  According  to  these  authorities  Ahpula  died  six  years 
before  the  expiration  of  katun  18  Ahau,  in  the  year  4  Kan,  on  the 
18th  of  the  month  Zip,  and  on  the  day  9  Imix.  The  second  list  of  the 
Chilam  Balam  of  Chumayel,  differing  from  these,  sets  down  Ahpu- 
la's  death  in  the  first  division  of  11  Ahau.  Besides,  the  Chilam 
Balam  of  Mani  and  that  of  Tzimin  give  the  year  as  answering  to 
the  year  1530  of  the  Christian  chronology;  but  in  the  first  list  of  the 
Chilam  Balam  of  Chumayel  the  figure  158  is  given,  which  is  open 
to  various  interpretations.** 

Definite  as  these  statements  seem  to  be,  we  nevertheless  meet  with 
insoluble  contradictions  when  we  undertake  a  closer  comparison  of 
the  dates  handed  down  to  us.  A  serious  discrepancy  is  encountered 
at  the  outset  in  the  divergent  assertion  of  the  second  list  of  the 
Chilam  Balam  of  Chumayel.  On  the  other  hand,  "  six  years  before 
the  close  of  13  Ahau  "  can  not  have  been  the  year  1536.  It  was 
either  (as  according  to  my  reckoning)  the  year  1528  or  (if  we  con- 
sider the  statement  of  Nakuk  Pech  that  the  establishment  of  the 
Spaniards  in  Merida  was  the  fifth  division  of  11  Ahau  to  be  correct) 
the  year  1530.    And  if,  as  Perez  did,^  we  read  "  in  the  sixth  year 

«  Brintou,  Maya  Clironicles,  pp.  98,  142,  IGG. 
Steiihens,  Uicidents  of  'I'l-avel  in  Yucatan,  v.  1,  j).  44."!. 


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MAYA  CALENDAR  IN   HISTORIC  CHRONOLOGY 


333 


the  course  of  the  katuii  13  Ahaii  instead  of  six  years  before  the 
close  of  13  Ahau  we  then  have  the  year  1520  or  1522.  But  setting 
aside  these  accordances  with  Christian  chronology,  which  may  all 
be  merely  marginal  notes,  added  later  by  ignorant  persons,  we  have 
a  still  more  serious  contradiction  in  the  dates  given  according  to 
the  Indian  chronology  itself:  9  Iniix  was  indeed  the  18th  day  of  the 
month  Zip  in  a  year  whose  first  month  began  with  a  day  4  Kan; 
but  such  a  year  was  onl}^  the  year  1493,  and  after  that  the  year  1545, 
according  to  the  unanimous  statements  contained  in  the  books  of  Chi- 
1am  Balam  and  other  sources  of  information  in  regard  to  the  Chris- 
tian years  that  correspond  to  the  Indian  years.  The  year  1493  can  not 
possibly  have  belonged  to  the  katun  13  Ahau,  unless  we  are  to 
regard  as  false  all  the  other  accounts,  which  agree  in  stating  that 
the  Spanish  permanently  settled  at  Mcrida  in  11  Ahau,  that  Chris- 
tianity was  introduced  in  9  Ahau,  that  Bishop  Landa  died  in  7  Ahau, 
and  that  5  Ahau  began  in  the  year  1593. 

The  solution  of  this  contradiction  will  become  possible,  if  ever, 
only  Avhen  a  critical  recension  of  the  text  has  been  made  by  a  compar- 
ison of  the  various  copies  of  the  books  of  Chilam  Balam,  and  the 
original  parts  have  been  separated  from  later  additions  and  marginal 
notes. 

The  third  event  recorded  with  comparative  accuracy  is  the  first  ap- 
pearance of  the  Spanish  on  the  Yucatan  peninsula.  Here  a  discrep- 
anc}^  of  statement  would  seem  comprehensible.  For,  in  the  first 
place,  we  may  doubt  what  is  meant  by  the  first  appearance  of  the 
Spaniards,  whether  it  be  the  year  when  the  Mayas  for  the  first  time 
beheld  a  Spaniard,  or  that  of  the  appearance  of  the  first  armed  troops 
on  the  coast  of  Yucatan,  or  the  year  when  the  Spaniards  first  pene- 
trated into  the  interior  of  the  countr}^  and  strove  to  conquer  it.  The 
statements  in  the  native  records  all  seem  to  refer  to  the  first  of  these 
three  events,  which  occurred  in  the  year  1511,  when  the  caravels  of 
Valdivia,  on  the  return  voyage  from  the  isthmus  of  Darien  to  His- 
paniola,  foundered  on  the  shoals  near  Jamaica,  and  the  survivors  of 
the  crew^  were  driven  in  a  wretched  boat  upon  the  coast  near  the 
island  of  Cozumel,  among  them  the  deacon  Geronimo  de  Aguilar, 
who  was  afterward  liberated  by  Cortes.  This  event  is  set  down  by 
both  the  book  of  Chilam  Balam  of  Mani  and  that  of  Tzimin  against 
katun  2  Ahau,  that  is,  the  period  preceding  katun  13  Ahau,  when 
Ahpula  Napotxiu  is  said  to  have  died. 

"  Maj^apan  was  destroyed  in  8  Ahau.  Then  followed  the  katuns  6 
Ahau,  4  Ahau,  and  2  Ahau.  In  the  progress  of  the  years  of  this 
katun  the  Spanish  appeared  for  the  first  time;  they  came  for  the  first 
time  to  this  land,  to  the  province  of  Yucatan,  sixty  years  after  the 
destruction  of  the  citadel So  we  read  in  the  Chilam  Balam  of 
Mani. 


334 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


In  the  Chilaiii  Balam  of  Tzimin  various  lists  are  written  together. 
Katun  8  Ahau  and  the  destruction  of  Mayapan  are  given  twice.  In 
the  first  list  at  2  Ahau  Ave  read:  "  In  stone  '  13  '  (the  division)  the 
strangers  (the  Spaniards)  appeared:  they  came  for  the  first  time  t^ 
the  land  of  the  province  of  Yucatan"  ninety-three  years  (after  the 
destruction  of  Mayapan)".  In  the  second  list,  at  2  Ahau,  we  have 
merely:  "Then  was  the  great  eruptive  sickness"  (nohkakil).  So, 
too,  in  the  Chilam  Balam  of  Chumayel  we  have  at  2  Ahau  only  "  the 
eruj^tive  sickness,  the  great  eruptive  sickness  (kakil  noh  kakil)". 

If  we  examine  the  list  we  find  that  the  thirteenth  division  of  2 
Ahau  falls,  according  to  my  reckoning,  in  the  year  1507,  or,  if  we  pre- 
fer the  estimates  of  Nakuk  Pech,  in  the  year  1509.  This  does  not 
agree  with  facts,  for  Valdivia's  shipwreck,  as  I  stated  above,  took 
place  in  1511;  and  Nakuk  Pech  also  states  in  two  places  in  his  chron- 
icle that  the  Spanish  first  came  to  Yucatan  in  the  year  1511.  At  all 
events,  the  year  1511  fell  in  the  katun  2  Ahau,  for  the  latter  did  not 
end  until  the  year  1514  or,  according  to  Nakuk  Pech's  statements,,  the 
year  1516.  The  statement  of  the  native  chroniclers,  within  these  ap- 
l)roximately  established  dates,  is  therefore  correct.  The  great  erup- 
tive sickness  which  occurred,  according  to  the  chroniclers,  at  this 
very  time  is  described  by  Bishop  Landa  as  an  epidemic  which  caused 
great  pustules  of  such  a  nature  that  "  the  body  became  putrid  and 
stinking  and  the  limbs  fell  off  i>iecemeal  within  four  or  five  days  ".'' 
It  is  not  improbable  that  the  first  appearance  of  the  Spanish  was  fol- 
lowed by  an  ejiidemic  of  smallpox,  that  scourge  of  the  Indian  race, 
for  the  word  kak,  fire  ",  is  used  later  and  at  the  present  day  gen- 
erally for  eruptive  sickness  ",  especially  smallpox.^"  The  chroniclers 
ascribe  to  4  Ahau,  the  period  preceding  katun  2  Ahau,  a  pair  of 
national  calamities:  a  general  mortality  (maya-cimil) ,  which  Landa 
describes  as  a  contagious,  pernicious  fever  which  lasted  24  hours, 
after  which  the  body  swelled  and  burst  and  was  full  of  worms"; 
furthermore,  a  great  slaughter.  Landa  speaks  of  150,000  men  who 
fell  in  the  battles.  Native  sources  call  it  oc-na-kuch-il,  ''where  the 
Zopilotes  come  into  the  houses";  that  is,  where  the  dead  lie  about 
everywhere  unburied. 

Landa  also  tells  us  of  a  great  whirlwind  prior  to  these  events 
which  razed  the  country  and  overthrew  all  high  buildings,  but  this  is 
not  mentioned  by  native  authors. 

The  great  event  in  the  pre-Spanish  history  of  Yucatan  is  the 

«  The  wording  is  almost  tlie  same  as  in  the  Chilam  Balam  of  Mani,  except  that  tz'ul, 
"  strangers  is  used  instead  of  "  espanioles  and  ilcoh  is  used  erroneously  for  ulcob. 
"  they  came  :  but  possibly  the  former  was  the  original  word,  in  which  case  it  ought  to 
be  translated  "  they  were  (firsts  seen  (in  the  land  of  Yucatan)". 

Pestilencia  do  unos  granos  grandes  que  les  podria  el  cuerpo  con  gran  hedor-  de  manera 
que  les  caian  los  miembros  a  pedazos  dentro  de  4  6  5  dias. 

c  "  viruelas,  granos  i  erupcion  pustulera  del  cuerpo"  (Perez). 


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MAYA  CALENDAK  IN  HISTORIC  CHRONOLOGY 


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destruction  of  Mayapan.  Mayapan  was  a  city  in  the  interior  of 
Yucatan,  in  the  territory  of  the  later  principality  of  Mani,  of  which 
considerable  ruins  still  existed  at  the  time  when  Bishop  Landa  wrote. 
Landa  mentions  especially  large  hieroglyphic  stones  of  the  nature  of 
those  usually  ])ropared  and  set  up  at  the  beginning  of  a  katun.  The 
name  is  Mexican.  The  word  pan,  to  be  sure,  is  given  also  in  the 
Maya  dictionary,  with  the  meaning,  "  flag "  standard  '\  but, 
although  this  word,  too,  is  probably  derived  from  the  Mexi- 
can pam-itl  pan-tli.  the  etymology  of  the  name  Mayapan  is  in  all 
probability  very  different.  Mayapan  means  "  among  the  Mayas  ", 
in  the  territory  of  the  Mayas  as  Otompan  means  among  the 
Otomi  '\  in  the  land  of  the  Otomi  ".  It  is  a  purely  Mexican  name 
construction,  quite  unlike  that  in  use  among  the  Mayas,  where  the 
constituent  part  showing  the  local  or  other  relation  is  prefixed,  not 
suffixed  ( for  example,  Pan-choy ,  "  in  the  lake  " ;  Ti-kax,  "  in  the 
wood  " ;  Ti-bolon,  "  in  the  nine  " ;  Ti-ho, in  the  five     etc.) . 

The  name  Mayapan,  therefore,  recalls  the  period  of  the  pre-Spanish 
history  of  Yucatan,  when  fragments  of  the  great  Mexican  nation 
played  a  part  in  that  territory.  It  is  to  be  inferred  from  various 
facts  that  these  relations  were  very  active  and  that  the  influence  of 
the  Mexicans  was  felt  for  a  long  time. 

The  most  famous  city  in  old  Yucatan  and  the  most  famous  ancient 
seat  of  its  rulers  was  Chichen  Itza.  Attention  has  long  been 
drawn  to  the  fact  that  the  sculptures  in  the  ruins  of  this  town  are  of  a 
wholly  different  character  from  those  of  the  great  ruined  cities  of  the 
west,  Copan  and  Palenque,  and  also  from  sculptures  known  to  us, 
for  instance,  from  the  region  of  Merida.  The  attitude  of  the  figures 
is  stiffer,  the  heads  are  not  deformed,  and  much  about  the  dress  and 
adornment  reminds  us  of  the  types  in  the  Mexican  picture  writings. 
The  principal  figures  in  particular  all  wear  on  the  forehead  the  head- 
band with  the  triangular  plate  of  turquoise  mosaic,  the  xiuh-uitzolli 
of  the  Mexican  kings.  Charnay,  for  one,  therefore  believed  that  he 
foiuid  in  Chichen  Itza  manifest  evidence  of  the  correctness  of  the 
ancient  statements  in  regard  to  the  migration  of  the  Toltecs  into 
Yucatan  and  Guatemala. 

Mayapan  in  comparison  was  a  principality  that  sprang  up  in  a 
modern  perio'd,  one  that  first  became  prominent  after  the  downfall 
of  the  kingdom  of  Chichen  Itza  and  in  consequence  of  that  downfall. 
The  cause  of  this  downfall  is  ascribed  in  all  the  accounts  to  the  treach- 
ery (kebanthan)  of  a  certain  Hunac-ceel,  and  "  the  seven  men  of  Maya- 
pan " — Ah  zinteyut  chan,  Tzuntecum,  Taxcal,  Pantemit,  Xuchueuet, 
Ytzcuat,  and  Kakaltecat — are  named  as  the  direct  authors  of  the 
destruction  of  Chichen  Itza.  Of  these  seven  names  the  last  six  are 
purely  Mexican,  and  the  first  name  is  a  combination  of  a  Mexican 


836 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


and  a  Maya  word,  with  a  Maya  prefix,  which  means  "  the  Landa's 
story  that  the  rule  OA^er  Mayapan  was  founded  by  a  family  which 
Avas  supported  by  the  Mexicans  living  in  the  great  trade  centers 
Tabasco  and  Xicalanco  is  therefore  fully  confirmed  by  native 
authorities. 

Landa  further  declares  that  this  family,  who  ruled  in  Mayapan. 
the  Cocom,  practiced  such  constantly  growing  oppressions  that  the 
various  village  chieftains  at  last  rose  against  them  under  the  leader- 
ship of  the  chieftain  family  of  Tutul  Xiu,  very  powerful  among  the 
ahuitz  ("  people  of  the  sierra  ")  in  the  sierra  district,  that  is,  in  the 
district  of  Mani,  and  slew  all  members  of  the  Cocom  tribe  within 
their  reach  and  destroyed  the  "  citadel  Mayapan  The  destruc- 
tion of  Mayapan  is  accordingly  the  great  event  in  the  ])re-Spanish 
history  of  Yucatan,  as  it  represents  the  national  reaction  against  a 
government  supported  by  strangers;  but  its  result  was  that  there 
Avas  thenceforth  no  central  poAver  in  the  land.  Various  chieftain 
families  possessed  greater  or  smaller  portions  of  the  land  and  Avaged 
Avar  one  against  another  by  CA^ery  means  of  treachery  and  open 
violence. 

According  to  Landa's  statement,  at  the  time  when  he  Avrote  his 
Relaciones,  that  is,  in  the  year  1556,  about  120  years  had  passed 
since  the  fall  of  Mayapan.  Most  of  the  natiA^e  sources  place  the 
event  in  the  katun  8  Ahau,  and  this  agrees  exactly  Avith  both  Landa's 
statement  and  my  reckoning,  for  according  to  my  reckoning  katun  8 
Ahau  began  on  January  19  of  the  year  14e3f). 

,  Important  as  this  eA^ent  Avas,  even  the  native  chroniclers  are  not 
agreed  in  regard  to  it.  For  although,  as  I  said,  the  majority  of  them 
accept  katun  8  Ahau  as  the  correct  date,  yet  there  is  a  list,  the  second 
of  the  Chilam  Balam  of  Chumayel,  Avhich  places  the  destruction  of 
Mayapan  in  katun  1  Ahau,  Avhich  Avould  be  in  the  period  betAveen 
the  years  1377  and  1397;  and  in  another  list,  that  of  the  Chilam 
Balam  of  Mam,  katun  8  Ahau  and  katun  11  Ahau  seem  to  be  given 
side  by  side.  Katun  1  Ahau  seems  to  be  given  as  the  date  of  the 
event  because  this  list  accepts  katun  1  Ahau  as  the  beginning  of  a 
great  cycle  of  13  katuns;  and  the  selection  of  11  Ahau  seems  to  rest 
upon  similar  considerations,  for  the  circumstance  that  the  great  and 
destructive  event  of  the  permanent  establishment  of  the  Spanish  in 
the  country  occurred  in  katun  11  Ahau  afforded  many  of  the  native 
authors  a  motive  for  beginning  the  greater  cycle  of  katuns  Avith  katun 
11  Ahau. 

No  serious  attempt  Avas  made  to  fix  with  chronologic  precision  the 
events  previous  to  the  destruction  of  Mayapan  Avhich  are  men- 
tioned—the fall  of  the  principality  of  Chichen  Itza,  the  sojourn  of 
the  Itza  people  in  Champoton,  the  immigration  into  Yucatan,  and 


SELKK]  MAYA  CAI.ENDAR  IN  HISTORIC  CHRONOLOGY 


337 


the  first  founding  of  Chichen  Itza.  Here  the  principal  events  are  all 
set  each  a  full  period  of  13  katuns  before  the  succeeding  one;  that  is, 
all  either  in  8  Ahau  or  all  in  1  Ahau,  the  computation  including  in  all 
four  full  periods  of  256  years-f  146  days.  A  peculiar  feature  is  found 
in  a  third  list  contained  in  the  Chilam  Balam  of  Chumayel,  which  is 
printed  in  Brinton's  Maya  Chronicles,  pages  178  and  179,  and  which 
for  various  reasons  claims  our  especial  interest.  Katun  4  Ahau  is 
mentioned  here  before  the  historic  events  occurring  in  8  Ahau,  on 
the  one  hand,  as  the  period  in  which  the  mythic  kingdom  of  Chichen 
Itza  came  to  an  end,  and  therefore  as  the  period  in  which  the  human 
race  took  its  origin;  that  is,  when  the  great  and  small  descent  (great 
and  small  immigration)  occurred  and  men  met  together  in  Chichen 
Itza  from,  the  four  cardinal  points.  This  is  the  only  passage  known 
to  me  in  the  books  of  Chilam  Balam  which  seems  to  contain  any  refer- 
ence to  the  normal  and  initial  date  of  the  Dresden  manuscript — 4 
Ahau,  8  Cumku. 

Although  the  books  of  Chilam  Balam  do  not  yield  very  much  for 
chronology,  they  are  all  the  more  fruitful  in  intelligence  regard- 
ing that  side  of  the  Maya  calendar  which  was  incontestably  the 
most  assiduously  cultivated  and  which  undoubtedly  occupies  a  large 
space  in  the  Maya  manuscripts,  composing  the  chief,  perhaps  the 
only,  contents  thereof;  that  is,  the  augural  side,  the  consideration  of 
the  divinatory  power  which  belongs  to  the  signs  and  numerals  of 
days  and  the  other  greater  and  lesser  divisions  of  time.  But  I  must 
reserve  the  explanation  of  these  matters  for  a  future  communication. 


7238— No.  28—05  22 


TEMPLE  PYRAMID  OF  TEPOXTLAN 

BY 

ETJXJARO  SELER 


339 


TEMPLE  PYRAMID  OF  TEPOXTLAN 


By  Edtjard  Seler 


The  causeway  leading  from  the  City  of  Mexico,  which  runs  south- 
ward, formerly  through  (he  waters  of  the  salt  lake  itself,  now  through 
meadow  land,  to  Churubusco,  the  ancient  Uitzilopochco,  where  the 
road  branches  off  to  Chalco,  and  to  the  margin  of  the  great  lava 
stream,  which  extends  from  a  little  volcano  below  the  lofty  Cerro 
de  Ajusco  to  the  plain  lying  2,300  meters  above  the  sea.  A  traveler 
leaving  the  city  by  this  road  sees  before  him  a  high  mountain  range, 
which  connects  the  towering  Ajusco  with  the  snow-capped  cone  of 
Popocatepetl  and  in  this  direction  forms  the  termination  of  the 
undrained  basin  of  Mexico.  This  mountain  range  is  crossed  from 
Xochimilco  by  a  long,  gradually  ascending  path,  which  finally  leads 
into  extensive  pine  forests  covering  the  w^hole  breadth  of  the  ridge. 
Another  road,  from  Chalco,  runs  in  the  valley  of  Amecameca, 
immediately  at  the  western  base  of  Popocatepetl,  to  a  less  elevated 
path.  In  both  places  the  mountain  slopes  on  the  south  quite  pre- 
cipitously to  the  valleys  below,  the  streams  of  which  flow  into  the 
Rio  de  las  Balsas.  These  are  the  valleys  of  Cuernavaca,  situated 
about  1,600  meters  above  the  sea,  and  of  Yautepec,  lying  about  500 
meters  lower.  They  have  been  celebrated  from  ancient  times  for 
their  mild  climate.  Here  the  Mexican  kings  had  their  pleasure  gar- 
dens, in  which  they  cultivated  plants  of  the  tierra  caliente  that  did 
not  thrive  in  Mexico  itself.  Cortes  did  not  fail  to  include  this  dis- 
trict within  the  limits  of  his  marquesado,  and  the  viceroys,  and  also 
the  unfortunate  Maximilian,  loved  to  sojourn  in  this  favored  vale. 
Midway  between  Yautepec  and  Cuernavaca,  directly  at  the  foot 
of  the  lofty  mountain  range  towering  on  the  north,  on  a  riblike 
spur  at  the  upper  end  of  a  range  of  hills  and  ridges  which  divides  the 
valleys  of  Yautepec  and  Cuernavaca,  in  the  center  of  a  small  plain 


«  Die  Tempel  pyramide  von  Tepoztlan,  Globus,  v.  73,  n.  8. 

341 


342  BUKEAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY  [bull.  28 

forming  the  extreme  northwestern  extremity  of  the  valley  of  Cuern- 
avaca,  lies  the  small  town  of  Tepoxtlan.  Although  but  3  miles" 
distant  from  each  of  the  cities  previously  named,  this  place,  because 
it  is  situated  quite  away  from  the  great  highroads  radiating  from 
the  capital  and  at  the  foot  of  the  mountain,  has  remained  until  ver}^ 
recently  little  known  or  investigated.  The  ancient  inhabitants,  who 
undoubtedly  were  of  the  same  race  as  the  Tlalhuics  of  Cuernavaca, 
have  in  the  main  shared  the  history  of  the  latter.  Cuernavaca, 
the  ancient  Quauhnauac,  was  the  first  territory  which  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  Mexicans  when  they  began  to  spread  beyond  the  limits 
of  the  valley.  In  the  reign  of  the  third  Mexican  king,  Itzcouatl, 
who  reigned  in  the  second  quarter  of  the  fifteenth  century,  the  siege 
and  subjugation  of  Cuernavaca  is  reported,  and  under  Motecuhzoma 
Ilhuicamina,  the  king  succeeding  Itzcouatl,  Tepoxtlan  i'^  named  in 
the  Mendoza  codex,  toeether  with  Quauhnauac,  Uaxtepec,  and  Yau- 


FiG.  83.    Symbols  of  puelilon,  from  Mexican  codices. 


tepee,  among  the  conquered  cities  (see  hieroglyphs  a  to  cl^  figure  83). 
The  Historia  Mexicana  of  the  year  1576  ( Aubin-Goupil  codex) 
reports  in  connection  \^  ith  the  accession  to  the  throne  in  the  year 
1487  of  King  Ahuitzotl,  which  was  celebrated  with  great  sacrifices  of 
captives,  that  new  kings  had  been  installed  in  Quauhnauac,  Tepox- 
tlan, Uaxtepec,  and  Xiloxochitepec  (see  hieroglyphs  e  and  /). 

In  the  tribute  list  (Mendoza  codex,  page  2t),  no.  13)  Tepoxtlan,  the 
"  place  of  the  ax  is  again  put  with  the  same  towns  in  the  Uaxtepec 
group  (see  i),  Cortes  came  into  contact  with  Tepoxtlan  in  the  year 
1521  on  his  march  from  Yautepec  to  Cuernavaca,  when,  because  the 
inhabitants  did  not  voluntarily  surrender,  he  burned  the  town. 
Bernal  Diaz  extols  the  fine  women  (muy  buenas  mugeres)  and  the 
booty  which  the  soldiers  obtained  here.  After  the  establishment  of 
Spanish  rule  Tepoxtlan,  Avith  Cuernavaca,  was  included  in  the  prin- 
cipality, which,  with  the  title  Marques  del  Valle  de  Oaxaca,  was 
awarded  Cortes  as  recompense  for  his  distinguished  services.^  A 
manuscript  Relacion  of  the  year  1582,  which  is  preserved  with 
others  of  like  character  in  the  ArchiA^o  General  de  las  Indias  in  Se- 


"  14  English  miles.  Ed. 
See  the  picture  manuscript  of  the  Biblioteca  Nazionale  in  Florence,  folio  37. 


seler] 


TEMPLE  PYRAMID  OF  TEPOXTLAN 


343 


villa,  refers  to  the  place  as  Villa  de  Tepoxtlan,  and  mentions  six 
estancias  subordinate  to  it.  In  the  same  Relacion  it  is  also  stated  that 
the  Mexican  language  was  spoken  by  the  inhabitants,  both  by  those 
who  still  lived  in  the  j^lace  and  those  who,  having  become  disgusted 
with  the  country,  had  emigrated  to  the  neighborhood  of  Vera  Cruz. 
Through  incorporation  into  the  marquesado  the  town  was  doubtless 
saved  from  oppression  and  vexation  by  lesser  encomenderos.  In 
their  isolated  mountain  home  the  people  have  been  able  to  preserve 
their  language  and  their  old  customs.  The  place  has  now  a  popula- 
tion numbering  from  5,000  to  0,000  souls  of  fairly  pure  Indian 
descent,  who  speak  pure,  uncorrupted  Mexican,  are  proud  of  their 
descent,  and  cling  tenaciously  to  the  ancient  traditional  customs. 
It  is  deserving  of  mention  as  an  interesting  fact  that  since  last  year 
a  newspaper  has  been  published  here  with  the  title  El  Grano  de 
Arena,  which,  besides  the  Spanish  text,  always  contains  several 
columns  of  matter  in  the  Mexican  language. 

As  we  passed  through  the  town  of  Cuernavaca  in  December,  1887, 
on  the  return  from  our  ex}:)edition  to  Xochicalco  we  were  told  that 
there  was  a  p3^ramid  in  Tepoxtlan  as  interesting  as  that  of  Xochi- 
calco. We  wished  to  visit  it,  but  the  governor  of  the  state  of  Morelos 
told  us  at  that  time — whether  correctly  I  leave  undecided — that  he 
could  not  permit  it,  for  these  Indians  are  terrible  As  we  had  still 
so  much  else  to  see  we  did  not  insist  upon  it.  Beyond  this  general 
report  nothing  has  been  known  until  very  recently  of  the  pyramid  of 
Tepoxtlan ;  but  two  years  ago,  when  the  extraordinary  session  of  the 
Americanist  Congress  was  about  to  be  held  in  Mexico  and  an  effort 
was  being  made  throughout  the  Avhole  country  to  furnish  something 
fresh  in  the  nature  of  relics  and  finds  for  the  scholars  attending  this 
meeting,  the  thought  arose  even  in  Tepoxtlan  of  freeing  the  pyramid 
of  that  locality  from  the  rubbish  hiding  it  from  view  and  of  opening 
up  its  interior  chambers  and  outer  walls.  A  young  engineer,  Fran- 
cisco Rodriguez,  a  native  of  Tepoxtlan,  followed  out  this  idea  with 
enthusiasm  and  strove  to  carry  it  into  execution.  He  was  able  to 
induce  the  people  of  his  district  to  furnish  volunteer  labor,  and  thus 
in  the  months  of  August  and  September,  1895,  the  pyramid  was  un- 
covered, a  result  of  which  the  Tepoxtecs  themselves  are  now  quite 
proud.  A  description  of  the  pyramid,  including  a  plan  of  the  struc- 
ture, was  submitted  by  Mr  Rodriguez  to  the  congress  assembled  in 
October  of  the  year  1895.  It  has  now  been  published  in  the  pro- 
ceedings of  the  congress.  Later,  accompanied  by  Mr  Rodriguez,  Mr 
Marshall  II.  Saville  visited  the  pyramid  and  took  several  photo- 
graphs of  it.  In  August,  1896,  Mr  Saville  read  a  report  on  this 
pyramid  before  the  American  Association  for  the  Advancement  of 
Sciences,  convened  in  Buffalo,  which  was  published  in  volume  8  of 
the  bulletins  of  the  American  Museum  of  Natural  History,  and  again 


344 


BUKEAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


later  in  the  journal  Monumental  Records.  From  this  and  from  Mr 
Rodriguez's  report  I  gathered  the  information  which  appears  below : 

The  pyramid  is  situated  about  2,000  feet  above  the  town,  on  a  cliff 
detached  from  the  ridge  of  the  mountain  range,  which  north  of  the 
town  rises  rugged  and  precipitous  above  the  level  plain.  The 
pyramid  itself  is  not  visible  from  the  plain,  but  its  approximate 
location  is  marked  by  huge  crags  which  on  the  left  project  above 
the  mountain  ridge.  From  the  foot  of  the  precipice  the  road  ascends 
through  a  small  canyon.  Several  long  flights  of  steps  are  encoun- 
tered, some  of  them  cut  into  the  rock,  others  built  of  masonry. 
Carved  inscriptions  are  to  be  seen  here  and  there  on  the  perpen- 
dicular walls  of  the  ravine.  About  halfway  to  the  top  the  road 
emerges  from  the  canyon  and  winds  aloft  on  the  very  face  of  the 
cliff.  For  nearly  100  steps,  according  to  Saville's  statement,  the 
ascent  is  almost  perpendicular.  Steps  are  hewn  into  the  rock  or 
supported  by  masonry.  When  Rodriguez  began  his  excavations  here 
he  was  obliged  to  use  ladders  in  two  places,  because  the  way  was 
obstructed  by  fallen  rock  fragments.  When  the  top  of  the  clifl'  is 
finally  reached  it  is  seen  to  consist  of  two  separate  plateaux  which 
are  connected  by  a  narrow  neck.  On  the  western  one  of  these  two 
plateaux  is  the  temple  pyramid ;  the  eastern  one  is  almost  completely 
covered  w^ith  foinidation  w^alls  of  buildings  of  different  kinds  and 
sizes,  which  probably  wxre  the  dwellings  of  priests,  and  other  build- 
ings adjoining.  Behind  rises  a  rocky  cliff  covered  wdth  pine  woods, 
which  can  only  be  reached  from  this  spot,  and  here  Mr  Rodriguez 
found  running  water. 

Viewed  from  the  east  side,  the  pyramid  is  seen  to  rise  in  three 
terraces  over  a  rough  substructure  that  forms  a  horizontal  base  on 
the  uneven,  rocky  ground  (see  figure  84,  from  a  photograph).  A 
flight  of  steps  on  this  side  leads  up  to  the  top  of  the  first  terrace, 
which,  rising  to  a  height  of  9.5  meters  above  the  rock  foundation, 
forms  the  broad  base  of  the  building  proper,  formed  by  the 
two  other  terraces.  A  second  stairway  on  the  south  side  near  the 
entrance  of  the  temple  leads  to  the  top  of  the  lower  terrace  (see  the 
plan,  plate  xl).  On  the  west  side,  which  is  the  front  of  the  temple, 
this  first  terrace  forms  a  small  platform  (e  on  the  plan,  plate  xl), 
and  in  the  center  of  this  there  is  a  low  rectangidar  bench,  d.,  with 
serrated  corners,  up  which  flights  of  steps  probably  led  on  all  four 
sides.  The  location  of  this  little  structure  corresponds  to  the  spot 
where,  in  the  great  temple  of  Mexico,  stood  the  two  round  stones,  the 
quauhxicalli  and  the  temalacatl,  and  it  was  probably  used  for  simi- 
lar sacrificial  purposes.  I  also  found  a  very  similar  structure  in 
Quiengola  in  the  middle  line  of  the  platform  of  the  east  pyramid, 
whose  front  likewise  faced  the  west.  From  this  platform  a  stairway 
leads  to  the  top  of  the  second  terrace  and  to  the  entrance  of  the  temple 


seler] 


TEMPLE  PYRAMID  OF  TEPOXTLAN 


345 


itself,  which  the  third  terrace  forms.  This  temple  is  formed  of  walls 
1.9  meters  thick,  constructed  of  blocks  of  red  and  black  tezontle 
(porous  volcanic  rock)  with  copious  mortar  of  lime  and  sand, 
and  reaching  to  a  height  of  2.5  meters.  The  roof  has  fallen  in. 
From  the  ruins  Mr  Ilodriguez  was  still  able  to  determine  that  it 
had  been  a  flat  arch,  with  a  maximum  rise  of  0.5  meter,  a  span 
of  5  meters,  and  a  thicl^ness  of  0.7  meter,  formed  of  pieces  of  tezontle 
and  a  great  quantity  of  mortar,  the  use  of  which  in  thick  layers  made 
the  construction  possible.  On  the  site  of  the  front  wall  are  to  be 
seen  the  remains  of  two  rectangidar  masonry  columns,  which  left 
a  wide  central  doorwa}^  with  a  narroAv  one  on  each  side.    The  inte- 


FlG.  84.   Temple  pyramid  of  Tepoxtlan,  valley  of  Cuernavaca. 


rior  space  is  divided  by  a  wall,  0.9  meter  thick,  pierced  by  a  door- 
way, into  two  rooms,  of  which  the  front  one  runs  back  3.73  and  the 
inner  one  5.2  meters,  with  a  width  of  6  meters.  In  the  middle  of  the 
front  room  Rodriguez  found  a  rectangular  depression'^  {h  in  the 
plan,  plate  xl),  and  in  it  remains  of  charcoal  and  a  couple  of  well- 
preserved  pieces  of  copal.  This  was  probably,  therefore,  the  hearth 
where  the  sacred  fire  burned  and  whence,  perhaps,  glowing  coals 
were  obtained  with  which  to  burn  incense  to  the  god. 

In  the  axis  of  the  inner  chamber  against  the  rear  wall  stood  the 
idol.    The  doorway  connecting  the  two  rooms  has  a  width  of  1.9 


"  "  Una  oquedad  ".  Saville  erroneously  writes  in  this  place  "  a  raised  rectangular  plat- 
form ". 


846 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


meters.  It  is  flanked  by  two  pillars,  which  are  covered  with  stucco 
and  richly  ornamented.  At  the  bottom  there  is  a  sort  of  fluting; 
above  this  a  grecque  in  relief,  like  those  in  the  palaces  at  Mitla,  and 
at  the  top  a  picture  of  the  sun,  only  the  lower  part  of  which  is  still 
preserved.  All  are  painted  in  color,  and  the  colors  are  still  tolerably 
fresh.  In  the  place  where  the  idol  stood,  in  the  rear  room,  Kodri- 
guez  found  remains  of  a  substructure  (a  on  the  plan,  plate  xl) 
among  which  were  two  sculptured  fragments,  one  of  them,  according 
to  his  account,  containing  a  bas-relief,  of  what  character  is  not  stated, 
painted  in  a  deep  red  color;  the  other,  the  relief  picture  of  a  Mexi- 
can royal  crown  (xiuh-uitzolli) .    Both  pieces  are  now  preserved  in 


Fig.  85.   View  of  the  interior  of  Tepoxtlan,  after  Saville. 

the  cabildo  of  Tepoxtlan,  in  a  room  transformed  into  a  museum. 
The  most  interesting  feature  of  the  inner  apartment  are  the  benches, 
ornamented  on  the  front  with  carved  stones.  These  run  round  a  part 
of  the  front  room  and  along  the  rear  and  both  lateral  walls  of 
the  back  room  (c  on  the  plan,  plate  xl).  They  display  at  the  upper 
part  a  narrow,  somewhat  projecting  frieze,  on  which,  it  seems,  the 
twenty  characters  for  the  days  are  represented.  Beneath  this  (see 
figure  85),  on  each  lateral  wall,  there  are  placed  four  large  slabs, 
with  symbols  in  relief,  apparently  relating  to  the  four  cardinal 
points.  On  the  south  side  we  see  what  seem  to  be  the  four  prehis- 
toric ages;   on  the  north  side  the  gods  corresponding  to  the  four 


SKLER] 


TEMPLE  PYRAMID  OF  TEPOXTLAN 


347 


cardinal  points  are  represented  by  their  symbols.  I  must  forego 
attempting  to  explain  these  more  exactly  until  casts  or  good  photo- 
graphs are  submitted  for  study.  The  reliefs  on  the  rear  wall  are, 
perhaps,  of  a  still  more  interesting  nature,  but  unfortunately  here  a 
X^ortion  of  the  bench  is  destroyed.  It  is  to  be  hoped  that  Mr  Saville, 
who  has  now  started  again  for  Tepoxtian  and  Xochicalco,  will  bring 
liome  satisfactory  casts  and  make  known  these  representations. 

Finally,  in  addition  to  the  above,  two  stone  tablets,  which  were 
found  built  into  the  south  wall  of  the  loAver  terrace  of  the  pyramid, 
are  of  special  importance.  One  (c,  figure  86)  contains  the  hieroglyph 
of  King  Ahuitzotl,  who  derived  his  name  from  a  small  ghostlike  water 
animal,  which,  according  to  Mexican  tales,  played  the  role  of  a  sort 
of  nixy  and  was  represented  in  this  form.  On  the  other  slab  a  rab- 
bit is  depicted,  and  beside  it  are  10  circles,  which  would  indicate  the 
3^ear  10  Tochtli,  corresponding  to  the  year  1502  of  the  Christian  chro- 
nology, the  last  year  of  Ahuitzotrs  reign,  or  the  year  of  his  death. 
Saville  has  interpreted  these  two  tablets  quite  correctly,  and  he  con- 


a  h  c 

Fig.  8G.    Glyphs  of  the  king  Auitzotl. 


eludes  that  the  year  of  the  erection  of  the  temple  and  its  builder  were 
thus  immortalized.  This  is  probably  correct,  in  which  case,  in  truth, 
"  the  ancient  temple  of  Tepoxtian  would  be  the  only  aboriginal  struc- 
ture still  standing  in  Mexico  to  which  we  can  with  probability  assign 
a  certain  date  ". 

It  would  next  be  desirable  to  know  to  which  god  sacrifices  Avere 
offered  in  this  place.  Neither  Rodriguez  nor  Saville  have  attempted 
to  answer  this  question.  I  am  fortunately  in  a  position  to  be  able 
to  decide  this  matter  beyond  dispute.  There  was  a  class  of  deities 
among  the  Mexicans  which  excited  the  special  wonderment  and 
abhorrence  of  the  monks  and  the  Spaniards  generally.  These  were 
the  pulque  gods,  or  the  gods  of  drunkenness.  As  we  say  (in  German) 
of  a  drunken  man  that  "  he  has  got  an  ape  so  the  Mexicans,  of 
course,  with  a  doubtless  wholly  ditferent  train  of  thought,  spoke  of  a 
rabbit  (tochtli),  under  whose  influence  the  intoxicated  person  acted. 
They  said  he  had  "rabbited  himself"  (omotochtili) ,  when  anyone 
drank  to  insensibility  and  in  this  condition  came  to  any  harm.  Hence 


348 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


the  gods  of  drunkenness  were  also  called  Totochtin,  "  rabbits  ".  The 
day  ome  Tochtli,  "  2  rabbits  was  under  their  influence.  Wlioever 
was  born  on  that  da}^,  if  he  did  not  take  special  precautions,  seemed 
inevitably  doomed  to  become  a  drunkard.  Since  there  were  dif- 
ferent kinds  of  drunkenness,  intoxication  manifesting  itself  with 
different  people  in  very  different  ways,  the  "  400  rabbits  "  (centzon 
totochtin)  were  spoken  of  '*  as  though  one  intended  to  say  that  pulque 
made  innumerable  kinds  of  drunkards  Hence  the  pulque  gods 
were  also  designated  as  centzon  Totochtin,  the  "  400  rabbits  ",  and  a 
large  number  of  them  were  specified  by  particular  names.  Con- 
cerning the  significance  of  these  deities,  this  one  fact  is  of  primary 
importance,  that  they  are  all  closely  related  to  the  earth  goddess. 
Like  her,  they  wear  the  golden  Huaxtec  nose  ornament,  shaped 
like  a  crescent,  which  was  called  yaca-metztli.  This  ornament  is 
so  characteristic  of  them  that  it  is  usually  marked  on  all  objects 
dedicated  to  the  pulque  gods.  A  second  characteristic  of  these  deities 
is  the  bicolored  face,  painted  red  and  black.  The  two  colors,  in 
many  parallel  red  and  black  longitudinal  stripes,  -likewise  served  to 
denote  an  object  as  consecrated  to  the  pulque  gods.  Thus,  in  the  pic- 
ture manuscript  of  the  Biblioteca  Nazionale  in  Florence,  the  manta 
de  dos  conejos,  "blanket  of  the  2  rabbits"  (ome-tochtilmatli) ,  the 
shoulder  covering  of  the  pulque  gods,  and,  in  the  same  manuscript,  the 
shield  of  Macuil-Xochitl,  are  marked  in  this  way.  These  gods  are 
characterized  by  a  remark  which  occurs  above  them  in  the  picture  man- 
uscript of  the  Biblioteca  Nazionale  in  Florence  still  more  exactly  than 
by  their  relation  to  the  earth  goddess.  The  pulque  gods  in  this 
manuscript  are  represented  after  or  among  the  fiestas  mobiles,  imme- 
diately after  the  feast  of  flowers  (chicome  xochitl  and  ce  xochitl), 
and  it  is  stated  in  this  place  that  "  when  the  Indians  had  harvested 
and  gathered  in  their  maize,  then  they  drank  to  intoxication  and 
danced  Avhile  they  invoked  this  demon  and  others  of  these  four  hun- 
dred ".  It  seems,  therefore,  that  here  we  have  to  do  with  gods  of 
husbandry,  Avho  were  to  impart  virtue  to  the  soil  as  the  pulque — and 
this  is  always  brought  out — imparts  courage  and  strength  and  was 
the  drink  of  the  fearless  and  strong,  the  eagles  and  jaguars  (quauhtli 
and  ocelotl),  that  is,  the  warriors. 

Among  the  names  by  which  these  gods  were  known,  in  addition  to 
ome  Tochtli,  "2  rabbits",  which  refers  directly  to  their  nature  as 
pulque  gods,  we  meet  almost  exclusively  such  as  are  derived  from 
place  names,  or  at  least  are  formed  in  a  similar  manner  to  those 
derived  from  place  names,  as  Acolhua,  Colhuatzincatl,  Toltecatl, 
Totoltecatl,  Izquitecatl,  Chimalpanecatl,  Yauhtecatl,  Tezcatzoncatl, 
Tlaltecayoua,  Pahtecatl,  Papaztac,  Tlilhua ;  and  a  pulque  god  Tepox- 
tecatl,  a  god  of  Tepoxtlan,  is  repeatedly  and  prominently  mentioned. 


«  Sahagun,  v.  4,  cliap.  5. 


SKLKR J 


TEMPLE  PYRAMID  OP  TEPOXTLAN 


349 


If  the  fact  is  taken  into  consideration  that  the  temple  which  I  have 
described  above  is  still  called  by  the  people  casa  del  Tepozteco 
then  the  supposition  is  not  far  to  seek  that  it  is  our  Tepoxtlan  from 
which  the  pulque  god  Tepoxtecatl  (figure  87)  derived  his  name,  and 
this  supposition  is  confirmed  by  two  good  witnesses.  In  the  Relacion 
that  I  already  mentioned  at  the  beginning,  which  was  the  reply  to 
an  inquiry  blank,  dispatched  under  King  Philip  II  with  the  same 
wording  to  all  towns  of  the  Spanish  colonial  territory,  the  question 
concerning  the  name  of  this  place  and  the  meaning  of  the  name  is 
answered  thus:  "  They  say  that  the  place  is  named  Tepoxtlan  because, 
when  their  ancestors  settled  this  land,  they  found  this  name  already 


Fig.  87.   Tepoxtecatl,  the  pulque  god,  from  Mexican  painting  in 
Biblioteca  Nazionale,  Florence. 


in  use,  for  those  who  settled  there  before  (or  first)  said  that  the  great 
devil,  or  idol,  which  they  had,  was  called  Ome  tuchitl,  that  is,  '  2 
rabbits  ',  and  that  he  bore  the  surname  Tepoxtecatl  ".  The  other  tes- 
timony is  furnished  by  the  often-mentioned  picture  manuscript  of  the 
Biblioteca  Nazionale  in  Florence,  which,  besides  various  other  pulque 
gods,  represents  Tepoxtecatl  in  full  figure  and  in  hieroglyph  and  re- 
marks concerning  him :  "  This  is  the  representation  of  a  great  in- 
iquity which  was  the  custom  in  a  village  named  Tepoxtlan;  namely, 
when  an  Indian  died  in  a  state  of  intoxication  the  others  of  this  vil- 
lage made  a  great  feast  to  him,  holding  in  their  hands  copper  axes 
which  were  used  to  fell  wood.  This  village  is  near  Yautepeque. 
They  are  vassals  of  the  Lord  Marques  del  Valle 

In  figure  87  I  give  the  picture  of  the  pulque  god  Tepoxtecatl  and 


350 


BUKEAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


his  hieroglyph,  the  copper  ax,  from  the  picture  manuscript  of  the 
Biblioteca  Nazionale  in  Florence.  The  various 
things  by  which  these  gods  are  usually  distinguished 
in  the  picture  manuscripts  are  here  given  distinctly 
and  well — the  bicolored  face,  the  crescent-shaped 
y|A':r nose  ornament  (yaca-metztli) ,  the  bicolored  shield 
/|L  (ometoch-chimalli)    adorned   with  the  same  nose 

crescent,  the  long  necklace  hanging  down,  made  of 
the  herb  malinalli  (tlachayaual-cozcatl) ,  and  the 
stone  ax  (iztopolli,  tecpatopolli).  This  picture  in- 
deed gives  very  little  assistance  in  determining  the 
appearance  of  the  idol  that  stood  in  the  cella  of  the 
casa  del  Tepozteco.  When  I  was  in  Cuernavaca  I 
saw  in  the  house  of  the  licenciado  Cecilio  Robelo  a 
stone  image,  which  originally  came  from  Tepoxtlan. 
I  made  a  hasty  sketch  of  it  at  the  time,  which  is  re- 
produced in  figure  88.    There  was  a  very  similar  stone  image  from 


Fig. 


stone  idol 


from  Tepoxtlan. 


Fig.  89.   Stone  figure  from  the  Uhde  collection. 


SELER] 


TEMPLE  PYRAMID  OF  TEPOXTLAN 


351 


Hiiautla  in  Mr.  Kobledo's  possession.  In  the  old  Ulide  collection  in 
the  Royal  Museum  of  Ethnology  in  Berlin  there  are  others  of  a  very 
similar  character  (hgure  39).  These  are  by  no  means  images  of 
the  pulque  gods,  but  probably  represent  Macuil-xochitl,  the  god  of 
gaming,  who  is  indeed  frequently  named  together  with  the  pulque 
gods.  If  any  stone  image  is  entitled  to  give  us  an  idea  of  the 
idol  which  stood  in  the  cella  of  the  casa  del  Tepozteco,  it  is  the  fine 


Fig.  90.   Stone  figure  of  pulque  god, 
Trocadero  Museum. 


statue  in  the  Musee  du  Trocadero  (figure  90),  which  is  reproduced 
under  the  title  "  Statue  en  calcaire,  Toltec  arme  de  la  hache  de 
pierre  "  on  page  ix  of  the  magnificent  album  recently  published  with 
the  title  Galerie  Americaine  du  Musee  d'Ethnographie  du  Troca- 
dero ",  for  which  the  Due  de  Loubat,  with  his  accustomed  liber- 
ality, has  again  proA'ided  the  means.  That  is  without  question  a 
pulque  god,  a  Tepoxtecatl,  distinguished  by  tlie  crescent-shaped  nose 


352 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


plate,  the  stone  ax,  the  ear  pendants,  Avhich  correspond  exactly  to 
those  in  our  figure  87,  the  frontal  in  the  form  of  a  Mexican  royal 
crown,  examples  of  which  are  also  worn  by  the  pulque  god  in  the 
Borgian  codex,  page  26 ;  Codex  Vaticanus  B,  page  70  (or  Codex  Vati- 
canus  3773,  page  31)  and  Codex  Vaticanus  B,  page  7  (or  Codex  Vati- 
canus 3773,  page  30),  and  lastly  also  by  the  forehead  knot  of  Quet- 
zalcoatl,  which  is  to  be  seen  likewise  on  the  pulque  god  in  Codex 
Telleriano-Kemensis  II,  page  16,  in  Codex  Vaticanus  A,  page  35,  and, 
in  a  somewhat  different  form,  also  on  page  11  of  the  Tonalamatl  of 
the  Aubin-Goupil  collection. 

P  _____  ,  .     -  .     .  ,    ■  '  r—.  ^- — :■! —    .  .  ,  - 


Fig.  91.  "Juego  de  pelota  ",  from  Tepoxtlan. 

In  conclusion,  I  give  in  figure  91  the  photographs  of  several  other 
relics  which  Avere  found  in  Tepoxtlan.  The  ring-shaped  stone  in  the 
center  came  from  a  ball  ground.  On  it  there  is  the  large  figure  of  a 
bird  and  thereunder  the  date  "  2  house  "  (ome  Calli). 

It  is  to  be  hoped  that  the  interest  once  aroused  among  the  patriotic 
inhabitants  of  Tepoxtlan  will  continue,  and  that  further  investiga- 
tions Avill  produce  other  important  material  for  the  study  of  the 
ancient  civilization  and  history  of  these  regions." 

"  I  am  indebted  to  Dr  Max  Buchner,  of  Munich,  for  the  photographs  (figs.  84  and  91), 
and  for  the  plan  (pi.  xL),  drawn  by  Mr  Rodriguez,  to  Mr  Marshall  H.  Saville,  of  New 
York.  I  was  enabled  to  make  use  of  the  picture  manuscript  of  the  Biblioteca  Nazionale  in 
Florence  through  the  kindness  of  Mrs  Zelia  Nuttall,  to  whom  I  wish  to  express  my  sincere 
thanks.  Mrs  Nuttall  discovered  this  important  manuscript  in  the  Hl^'ary  and  intends  to 
publish  it. 


VENUS  PERIOD  IN  THE  PICTURE  WRITINGS 
OF  THE  BORGIAN  CODEX  GROUP 

BY 


7238— No.  28—05  28 


VENUS  PERIOD  IN  THE  PICTURE  WRITINGS 
OF  THE  BORGIAN  CODEX  GROUP" 


By  Eduard  Seler 


In  chapter  82  of  the  Cronica  Mexicana  of  Tezozomoc  the  account 
of  the  formalities  observed  at  the  election  of  Motecuhzoma  Xocoyotzin 
as  king  of  Mexico  contains  also  the  purport  of  the  speeches  addressed 
to  the  nev^ly  elected  king.  He  is  exhorted  therein  to  receive  gra- 
ciously the  tributary  vassals  when  they  come  to  the  capital  and  to 
provide  them  with  all  that  is  necessary  for  their  homeward  journey. 
He  is  admonished  to  be  valiant  against  enemies,  but  also  to  employ 
diplomac^^  adulation,  and  gifts  in  order  to  bring  them  to  submission 
by  peaceable  means.  He  should  endow  the  temple  and  give  suste- 
nance to  the  old  people,  both  men  and  women.  He  ought,  above  all 
things,  to  stand  well  with  the  nobility,  be  mindful  of  their  privileges, 
and  daily  invite  them  to  be  his  guests;  for  his  authority  and  power 
depend  on  them.  At  the  beginning  of  a  long  series  of  admonitions, 
which  enjoin  upon  him  to  be  careful  in  the  observance  of  religious 
ceremonies,  faithful  in  regard  to  priestly  castigations,  and  to  the  care 
of  the  temples,  the  sacred  places,  and  the  roads  leading  to  them,  he  is 
admonished  "  especially  to  make  it  his  duty  to  rise  at  midnight  (and 
to  look  at  the  stars)  :  at  yohualitqui  mamalhuaztli,  as  they  call  '  the 
keys  of  Saint  Peter'  among  the  stars  in  the  firmament,  at  the  citlalt- 
lachtli,  the  north  and  its  wheel,  at  the  tianquiztli,  the  Pleiades,  and 
at  the  colotl  ixayac,  the  constellation  of  the  Scorpion,  which  mark 
the  four  cardinal  points  in  the  sky.  Toward  morning  he  must  also 
carefully  observe  the  constellation  xonecuilli,  the  '  cross  of  Saint 
Jacob which  appears  in  the  southern  sky  in  the  direction  of  India 
and  China;  and  he  must  carefully  observe  the  morning  star,  which 
appears  at  dawn  and  is  called  tlauizcalpan  teuctli 

These  words  contain  data  regarding  the  scope  and  the  principal 
elements  of  ancient  Mexican  astronomy  which  are  exactly  confirmed 
by  Sahagun  in  his  account,  in  the  seventh  book  of  his  historic 

"  Verhandlnngen  der  Berliner  Gesellschaft  fiir  Anthropologie,  Ethnologie,  und  TJrge- 
schichte,  1898,  pp.  346  to  383. 

355 


356 


BUBEAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


work,  of  the  constellations  observed  by  the  ancient  Mexicans.  In  the 
original  Mexican  text  of  this  work,  which  is  preserved  in  the  Biblio- 
teca  del  Palacio  at  Madrid,  the  different  celestial  bodies  and  constel- 
lations mentioned  in  the  text  are  also  represented  by  pictures  in  the 
respective  chapters.  Pictures  are  given  of  tonatiuh,  the  "  sun  "  (a, 
figure  92)  ;  of  metztli,  the  "  moon  "  (  6,  same  figure)  ;  of  citlalpol,  the 
morning  star,  the  planet  "  Venus  c;  of  citlalpopoca,  the  "  comet  ", 
and  of  the  star  which  the  Mexicans  called  citlaltlamina,  the  "  shoot- 
ing star '',  a.  Among  these,  finally,  are  five  constellations,  of  which 
three — mamalhuaztli,  //  xonecuilli,  i;  and  colotl,  h — are  marked  by 
the  accompanying  names  as  corresponding  to  three  of  the  above- 


Fig.  92.   Mexican  figures  of  the  sun,  moon,  and  certain  stars  and  constellations. 

named  constellations,  while  the  other  two,  g  and  h,  prove  by  their 
form  and  design  to  be  representations  of  the  others  named  above,  the 
constellation  of  the  Pleiades  and  the  star  ball  ground",  the 
citlaltlachtli. 

That  marked  /,  mamalhuaztli,  the  "  fire  drill  the  "  fire  sticks  ",  is 
designated  by  Tezozomoc  as  the  "  keys  of  Saint  Peter  It  must  be 
a  constellation  in  which  two  rows  of  stars  meet  at  an  acute  angle. 
In  Molina,  mamalhuaztli  is  translated  "  astillejos  (sticks  of  wood) 
constelacion  Sahagun  designates  the  constellation  as  "  the  wands 
of  the  sky,  which  are  near  the  Pleiades,  a  group  of  stars  in  Taurus  " 
(los  mastelejos  del  cielo  que  andan  cerca  de  las  cabrillas,  que  es  el 
signo  del  toro).    Gemini  of  the  zodiac  are  called  "  astillejos  "  (sticks 


seler] 


VENUS  PERIOD  IN  PICTURE  WRITINGS 


357 


of  wood)  in  Spanish.  These  stars,  however,  seem  out  of  the  question 
here,  since  they  lie  too  far  distant^  from  the  Pleiades.  The  transla- 
tion "  astillejos  "  is  probably  intended  to  convey  only  the  literal  sense 
of  the  word  mamalhuaztli.  When  Tezozomoc  calls  the  constellation 
mamalhuaztli  the  "  keys  of  Saint  Peter the  editor,  Jose  Maria 
Vigil,  observes  that  in  the  Middle  Ages  Aries  of  the  zodiac  was 
assigned  to  the  Apostle  Peter,  and  a  of  Aries  was  called  the  "  keys 
of  Saint  Peter  The  form  of  the  constellation  which  the  Mexicans 
represented  by  /  would  be  produced  by  the  union  of  c  of  Musca  and 
oi  and  P  of  Aries  with  S  of  Aries.  In  any  case,  mamalhuaztli  could 
only  have  been  a  constellation  situated  somewhere  below  20°  north 
latitude,  since  it  rose  at  a  point  due  east  from  the  Mexicans,  denoting 
for  them  the  cardinal  point  east.  Hence  it  was  called  youal  itqui, 
"  the  bringer  of  the  night "  (Tezozomoc),  or  youal  tecutli,  "  the  lord 
of  the  night "  (Sahagun).  When  it  rose  in  the  east  they  burned  in- 
cense and  said :  Oualuetz  in  youaltecutli  in  yacauiztli :  Quen  uetziz 
in  youalli,  quen  tlathuiz,  "  The  lord  of  the  night  is  come,  the  pointed 
statf.  How  will  the  night  end?  How  will  the  morning  dawn?" 
They  burned  incense  three  times,  the  second  time  at  midnight,  when 
the  constellation  reached  the  zenith,  and  toward  morning,  when  it  set. 

The  neighboring  Pleiades,  which  were  named  by  the  Mexicans 
miec,  "  heap  or  tianquiztli,  "  market  could  have  had  the  same  sig- 
nificance as  the  mamalhuaztli.  The  former  constellation,  lying  below 
23°  north  latitude,  might  also  have  marked  the  east  for  the  Mexicans. 
It  is  probable,  however,  that  it  served  to  mark  the  fifth  cardinal 
point,  the  center,  or  the  zenith.  At  the  beginning  of  a  new  period 
of  52  years  fire"  was  newly  kindled  when  the  Pleiades  were  in  the 
zenith  at  m.idnight.  The  flaming  up  of  this  fire  was  a  sign  to  the 
anxious  waiting  multitude  that  the  world  was  not,  as  they  feared,  to 
be  swallowed  up  in  darkness,  but  that  a  new  era  would  be  granted  to 
mankind. 

It  is  my  opinion  that  g  from  the  Sahagun  manuscript  is  citlal- 
tlachtli,  "  star  ball  ground  Tezozomoc  calls  it  "  the  north  and  its 
wheel  "  (el  norte  y  su  rueda).  This  can  hardly  denote  any  other  con- 
stellation than  the  stars  Avhich  circle  about  the  polar  star.  It  might 
denote  Ursa  Major,  though  the  manner  in  which  we  are  accustomed 
to  represent  this  constellation,  which  unites  stars  of  the  greatest 
brilliancy,  bears  very  little  resemblance  to  the  figure  of  the  Sahagun 
manuscript. 

Colotl,  "  the  scorpion  ",      or  colotl  ixayac,  '*  the  scorpion  face 
as  Tezozomoc  calls  the  constellation,  must  have  been  a  group  of  stars 
diametrically  opposite  to  the  mamalhuaztli,  situated  likewise  some- 
where below  20°  north  latitude.     Perhaps  it  was  Arcturus.  It 


<»  Sahagun,  book  4,  appendix.    Edit.  Bustamante,  v.  1,  p.  346. 


358 


BUKEAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


marked  the  cardinal  point  west  for  the  Mexicans.  Sahagun  says 
that  in  some  regions  the  constellation  Avas  called  "  the  wagon  ";  that 
the  Mexicans  called  it  "  scorpion  "  because  it  had  the  shape  of  that 
animal;  and  that  it  bore  this  name  in  many  parts  of  the  world. 
This  last  remark  of  Father  Sahagun  seems  to  indicate  that  he  iden- 
tified it  with  Scorpio,  of  ancient  astronomy.  This  would  imply  one 
of  the  most  remarkable  coincidences  in  the  nomenclature.  I  do  not 
consider  this  supposition  admissible,  since  Scorpio  of  the  ancients  was 
situated  far  to  the  south — from  20°  to  40°  south  latitude. 

Xonecuilli,  or  citlalxonecuilli,  the  curved  S-shaped  constellation, 
is  clearly  described  by  Tezozomoc  as  the  Southern  Cross.  Its  form 
can  be  recognized  approximately  in  the  design  i,  from  the  Sahagun 
manuscript,  if  Centaurus  and  the  two  stars  lying  to  the  east  of  the 
latter  are  added.  Sahagun  calls  it  the  "  constellation  which  stands 
in  the  mouth  of  the  trumpet  "  (las  estrellas  que  estan  en  la  boca  de  la 
bocina).  According  to  the  lexicon  it  appears  that  the  constellation 
of  the  Little  Bear  was  called  "  trumpet  "  (bocina)  in  Spanish.  Saha- 
gun, however,  can  hardly  have  meant  this,  for  it  follows  from  the 
whole  arrangement,  which  he  also  adopted,  that  a  constellation  of 
the  southern  sky  is  here  referred  to. 

These  four  or  five  constellations  were  of  importance  to  the  Mexi- 
cans and  were  observed  by  them  because  they  marked  for  them  the 
four  cardinal  points,  and  the  plans  of  their  temples  and  cities  had 
to  be  regulated  by  these  points.  A  great  number  of  religious  rites 
were  also  determined  by  the  four  points  of  the  compass. 

There  were  also  some  stars  that  attracted  the  attention  of  the  Mex- 
icans on  account  of  their  brilliancy  and  their  movements,  to  which 
they  ascribed  mysterious  influences  on  the  universe  and  mankind. 
These  stars  were  worshipped  as  divine  forces,  and  hence  their  appear- 
ance and  movements  were  observed  with  great  care.  Such  was  the 
planet  Venus,  which  the  Mexicans  called  citlalpol,  or  uei  citlalin, 
that  is,  "  the  great  star  and  Tlauizcalpan  tecutli,  "  lord  of  the 
dawn  and  whose  alternate  appearance  as  morning  and  evening  star 
was  well  known  to  them. 

The  Augustinian  monk  Padre  Jeronimo  Roman  y  Zamora  relates 
of  the  Mexican  tribes  settled  on  the  borders  of  the  Zapotec  and  Mix- 
tec  country  that  they  paid  great  reverence  to  the  morning  star  and 
kept  an  accurate  record  of  its  appearance.  Y  tan  gran  cuenta  tenian 
con  el  dia  que  aparecia  y  quando  se  ascondia  que  nunca  erravan  (''  So 
accurately  did  they  keep  the  record  of  the  days  when  it  appeared 
and  disappeared  that  they  never  made  a  mistake").  The  like  is 
said  in  a  chapter  devoted  to  this  planet  in  a  manuscript  that  belonged 
to  the  deceased  Don  Joaquin  Garcia  Tcazbalceta,  which  was  inserted 
at  the  end  of  the  first  part  of  Padre  Motolinia's  Historia,  and  which 


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VENUS  PERIOD  IN  PICTURE  WRITINGS 


359 


was  therefore  ascribed  to  Motolinia  by  Chavero.^  Padre  Sahagiin 
tells  us  that  Avhen  the  planet  reappeared  on  the  horizon  it  was  said  to 
go  down  four  times  before  it  returned  in  its  full  splendor,  shining  like 
the  moon.  When  the  morning  star  rose,  says  the  same  author,  they 
stopped  up  the  chimneys  and  smoke  vents,  so  that  no  harm  of  any 
kind  should  enter  the  house  with  its  light;  but  it  was  sometimes  re- 
garded as  propitious  (according  to  the. time  in  which  it  appeared  in 
the  east) In  the  court  of  the  great  temple  in  Mexico  there  was  a  high 
and  massive  column  covered  with  a  thatched  roof.  This  was  called 
ilhuicatitlan,  "  in  the  sky  ".  The  picture  of  the  morning  star  was 
painted  on  this  pillar,  and  prisoners  Avere  sacrificed  before  it  when 
the  planet  reappeared  in  the  sky.^  Father  Roman  relates  of  the  peo- 
ple of  Tehuacan,  Coscatlan,  and  Teotitlan  del  camino  that  on  the  day 
when  the  morning  star  appeared  for  the  first  time  a  human  offering 
was  sacrificed,  which  the  king  of  the  land  had  to  provide,  and  that  on 
each  day  at  the  hour  when  this  star  rose  it  was  the  duty  of  the  priests 
to  burn  incense  and  to  draw  their  own  blood,  which  they  offered 
up  to  it.  As  observation  of  the  stars  was  the  duty  of  the  priests,  the 
morning  star,  it  seems,  was  even  regarded  as  connected  with  the  deity 
who  was  considered  the  first  priest  and  the  inventor  of  every  art,  of 
art  handicrafts  as  well  as  of  the  special  sacerdotal  art  and  science, 
of  the  calendar  and  the  soothsaying  art,  with  Quetzalcoatl,  the  hero 
of  Tula,  the  king,  and  lord  of  the  Toltecs.  When  Quetzalcoatl,  so 
runs  the  legend,"driven  from  his  kingdom  by  the  artifices  of  the 
"  magician  "  Tezcatlipoca,  journeyed  eastward  and  came  to  the  sea- 
coast,  into  the  tlillan  tlapallan,  "  the  land  of  the  black  and  red  colors 
that  is,  the  land  of  writing  or  the  land  of  the  good  example,^  into  the 
tlatlayan,  "  the  place  of  burning  ",  he  donned  his  ornaments,  the 
feather  ornament  (quetzalapanecayotl) ,  and  the  mask  of  turquoise 
mosiac  (xiuhxayacatl) ,  as  the  dead  were  arrayed  in  the  ornament 
and  mask  on  the  funeral  pile,  and  cremated  himself.  The  ashes  im- 
mediately flew  upward  and  were  metamorphosed  into  birds  of  all 
kinds  having  brilliant  plumage — spoonbills  (tlauhquechol) ,  cotingas 
(xiuhtototl),  tzinitzcan,  ayoquan,  green  parrots  (toznene),  red  ma- 
caws (alo),  and  other  parrots  (cocho).  When  the  ashes  were  scat- 
tered the  heart  also  flew  upward  and,  reaching  heaven,  transformed 
itself  into  the  morning  star.  "  They  said  that  Quetzalcoatl  died 
when  the  star  became  visible,  and  henceforward  they  called  him  lord 
of  the  dawn  (Tlauizcalpan  tecutli).    They  said  that  when  he  died  he 

»  Anales  del  Museo  NacioDal  de  Mexico,  v.  2,  p.  339. 
Sahaguu,  v.  7,  chap.  3 

Sahaguu,  v.  2>  appendix.    Edit.  Bustamante,  v.  1,  p.  205. 

See  Anales  de  Chimalpahin  ed.  Remi  Simeon,  p.  29  :  Yn  iuh  ymamatlacuilolpan  in 
tliltica  tlapaltica  quicuilotehuaque  ("As  they  have  painted   (written)   in  their  picture 
writings  with  red  and  black  colors")  ;  and  Vocabulario  de  Molina:  tlilli  tlapalli  nictlalia, 
dar  buen  exemplo  (to  give  a  good  example)". 


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Avas  invisible  for  four  days ;  they  said  he  Avandered  in  the  underworld, 
and  for  four  days  more  he  was  bone  (dead,  or  emaciated?).  Not 
until  eight  days  were  past  did  the  great  star  (the  morning  star)  ap- 
pear. They  said  that  Quetzalcoatl  then  ascended  the  throne  as 
god 

This  death  of  Quetzalcoatl  is  said  to  have  occurred  in  the  year 
"  1  reed  "  (ce  Acatl).  Hence  the  divinity  of  the  morning  star  was 
also  called  Ce  Acatl,  and  was  hieroglyphically  designated  by  the 
numeral  1  and  the  day  sign  Acatl,  "  reed  ". 

We  see  the  divinity  of  the  morning  star  depicted  with  this  name 
and  this  hieroglyph  in  the  tonalamatl,  the  calendar  of  13X^0  days. 
He  is  there  the  lord  of  the  ninth  divison  of  13  days,  beginning  with 
ce  Coatl,  "  1  serpent and  is  represented  opposite  the  fire  god ;  for 


Fig.  93.   God  of  the  morning  star  and  fire  god,  Mexican. 

the  latter  is  the  old  god,  Ueueteotl,  who  already  existed  in  the  period 
of  twilight  when  as  yet  no  sun  illumined  the  world. 

The  picture  of  Tlauizcalpan  tecutli,  the  divinity  of  the  morning 
star,  as  he  is  represented  in  the  tonalamatl  of  Codices  Telleriano- 
Remensis  and  Vaticanus  A  is  given  in  figure  93.  The  white  body 
with  red  longitudinal  stripes,  and  with  the  deep  black  painting  about 
the  eyes,  like  a  domino  mask,  which  is  bordered  here,  but  not  always,  b}^ 
small  white  circles  and  is  combined  with  a  red  painting  about  the  lips, 
which  likewise  may  be  omitted,  are  characteristic  marks  of  this  god. 

"  Anales  de  Quauhtltlan,  printed  in  tlie  appendix  to  v.  3  of  tlie  Anales  del  Museo 
Nacional  de  Mexico.  I  regret  to  say  tliat  I  liave  not  been  able  to  examine  this  important 
manuscript.  It  seems  to  have  disappeared.  The  copy  iu  the  Anales  del  Museo  Nacional 
de  Mexico  is  very  incorrect.  In  the  passage  in  question,  I  have  changed  the  obviously 
corrupt  and  unintelligible  "  campa  huilhuitl  yn  amo  nez  quitoaya  ycua  mictlan  nemito  '" 
into  "  ca  nahuilhuitl  for  the  words  following,  auh  no  nahuilhuitl  momitl  ("and  for 
four  moi-e  days  he  was  bone"),  demand  a  preceding  nahuilhuitl. 


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301 


The  red  strij)es  on  a  wliite  iyround  are  only  a  variant  of  white,  a  con- 
ventional mode  of  representing  a  white  color  of  the  body;  for,  as  we 
shall  see,  the  god  is  also  painted  entirely  white,  and  vice  versa  we 
find  deities  for  whose  bodies  a  white  color  is  expressly  prescribed  in 
the  text,  like  the  Ciuateteo,  represented  with  red  longitudinal  stripes 
on  a  white  ground.  The  technical  name  is  motizauauana,  longi- 
tudinal stripes  made  with  white  infusorial  earth  This  white  color 
of  the  bod}'  is  evidently  meant  to  represent  faint  light,  the  light  of  the 
dawn,  or  a  radiance  like  that  of  the  moon.  The  Mexicans  employed 
]:>rilliant  red  and  yellow  to  express  bright  light,  the  glare  of  the  sun 
or  the  glow  of  the  fire.  The  sun  god  and  the  fire  god  were  painted  in 
these  colors  but  differently :  in  one  manuscript  the  sun  god  is  red  and 
the  fire  god  yellow,  in  another  the  sun  god  is  yellow  and  the  fire  god 
red. 

The  black  dominolike  painting  bordered  by  small  white  circles 
about  the  eyes  Tlanizcal]:)an  tecutli  shari^s  with  Mixcoatl-Camaxtli, 
the  hunting  god  and  god  of  the  Tlaxcaltecs;  with  Painal,  the  mes- 
senger of  death,  the  image  and  representative  of  Uitzilopochtli ;  with 
Atlaua,  the  god  of  the  Chinampanecs ;  and  with  those  gods  who,  like 
the  latter,  have  death  symbols  and  were  mentioned  by  Sahagun  under 
the  name  of  Chachalmecs.  In  the  technical  description  of  the  deco- 
ration of  these  gods  this  painting  is  designated  as  mixquauhcal 
ichiuhticac,  ixuacal  ichiuale,  or  mixtetlilcomolo  he  has  a  cage 
painted  on  his  face  a  furrow  is  made  with  black  paint  around 
the  eyelids  "),  also  as  ixcitlal  ichiuale,  mizcitlal  ichichiuh,  or  mixcit- 
lalhuiticac  moteneua  tlayoalli  ('^  on  his  face  he  has  the  star  painting 
called  darkness  .  From  this  it  follows  that  this  painting  is  intended 
to  reproduce  the  customary  rei)resentation  of  night,  which  was 
painted  as  a  dark  iield  studded  with  eyes  (stars).  The  deity  is 
characterized  thereby  as  a  nocturnal  one,  appearing  in  the  night  sky. 

The  crown  of  y»lack  feathers  with  light  tii)s,  which  is  adorned  with 
balls  of  white  down  (iztac  lotoliuitl ) ,  and  from  which  in  this  i)icture 
a  tuft  of  green  quetzal  feathers  projects,  is  also  a  characteristic  mark 
of  this  god:  characteristic  likewise  is  the  lunidband,  which  has  two 
pointed  ovate  white  objects  with  red  cent(n-s  atlixed  to  it  in  the  same 
places  in  Avhich  the  head!)and  of  the  sun  god  has  blue  or  green  disks 
(of  turquoise  or  a  precious  green  stone). 

It  is  worthy  of  note  how  in  this  picture  the  artist  has  expressed 
the  fact  that  the  god  is  known  in  two  different  forms.  The  face, 
decorated  with  headband  and  feather  crown,  looks  forth  from  the 
gaping  jaws  of  a  skull,  which  has  the  same  headband  and  feather 
crown.  I  think  we  may  accept  it  as  beyond  question  that  the  human 
face  is  intended  to  represent  the  star  as  it  appears  in  the  eastern  sky 
above  the  rising  sun,  Avhile  the  skull  mask,  on  the  other  hand,  repre- 


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[BULL.  28 


sents  the  star  Avhich,  hurrying  after  the  setting  sun,  as  the  Mexicans 
imagined,  descends  into  the  earth,  the  underworld. 

The  breast  ornament  is  also  significant.  It  is  a  white  ring,  sup- 
posed perhaps  to  be  made  from  a  mussel  shell,  with  which,  besides 
this  god,  not  only  the  god  Tezcatlipoca  in  particular,  but  also  Uitzilo- 
pochtli  and  his  image,  Painal,  are  ornamented.  In  the  technical 
description  this  ornament  is  designated  in  the  case  of  the  latter  god 
as  "his  golden  ring''  (iteocuitlaanauauh) ,  or  "his  breast  mirror" 
(eltezcatl) . 

The  same  elements  as  those  in  the  figure  described  above  are  found 
in  the  picture  of  the  Tonalamatl  of  the  Aubin-Goupil  collection 
placed  at  the  ninth  division  figure  93).  Here,  on  the  left,  is  the  fire 
god,  and  opposite  to  him,  on  the  right  side  of  the  picture,  is  Tlauiz- 
calpan  tecutli,  the  divinity  of  the  morning  star.  The  striped  white 
painting  of  the  body,  the  black  dominolike  painting  around  the  eyes 
bordered  with  small  white  circles,  the  headband  with  the  two  pointed 
ovate  white  objects  affixed  to  it,  the  crown  of  dark  feathers,  and  the 
ring  worn  as  a  breast  ornament  are  to  be  seen.  Only,  here,  instead 
of  the  quetzal  feathers,  water  and  fire  (atl  tlachinolli) ,  symbolic 
of  war,  project  from  the  feather  croAvn,  and  the  skull  mask  hangs 
down  at  the  back  of  the  headdress.  Instead  of  the  hieroglyph 
ce  Acatl,  "  1  reed  there  is  only  the  figure  of  a  blazing  star  in  the 
middle  of  the  picture.  Under  it  there  are  some  other  special  sym- 
bols: the  sign  of  fire,  an  animal  resembling  a  dog  (xolotl),  and  the 
bag  (matlauacalli)  and  arrow  of  the  hunting  god. 

The  pictures  which  accompany  the  ninth  section  in  the  tonalamatl 
of  the  Borgian  codex  and  Codex  Vaticanus  B  are  somewhat  different. 
In  the  picture  of  the  Borgian  codex  («,  figure  94)  the  morning  star 
is  on  the  left  side  confronting  the  fire  god,  who  occupies  the  right 
side  of  the  picture.  The  former  is  all  Avhite,  not  white  with  red 
stripes,  and  has  the  deep  black  dominolike  painting  around  the 
eyes,  but  lacks  the  border  of  small  white  circles.  The  headband 
and  feather  crown  are  the  same  as  to  their  elements  as  those  in  a  and 
figure  93,  except  that  here  two  bands  terminating  in  balls  of 
down  project  on  either  side.  The  god  wears  as  a  breast  ornament, 
not  the  ring,  but  a  broad  rectangular  plate,  painted  blue,  which  is 
probably  meant  to  represent  turquoise  mosaic.  He  wears  a  nose  peg 
of  the  same  form  as  those  usual  in  the  pictures  of  Tezcatlipoca. 

In  the  corresponding  picture  of  Codex  Vaticanus  B  (^,  figure  94) 
the  morning  star  is  represented  on  the  right  side.  He  is  striped 
white  and  red,  has  the  same  dominolike  painting  around  the  eyes, 
and  wears  the  ring  as  a  breast  ornament,  and  also  Tezcatlipoca's 
nose  peg.  The  same  elements  are  to  be  distinguished  in  the  head- 
band and  feather  crown,  despite  the  somewhat  uncertain  drawing, 
as  in  the  corresponding  articles  of  dress  of  the  other  figures,  except 


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VENUS  PERIOD  IN   PICTURE  WRITINGS 


363 


that  here  a  large  bunch  of  quetzal  feathers  (lrooi:)S  from  the  crown. 
A  similar  ornament  is  displayed  on  a  number  of  other  deities  in  this 
manuscript. 


d  e 

Fig.  94.   Figures  of  the  fire  god  and  other  deities,  from  the  Mexican  codices. 


The  statements  made  by  the  historians  regarding  the  exactness 
with  which  the  ancient  Mexicans  observed  the  appearance  and  reap- 
pearance of  the  planet  Venus  have  recently  received  surprising  cor- 


364 


BUREAU  or  AMEEICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


roboration  through  Forstemann's  researches  respecting  the  Maya 
manuscript  of  the  Royal  Public  Library  at  Dresden.  As  Forste- 
mann  has  proved  in  his  elucidation  of  this  manuscript  published 
in  the  year  1886  the  apparent  revolution  of  Venus,  which  is  made 
in  584  days  (exactly,  583  days  and  ^22  hours),  is  represented  five 
tim@^  in  succession  on  the  remarkable  pages  46  to  50,  and  each  time 
diviid^id  into  periods  of  90,  250,  8,  and  236  days.  These  90,  250,  8,  and 
23fV  days  are  specified  on  each  of  the  pages  by  days  named  accord- 
ing to  the  tonalamatl  system  having  these  intervals  between  them, 
by  month  dates,  and  lastly  by  rows  of  numerals.  Forstemann's 
hypothesis  is  that  therel)y  the  90  days  are  reckoned  as  the  period  of  the 
planet's  invisibility  during  its  superior  conjunction,  the  250  days  as 
the  period  of  its  appearance  in  eastern  elongation  (as  the  evening 
star),  the  8  days  as  the  period  of  its  invisibility  during  inferior 
conjunction,  and  the  236  days  as  the  period  of  its  visibility  in  west- 
ern elongation  (as  the  morning  star).  The  difference  between  the 
period  of  invisibility  during  inferior  and  superior  conjunctions  is  ex- 
plained by  the  fact  that  in  superior  conjunction  Venus  passes  behind 
the  sun ;  hence,  owing  to  the  parallel  movement  of  the  two  heavenly 
bodies,  a  far  longer  period  is  required  than  in  inferior  conjunction. 
Under  the  assumption  that  the  planet  is  invisible  during  the  entire 
period  in  which  it  is  distant  less  than  10  degrees  from  the  sun, 
Forstemann  computed  the  duration  of  its  invisibility  in  inferior 
conjunction  at  about  12  days,  in  superior  conjunction  at  from  77 
to  80  days.  He  goes  on  to  say  that  at  the  time  of  superior  conjunc- 
tion Venus  is  seven  times  farther  away  from  the  earth  than  at  the 
time  of  inferior  conjunction,  and  the  remoteness  from  the  time  of 
its  greatest  bi'illianc}'  is  also  much  greater  than  at  the  latter  period; 
hence  it  would  be  necessary  to  alloAV  more  than  10  degrees  distance 
from  the  sun  for  it  to  be  again  clearly  visible.  Thus  the  assump- 
tion of  90  days  for  its  invisibility  during  superior  conjunction  would 
be  warranted.  The  assumption  of  8  days  for  its  invisibilty  during 
inferior  conjunction,  which  is  shorter  by  4  days  than  the  computed 
period  of  invisibility,  Forstemann  believes  can  be  defended  by  ref- 
erence to  the  clear  sky  of  Yucatan  and  the  sudden  coming  on  of  night. 
The  difference  in  the  periods  of  visibility,  which  are  generally 
accepted  as  243  days  each,  but  need  not,  of  course,  be  exactly  equal, 
Forstemann  says  he  is  unable  to  explain  more  definitely. 

Let  me  say  at  the  outset  that  I  have  not  yet  found  these  de- 
tailed accounts  of  the  periods  of  visibility  and  invisibility  specified 
in  Mexican  picture  writings,  but  the  passage  from  the  Anales  de 
Quauhtitlan,  which  I  translated  above,  contains  the  definite  statement 
of  a  period  of  8  days  from  the  time  of  the  planet's  disappearance  as 
the  evening  star  until  it  appears  as  the  morning  star.  At  the  time 
when  the  planet  (as  the  evening  star)  was  visible  in  the  sky  Quetzal- 


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VENUS  PERIOD  IN   PICTURE  WRITINGS 


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coatl  (lied  (yn  yuh  quitoa  yn  iciiac  necico  jn  mic  Quetzalcoatl). 
And  Avhen  Quetzalcoatl  was  dead  he  was  not  seen  for  4  days; 
they  said  that  then  he  dwelt  in  the  underworld,  and  for  4  more 
da3's  he  was  bone  (that  is,  he  was  emaciated,  he  was  weak)  ;  not  until 
8  days  had  passed  did  the  great  star  appear  (ye  chicueylhuitica 
yn  necico  huey  citlalli),  that  is,  as  the  morning  star.  They  said  that 
then  Quetzalcoatl  ascended  the  throne  as  god  (yn  quitoaya  Quetzal- 
coatl quitoa  ya  ycuac  moteuhtlali). 

Even  though  it  has  not  yet  been  possible  to  prove  that  periods  of 
visibilit}^  and  invisibility  are  given  in  detail  in  the  Mexican  picture 
manuscripts,  the  total  outcome  of  pages  40  to  50  of  the  Dresden  manu- 
script, the  apparent  revolution  in  584  days  five  times  repeated  and 
these  five  revolutions  repeated  thirteen  times,  is  distinctly  set  down  on 
certain  pages  of  the  Borgian  codex  group  and,  moreover,  the  pic- 
tures which  accompan}^  the  dates  and  series  of  numerals  on  pages  46 
to  50  of  the  Dresden  manuscript  have  their  parallels  on  the  same 
pages  of  the  picture  manuscript  of  the  Borgian  codex  group.  The 
Venus  period  is,  generally  speaking,  the  leitmotif  for  a  large  number 
of  the  pages  of  these  manuscripts. 

In  the  584  days  which  constitute  the  period  of  the  apparent  revolu- 
tion of  Venus  the  tonalamatl  of  200  days  is  contained  twice,  with  a 
remainder  of  G4  days.  It  folloAvs,  therefore,  that  if  one  Venus  period 
begins  at  the  first  of  the  twenty  day  signs,  the  beginnings  of  the  fol- 
lowing Venus  periods  fall  on  the  fifth,  ninth,  thirteenth,  and  seven- 
teenth signs,  and  the  initial  day  of  the  sixth  Venus  period  is  again 
designated  by  the  same  sign  as  that  of  tlie  first ;  but  the  numeral 
joined  with  the  sign  of  the  initial  day  of  the  sixth  period  is  not  the 
same  as  that  of  the  initial  day  of  the  first.  In  other  Avords,  but  five  of 
the  tAventy  signs,  Avhich  form  the  basis  of  the  tonalamatl,  fall  on  the 
initial  days  of  the  successive  Venus  periods.  This  important  fact  ex- 
plains, first  and  foremost,  as  it  seems  to  me,  the  familiar  arrangement 
of  the  tonalamatl  in  columns  of  five  signs  each.  We  see  this  arrange- 
ment carried  out  in  detail  in  the  tonalamatl  at  the  beginning  of 
each  of  the  three  picture  writings  of  our  group:  the  Borgian, 
Vaticanus  B  (no.  3773  of  the  iuA^entory),  and  Bologna  codices. 
It  is  also  implied  on  many  other  pages  of  these  manuscripts  and  in  a 
large  majority  of  the  representations  of  the  Maya  manuscripts.  This 
important  fact  explains,  above  all,  AAdiy  fiA^e  successive  Venus  periods 
have  been  grouped  together  as  a  unit,  as  on  pages  46  to  50  of  the 
Dresden  manuscript.  In  view  of  this  fact  it  should  be  considered 
as  in  a  manner  merely  accidental  that  this  period  of  five  Venus  pe- 
riods Avas  exactly  equal  to  8  solar  years,  reckoning  each  solar  year  at 
365  days.  If  this  period  of  five  Venus  periods  occurs  in  thirteen 
repetitions  on  the  same  pages  46  to  50  of  the  Dresden  manuscript,  this 
is  indeed  quite  sufficiently  and,  in  my  opinion,  solely  to  be  explained 


366 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


by  the  notation  of  days  furnished  by  the  tonalamatl.  The  great 
period  obtained  in  this  Avay,  which  consisted  of  13X5  revolutions  of 
Venus,  possessed  this  peculiarity,  that  after  its  expiration  the  initial 
day  of  the  Venus  period  again  received  the  same  sign  and  the  same 
numeral.  This  great  period  corresponded,  therefore,  in  its  nature 
to  the  cycle  of  52  solar  3^ears,  which  had  the  same  characteristic. 
It  should  again  be  considered  as  in  some  degree  merely  accidental  that 
this  period  of  13X5  Venus  periods  was  also  equal  to  13X8  or  2X52 
solar  years. 

A  period  of  five  Venus  periods  is  recorded  distinctly,  though  the 
details  of  the  computation  are  not  given,  on  page  25  of  the  Borgian 
codex  (Kingsborough,  page  14),  which  corresponds  to  page  70,  Codex 
Vaticanus  B  (Kingsborough,  page  27).  There  are  four  large  figures 
of  gods  placed  in  the  four  corners  of  the  page.  Accompanying  them 
arc  the  twenty  day  signs,  peculiarly  disposed  to  convey  the  idea  of 
rotation  in  a  direction  opposite  to  that  of  the  hands  of  a  clock.  In 
the  middle  of  the  page,  enlarged  and  inclosed  in  a  square  field  of  its 
own,  is  the  seventeenth  day  sign  Olin,  "  movement and  beside  it  are 
twice  five  dots,  which  together  represent  the  numeral  10.« 

The  first  day  sign,  Cipactli,  is  placed  beside  a  figure,  which  is 
reproduced  in  c  (from  the  Borgian  codex)  and  d  (from  Codex 
Vaticanus  B),  figure  9-1.  We  readily  recognize  the  striped  white 
body  coloring  and  the  deep  black  painting,  like  a  domino,  around  the 
eyes,  just  as  they  have  become  familiar  to  us,  of  Tlauizcalpan 
tecutli,  the  divinity  of  the  morning  star.  Here,  however,  he  wears, 
instead  of  the  crown  of  dark  feathers,  a  wig  of  white  down,  and  on 
it  a  tuft  from  which  two  dark  eagle  feathers  project.  In  c  (figure 
94),  he  wears  as  a  breast  ornament  a  plate  like  that  which  we  saw 
in  a  (same  figure).  Both  representations  c  and  like  the  others  on 
this  page,  hold  a  spear  thrower  and  a  bundle  of  spears  in  their  hands. 
We  are  forced  to  recognize  the  divinity  of  the  morning  star  in  this 
figure.  The  god  may,  however,  here  have  special  form,  be  repre- 
sented in  a  special  role.  Now  if  the  fact  that  the  morning  star  occu- 
pies the  first  place  among  the  four  figures  gives  rise  to  the  supposi- 
tion that  this  page  refers  to  a  period  of  time  which  is  measured  by  the 
movements  of  the  morning  star,  this  supposition  becomes  a  certainty 
by  reason  of  the  large  and  conspicuous  date  which  occupies  the  middle 
of  the  page.  For  matlactli  Ollin,  "  10  movement  is  precisely  the  day 
with  which  the  fifth  period  of  584  days  must  begin  if  the  first  began 
with  ce  Cipactli,  "  1  crocodile  ",  the  initial  day  of  the  tonalamatl. 
It  is  therefore  the  five  Venus  periods  that  are  intended  to  be  repre- 

« The  nv.meral  11  is  incorrectly  set  down  on  the  page  of  Codex  Vaticanus'.  There 
is,  besides,  on  this  page,  a  reversal  of  the  direction  of  the  rotary  movement  indicated  by 
the  day  signs,  in  that  three  day  signs  are  there  set  down  in  order  opposed  to  the  general 
direction. 


selek] 


VENUS  PERIOD  IN  PICTURE  WRITINGS 


367 


sented  on  this  page,  and  they  are  evidently  meant  to  be  assigned. here 
to  the  five  cardinal  points.  Tlauizcalpan  tecutli,  the  lord  of  the  morn- 
ing dawn,  as  we  have  seen,  officiates  as  regent  of  the  first  period,  the 
one  beginning  with  1  Cipactli,  which  Avould  therefore  correspond  to 
the  east.  In  the  second  division,  as  indicated  by  the  rotary  movement, 
Xipe  Totec,  "  our  lord,  the  flayed  one  ",  is  represented,  brandishing 
his  rattle  board  (chicauaztli) ,  as  lord  of  the  second  period  (begin- 
ning with  13  Coatl),  which  would  correspond  to  the  north;  in  the 
third  period  (beginning  with  12  Atl),  which  must  correspond  to  the 
west,  is  Tlaloc,  the  rain  god;  and  in  the  fourth  (beginning  with  11 
Acatl),  belonging  to  the  south,  is  a  remarkable  and  rarely  represented 
god  that  I  formerly,  but  probably  incorrectly,  identified  with 
Tepeyollotl,  who  has  the  bicolored,  half  red  and  half  black,  face 
painting  of  Quetzalcoatl,  heavy  beard  and  e3^ebrows,  and  a  bundle 
of  stone  knives  before  his  mouth.  The  fifth  period  is  only  desig- 
nated by  its  initial  date,  10  Ollin.  The  fifth  cardinal  point,  the 
center,  or  direction  from  above  downward,  would  belong  to  it.  The 
name  of  the  day  may  have  been  designation  enough  for  it,  since 
Olin,  or  more  correctly  tlal-olin,  signified  earthquake  to  the  Mexicans. 

I  think  I  am  able  also  to  recognize  the  Venus  period  in  a  series  of 
very  remarkable  representations  which  occur  in  like  manner  in  three 
manuscripts  of  this  group — in  the  Borgian  codex,  on  pages  15  to  17 
(Kingsborough,  pages  24  to  22),  in  Codex  Vaticanus  B,  on  the  upper 
half  of  pages  33  to  42  (Kingsborough,  pages  81  to  90),  and  in  the 
Fejervary  codex  (Kingsborough,  pages  22  to  16).  There  are  four 
rows  of  five  gods  each.  The  figures  in  each  row  are  represented  as 
engaged  in  the  same  act.  The  actions  themselves  I  am  forced  to 
designate  as  symbolic  representations  of  sacredotal  functions. 

In  the  first  row  the  gods  are  each  represented  as  boring  out,  with 
a  pointed  bone,  the  eye  of  a  naked  human  figure  standing  before  them 
(6,  figure  94).  This  is  a  familiar  symbol  of  priesth^  castigation, 
self-infliction  of  wounds  and  letting  of  blood  in  honor  of  the  gods, 
which  were  the  most  usual  religious  acts  among  the  Mexicans,  and 
were  necessary  as  a  preparation  for  every  serious  undertaking."  The 
Mexicans  called  it  nezoliztli,  "  to  prick  one's  self  ";  nenacaztequiliztli 
nenenepiltequiliztli,  "  to  make  incisions  in  one's  ear  and  tongue  ". 

In  the  second  roAv  the  gods  are  offering  a  miniature  representation 
of  themselves  with  a  gesture  which  unmistakably  expresses  giving, 
presenting  {a  to  figure  95).  This  is  doubtless  a  symbolic  expres- 
sion of  tlacamictiliztli,  "human  sacrifice";  for  at  all  feasts  where 

«  In  my  treatise  on  the  TonalamatI  of  the  Aubin  collection  (Comptes  rendiis  du  Congres 
International  des  Americanistes,  Berlin,  1888)  I  have  spoken  in  different  places  (pp.  548 
and  689)  in  regard  to  this  boring  out  of  the  eye  as  a  symbol  of  castigation  and  bloodlet- 
ting. The  strongest  proof  is  obtained  by  comparing  the  homologous  representations  in 
Codex  Telleriano-Remensis  II,  pp.  26,  27,  (seventeenth  tonalamati  division,  ce  Atl,  "1 
water")  and  the  Borgian  codex,  p.  10  (Kingsborough,  p.  29),  above  on  the  right  (eight- 
eenth day  sign,  Tecpatl,  "  flint  "). 


368 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


human  beings  were  sacrificed  at  least  one  of  the  victims  was  painted 
and  dressed  in  precisely  the  same  manner  as  the  idol  to  whom  the 
feast  was  given,  and  was  offered  to  the  idol  as  its  own  image. 

The  representations  in  the  third  row  are  more  difficult  to  explain. 
The  gods  are  depicted  here  with  a  naked  human  form  kneeling  or 
lying  before  each  one — one  figure  of  the  Codex  Vaticanus  is  repre- 


Fio.  95.   Figures  of  supposed  deities,  Mexican  codices. 

sented  with  his  breast  cut  open,  lying  directly  on  the  sacrificial  stone — • 
from  whose  body  they  draw  a  yellow  strip  with  wavy  outlines  that 
ends  in  flowers,  precious  stones,  and  straps  with  bells  {e  and  /).  This 
strip  begins  at  the  abdomen,  so  that  it  looks  very  much  as  if  the 
intestines  were  being  drawn  from  the  body  of  the  figure.  This  did 
indeed  occur  among  certain  tribes  as  an  act  of  torture  or  sacrifice,  as 
can  be  gathered  from  a  few  passages,  but  it  was  by  no  means  a  univer- 
sal religious  ceremony.    On  the  other  hand,  the  color  of  this  strip, 


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VENUS  PERIOD  IN  PICTURE  WRITINGS 


369 


which  is  yellow,  in  the  Codex  Vaticanus  even  dotted  yellow  and  red, 
and  the  wavy  outlines  forcibly  recall  the  manner  in  which  the  skin 
flayed  from  a  human  being,  Xipe's  usual  attire,  is  commonly  repre- 
sented in  the  picture  writings.  Since  Xipe  Totec  is  placed  among  the 
five  gods  of  this  particular  row,  I  am  convinced  that  the  act  of  tearing 
olf  the  strip  is  meant  to  represent  the  tlacaxipeualiztli,  "  flaying  of 
the  victim  which  was  customary  at  the  feast  of  Xipe  Totec  and  also 
at  the  feasts  of  the  earth  goddess. 

In  the  fourth  row  five  female  divinities  are  represented  as  offering 
the  breast  to  a  naked  human  form  {a,  figure  96).    I  believe  that  this 


/ 

Fig.  96.   Mexican  deities  and  Maya  hieroglyphs. 

row  is  intended  to  represent  the  "  nourishing "  of  the  gods,  the 
tlatlatlaqualiliztli,  which  was  the  concluding  act  of  the  sacrifice,  and 
consisted  in  moistening  the  mouths  of  the  idols  with  the  blood  of  the 
victims  by  means  of  a  strip  of  paper  or  a  rod  dipped  in  the  blood, 
which  had  been  caught  in  a  bowl. 
7238— No.  28—05 — -24 


370 


BUKEAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


All  the  figures  of  the  four  rows  are  accompanied  by  day  signs,  four 
with  each  figure,  placed  in  the  order  in  which  they  follow  each  other, 
so  that  eight}^  day  signs  in  all,  or  the  twenty  day  signs  repeated  four 
times,  are  set  down  on  these  pages.  Elighty  days  have  no  distinguish- 
able direct  significance  as  a  division  of  time.  They  denote  a  definite 
division  neither  of  the  tonalamatl,  nor  of  the  year,  nor  of  any  other  of 
the  usual  periods  of  time.  For  80  days  before  the  principal  feast  the 
priests  fasted  and  scourged  themselves.  To  fast  4  days  was  the  com- 
mon practice,  and  it  was  the  custom  to  fast  full  20  days  on  especially 
solemn  occasions  or  for  especially  urgent  reasons;  but  the  priests, 
whose  calling  obliged  them  to  perform  more  than  was  required  of 
ordinary  mortals,  fasted  4X20  days.  I  do  not  believe,  however,  that 
such  questions  have  an}^  connection  whatever  with  these  pages.  On 
the  other  hand,  it  is  significant  that  the  rows  are  always  composed  of 
fiv-e  figures.  So  are  the  first  signs  which  accompany  the  figures, 
which  are  always  the  following  five :  Cipactli,  "  alligator  " ;  Coatl, 
"  serpent  " ;  Atl,  "  water  *' ;  Acatl,    reed  " ;  Ollin,  "  movement 

These  are  precisely  the  signs  which  fall  on  the  initial  days  of  the 
Venus  periods  Avhen  the  first  period  begins  with  the  initial  sign  of 
the  tonalamatl,  Cipactli.  I  believe  it  is  intended  here  to  desig- 
nate the  initial  days  of  the  Venus  periods,  and  that  the  three  other 
signs  which,  in  addition  to  these  initial  signs,  are  placed  beside  the 
figures  serve  merely  to  connect  one  initial  sign  with  the  other,  pre- 
cisely as  in  the  representation  of  the  Venus  periods  immediately  to 
be  discussed;  but  as  regards  the  ceremonies  which  are  represented  on 
these  pages,  and  which  J  have  explained  more  fully  above,  I  believe 
that  they  all  refer  to  the  initial  day  of  the  Venus  period. 

We  have  seen  that  the  first  appearance  of  the  planet  Venus  in 
the  (eastern)  sky  was  celebrated  with  solemn  human  sacrifices  in 
Mexico  and  especially  among  the  tribes  on  the  borders  of  another 
linguistic  territor}^,  the  people  of  Tehuacan,  Coscatlan,  and  Teotit- 
lan  del  camino,  among  whom  this  star  was  held  in  special  veneration. 
AYhat  I  see  represented  on  these  pages  is  the  regents  of  twent}^  Venus 
periods,  or,  perhaps,  more  correctly,  four  regents  for  each  of  five 
successive  Venus  periods,  and  the  religious  ceremonies  which  were 
devoted  to  them  at  the  beginning  of  the  period. 

Within  each  of  the  four  rows  of  regents  we  must,  I  think,  assume 
an  arrangement  coinciding  with  the  five  cardinal  points.  In  the  mid- 
dle of  the  rows,  in  the  third  place,  stands  ahvays  either  the  death  god 
or  (in  the  third  row)  Tezcatlipoca,  with  bandaged  eyes,  who  is  to  be 
regarded  as  the  god  of  the  earth  or  of  the  interior  of  the  earth.  These 
figures,  I  think,  should  be  regarded  as  coinciding  Avith  the  fifth  cardi- 
nal point,  the  region  of  the  middle,  or  the  downward  direction.  In 
what  way  the  other  figures  are  assigned  to  the  cardinal  points  I  will 
not  venture  to  assert,  because,  according  to  the  subject  with  which 


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VENUS  PERIOD  IN   PICTURE  WRITINGS 


871 


the  particular  representation  Avas  concerned,  sometimes  one  and  some- 
times the  other  deity  was  assigned  to  a  certain  point,  and  it  thus  fre- 
quently happened  that  the  same  deity  dominated  sometimes  one  and 
sometimes  another  point  of  the  compass. 

I  have  still  to  discuss  some  figures  that  occur  on  these  pages  which 
are  important  for  the  principal  representation  to  be  explained  below. 
They  are  «,  and  d  of  figure  95,  given  above.  They  occupy  the 
fourth  and  fifth  places  in  the  second  row ;  that  is,  in  the  row  of  gods 
who  express  the  idea  of  human  sacrifice  by  holding  out  a  miniature 
image  of  themselves  with  a  gesture  expressive  of  giving.  Thus,  the 
rain  god,  who  is  in  the  second  place,  otFers  a  miniature  image  of 
himself,  painted  black,  with  the  familiar,  characteristic,  and  easily 
recognizable  face  of  Tlaloc.  The  death  god  holds  out  a  small  death 
god,  who  is  identical  in  drawing  and  color  with  the  larger  figure. 
In  the  cases  of  a  and  figure  95,  which  occupy  the  fourth  and  fifth 
places  in  this  row,  it  is  remarkable  that  the  image  which  they  hold 
out  is  the  same  in  both  cases,  and  above  all  that  it  coincides  with  6, 
figure  95,  which  occupies  the  fifth  place  in  the  row.  We  shall  have  to 
conclude  that  a  is  the  same  god  as  Z>,  likewise  that  c  is  the  same  god  as 
(U  and  that  a  and  c  are  only  different  manifestations  of  the  divinity 
represented  in  h  and  d.  Now,  h  and  d  are  indentical  with  c  and  dy 
figure  94,  given  above;  that  is,  they  are  pictures  of  the  deity  of  the 
planet  Venus,  of  the  morning  star,  perhaps  in  his  special  role  of 
hunting  god  and  war  god.  Hence  we  must  infer  that  a  and  c,  figure 
95,  also  represent  the  deity  of  the  morning  star.  In  fact,  a  has  pre- 
cisely the  same  headdress  as  the  figure  of  Tlauizcalpan  tecutli,  Avho 
presides  over  the  ninth  section  of  the  tonalamatl  in  the  Borgian  codex 
(see  (2,  figure  94).  The  body  coloring  is  also  the  same,  and  the 
breast  ornament  is  the  ring  usually  found  in  the  representations  of  the 
deity  of  the  morning  star.  The  face  painting  alone  is  different,  being 
black,  with  two  deep  black  transverse  stripes  running  across  the 
face  on  a  level,  respectively,  with  the  eyes  and  the  corner  of  the 
mouth  and  with  four  round,  white  spots,  as  seen  in  the  profile  view, 
which  in  the  front  view  must  have  been  five  white  circles  arranged 
in  a  quincunx  (see  figure  96).  If  we  imagine  this  quincunx  of 
white  circles  to  be  inclined  about  45  degrees,  I  believe  we  have 
before  us  what  Forstemann  has  proved  to  be  the  hieroglyph  of  the 
planet  Venus  in  the  Maya  manuscripts  (see  c  and  e).  Glyphs  a  and 
<?,  figure  95,  seem  to  me  to  represent  the  divinity  of  the  planet  Venus, 
with  the  hieroglyph  of  that  planet  painted  on  his  face.  Now,  as 
in  a  and  6,  figure  93,  we  found  the  deity  of  the  morning  star  repre- 
sented with  a  death's-head  as  a  helmet  mask,  evidently  expressing 
the  other  form,  the  disguise  of  this  deity,  the  planet  as  the  evening 
star;  so  we  likewise  find  parallel  figures  to  the  figure  painted  with 
the  hieroglyph  of  Venus,  which  represent  the  divinity  with  the 


372 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


same  attributes  and  the  same  face  painting,  but  with  a  death's-head 
instead  of  a  human  face  (see  /,  figure  96,  and  a,  figure  97,  which 


d 

Fig.  97.   Deity  figures  from  Mexican  codices. 


are  on  the  same  superb  page  19  of  the  Borgian  codex,  Kingsborough, 
page  20). 


seler] 


VENUS  PERIOD  IN  PICTURE  WRITINGS 


373 


After  these  introductory  remarks,  I  can  now  pass  to  the  principal 
representation,  found  on  pages  58  and  54  of  the  Borgian  codex 
(Kinsborough,  pages  62  and  61) ,  which  correspond  to  pages  80  and  84 
of  Codex  Vaticanus  B  (Kingsborough,  pages  17  to  13)  and  the  like 
place  in  the  Bologna  codex,  pages  d  to  11. 

On  page  80  of  the  Vatican  codex  we  see  at  the  right  a  figure  {h, 
figure  97)  which  the  first  glance  proves  is  identical  with  <?,  figure  95, 
and  must  accordingly  represent  the  deity  of  the  planet  Venus  with 
the  hieroglyph  of  that  planet  painted  on  the  face.  Under  the  eyes, 
however,  a  flourish  is  added  which  recalls  the  facial  configuration 
of  certain  personages  represented  in  the  Maya  manuscripts  and  also 
on  pottery  figures  of  Zapotec  and  Maya  (Chiapanec,  Guatemalan) 
origin.  The  quincunx  of  the  face  painting  in  this  figure,  and  the 
same  is  true  of  c,  figure  95,  is  not  so  correctly  expressed  as  in  the 
figures  of  the  better  executed  Borgian  codex.  The  deity  holds  a 
spear  thrower  and  a  bundle  of  spears  in  his  hand.  Before  him  are 
five  circles  like  blazing  stars,  and  opposite  him  is  a  divinity  struck 
by  a  spear.  Precisely  the  same  deity  of  the  planet  Venus,  holding 
spears  and  a  spear  thrower,  occupies  the  right  side  of  the  other  pages. 
The  five  blaziiig  stars  are  repeated  in  a  similar  manner  on  the  other 
four  pages,  except  that  they  are  painted  blue  on  the  second  and 
fourth  pages,  as  on  the  first  page,  but  yellow  on  the  third  and  fifth 
pages.  On  the  other  hand,  the  form  struck  by  the  spear  is  changed, 
its  place  on  the  other  pages  being  filled  partly  by  other  divinities, 
partly  by  certain  symbols. 

I  reproduce  in  figure  97,  the  figure  which  appears  on  the  pages  of 
the  Borgian  codex  in  the  first  of  the  five  divisions.  The  deity  of  the 
planet  Venus  with  the  Venus  hieroglyph  painted  on  his  face  is  again 
readily  recognized,  except  that  here  he  is  represented  with  a  deatVs- 
head,  as  in  a  (page  19  of  the  Borgian  codex).  Here,  too,  the  divin- 
ity holds  the  spear  thrower  and  bundle  of  spears  and  throws  a  spear 
at  a  figure  kneeling  before  him.  The  five  blazing  stars  are  absent. 
In  the  other  divisions  the  divinity  is  not  in  the  Borgian  cod«x 
repeated  in  exactly  the  same  manner  as  it  is  in  the  Vatican  codex. 
The  body  coloring  varies:  On  the  divinity  of  the  first  division  it 
is  white  with  stripes;  on  the  others  it  is  blue,  red,  yellow,  and  again 
white  with  stripes.  In  place  of  the  characteristic  face  of  the  deity 
of  the  planet  Venus  there  are  heads  of  animals  (vulture,  dog,  rabbit) 
m  the  three  following  divisions  and  in  the  last  a  white  death's-head. 
Accessories,  dress,  and  action  are  in  general  precisely  the  same  as 
those  of  the  first  figure.  The  forms  struck  by  the  spear  vary  in 
the  same  way  as  in  the  Vatican  codex,  but  the  order  is  somewhat 
different. 

I  reproduce  in  d  the  group  presented  in  the  first  division  on  the 
pages  of  the  Bologna  codex.    The  homology  between  this  and  the 


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groups  of  the  two  other  manuscripts  is  plain  without  further  descrip- 
tion. Here,  in  the  first  division,  the  principal  figure  is  white  with 
stripes;  in  the  others  it  is  green,  yellow,  broAvn,  and  blue.  The 
forms  struck  by  the  spear  correspond  to  those  of  the  other  manu- 
scripts, but  the  order  is  here  again  somewhat  different. 

In  6  I  have  reproduced  all  the  day  signs  wdiich  are  to  be  seen  with 
the  figure  of  the  first  division,  and  which  in  the  Borgian  codex  are 
set  down  in  exactly  the  same  w^ay  in  the  first  division  beside  c.  They 
are  the  sign  Cipactli  repeated  thirteen  times,  with  thirteen  different 
numerals.  In  the  second  division  we  have  the  sign  Coatl,  "  ser- 
pent instead  of  Cipactli ;  in  the  third,  Atl, "  water  "  ;  in  the  fourth, 
Acatl,  "  reed  " ;  and  in  the  fifth,  Ollin,  "  movement  " ;  that  is  to  say, 
the  five  signs,  already  named  above,  which  fall  on  the  initial  days 
of  the  Venus  periods  when  the  first  period  begins  Avith  the  first  day  of 
ihe  tonalamatl.  There  are  three  other  signs  in  the  body  of  each 
page  of  the  Borgian  and  Vatican  codices,  those  which  connect  the 
resi^ective  sign  with  the  next  one  of  the  five.  In  h  the  signs  Ehecatl, 
Avind  Calli,  "  house  ",  and  Cuetzpalin,  "  lizard  fill  up  the  space 
between  Cipactli  and  Coatl.  The  series  of  day  signs  accompanying 
the  figures  on  the  pages  of  the  Bologna  codex  is  somewhat  differ- 
ently formed.  Here  the  twenty  day  signs  are  depicted,  with  their 
numerals,  as  they  follow  each  other  from  the  first  day  of  the  tonala- 
matl to  the  tAventieth.  The  five  signs,  Cipactli,  Coatl,  Atl,  Acatl, 
Ollin,  however,  are  placed  out  of  rank,  as  they  are  not  drawn  w^ith 
the  numerals  belonging  to  them,  but  of  larger  size  and  with  the 
numeral  1. 

The  dates  set  down  on  the  five  pages  of  the  Vatican  and  Borgian 
codices  by  means  of  numerals  and  signs  are  as  follows: 

1'  8  2  9  3  10  4  11  5  12  6  13  7  Cipactli, "  alligator 

5  12  6  13  7  1  8  2  9  3  10  4  11  Coatl, "  snake ". 

9  3  10  4  11  5  12  6  13  7  1  8  2  Atl,  "water". 

13  7  1  8  2  9  3  10  4  11  5  12  6  Acatl,  "reed". 

4  11  5  12  6  13  7  1  8  2  9  3  10  Ollin,  "movement". 

The  above  are  the  initial  days  of  the  5X13  Venus  periods  which 
together  make  up  the  long  period  mentioned  above  after  the  expira- 
tion of  Avhich  the  initial  day  of  the  Venus  period  has  again  the  same 
numeral  and  the  same  sign.  This  long  period  is  equivalent  to  a 
double  cycle  of  2X52,  or  lOJ:,  solar  years,  and  contains  the  tonalamatl 
146  times.  These  initial  days,  hoAvever,  are  not  set  doAvn  here  in  their 
actual  order  of  succession,  but  are  rather  tabulated  as  they  would  fol- 
loAv  one  another  in  the  tonalamatl.    The  true  order  is: 

1  9  4  12  7  2  10  5  13  8  3  11  (3  Cipactli 

13  8  3  11  0  1  9  4  12  7  2  10  5  Coatl 

12  7  2  10  r>  13  8  3  11  C)  1  9  4  Atl 

11  G  1  9  4  12  7  2  10  5  13  8  3  Acatl 

10  5  13  8  3  11  G  1  9  4  12  7  2  Ollin 


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The  same  13  X'^  Venus  periods  are  recorded  on  pages  40  to  50  of  the 
Dresden  Maya  manuscript,  as  I  have  already  mentioned  above.  In 
the  manuscripts  of  our  group  the  periods  are  merely  indicated  by  the 
initial  dates,  but  in  the  Maya  manuscript,  in  >Yhich  the  actual  length 
of  the  period  is  calculated  in  detail,  these  days  follow  in  their 
real  order  of  succession.  It  is  curious  that  not  one  of  the  initial 
dates  given  on  page  46  of  the  Dresden  manuscript  consists  of  the 
numeral  1.  On  the  other  hand,  in  the  place  where,  according  to 
Forstemann's  interpretation,  the  first  day  of  the  visibilit}"  of  Venus 
as  the  morning  star  sliould  be  recorded,  there  is  set  down  the  date  1?. 
Kan,  or  13  Cuetzpalin  according  to  the  Mexican  nomenclature.  If 
we  assume  that  this  date  is  intended  to  denote,  not  the  beginning  of 
the  planet's  visibility,  but  rather  the  end  of  its  invisibility,  we  should 
have  on  page  46  of  the  Dresden  manuscript  the  day  1  Chicchan,  or 
1  Coatl  in  the  Mexican  nomenclature,  specified  as  the  day  of  its  first 
appearance  as  the  morning  star.  That  this  page  is  actually  intended 
to  express  this  idea  I  would  infer  from  the  fact  that  in  the  tonala- 
matl  the  picture  of  the  morning'  star  stands  in  the  very  division  which 
begins  with  the  day  1  Coatl. 

On  page  46  of  the  Dresden  manuscript  the  period  of  the  visibility 
of  Venus  as  the  morning  star  does  not  occupy  the  first  place.  The 
first  date  denotes  instead,  according  to  Forstemann's  explanation, 
the  beginning  of  the  time  when  the  morning  star  vanishes  in  the  rays 
of  the  rising  sun.  This  first  recorded  date  is  3  Cib,  or  3  Cozcaqua- 
uhtli  in  the  Mexican  nomenclature.  If  we  assume  here  in  turn  that, 
not  the  beginning  of  the  invisibility,  but  the  end  of  the  visibility  is 
denoted  by  this  date,  then  on  this  page  of  the  Dresden  manuscript 
we  should  have  the  da}^  4  Caban,  or  4  Ollin,  as  the  day  on  which  the 
morning  star  is  in  conjunction  with  the  sun.  Since  4  Ollin,  or  naui 
Ollin,  is  considered  a  s3mibol  of  the  sun,  and  this  day  falls  in  a  tonala- 
matl  division  whose  regent  is  Quetzalcoatl,  the  god  identified  with 
the  morning  star,  I  believe  I  have  correctly  interpreted  hereby  the 
meaning  of  this  Maya  page. 

I  find  support  for  these  interpretations  in  pages  71  and  72  of  Co- 
dex Vaticanus  B  (Kingsborougli,  pages  26,  25).  On  the  first  of  these 
two  pages,  which  for  a  long  time  Avas  unintelligible  to  me,  the  day  1 
Coatl  is  represented  rising  from  the  jaws  of  the  earth.  Eight  rep- 
resentations follow,  which  in  a  similar  manner  express  three  addi- 
tional days  joined  Avith  the  numeral  1 ;  but  these  appear  to  be  only 
ornamental  connecting  or  transitional  members,  since  the  fifth  (the 
center)  and  the  ninth  (the  end)  are  again  the  day  1  Coatl. 

On  page  72,  however,  nine  other  representations  folloAv,  figures  of 
gods  drinking  pulque,  Avhich  begin  (b'eloAv  on  the  right)  with  the 
date  naui  Olin  and  the  figure  which  is  designated  by  this  date  also  in 
the  Vienna  manuscript. 


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If  even  in  the  details  of  the  dates  similarities  appear  which  connect 
the  representations  of  the  Maya  manuscripts,  apparently  of  such  dif- 
ferent character,  with  those  of  the  Borgian  codex  group  and  the 
Mexican  manuscripts  in  general,  it  will  not  seem  surprising  that 
analogies  should  also  appear  in  the  groups  of  figures.  These  are  very 
apparent  on  pages  46  to  50  of  the  Dresden  manuscript. 

On  these  five  pages  of  this  manuscript  we  see,  as  in  6,  c,  and  tZ,  fig- 
ure 97,  a  figure  armed  with  the  spear  thrower  and  bundle  of  spears, 
and  under  it,  not  opposite,  another  struck  with  a  spear.  The  form 
armed  with  the  spear  thrower,  and  bundle  of  spears  is  not  the  deity 
of  the  morning  star  repeated  five  times,  as  in  the  representations  of 
the  manuscripts  of  the  Borgian  codex  group,  discussed  above,  but  five 
different  figures,  respecting  whose  significance  I  shall  have  more  to 
say  later.  The  figures  struck  with  the  spear,  on  the  other  hand,  are 
clearly  the  same  as  in  the  representations  of  the  Borgian  codex  group, 
at  least  on  the  first  three  pages. 

On  the  first  page  of  the  Borgian  codex  we  see  struck  by  the  spear 
the  goddess  of  water,  the  Mexican  Chalchiuhtlicue,  "  in  the  water 
6-/  in  the  Bologna  codex  the  same,  d;  also  in  Codex  Vaticanus  (a, 
figure  98),  but  on  the  second,  not  the  first,  page,  for  the  order  here  is 
not  exactly  the  same  as  in  the  Borgian  codex. 

I  reproduce  in  6,  figure  98,  in  hieroglyph  and  full  figure,  the  per- 
sonage struck  by  the  spear  on  page  46,  the  first  of  the  pages  connected 
herewith  in  the  Dresden  manuscript."  It  is  the  same  divinity  as 
the  one  represented  on  page  25  of  the  Dresden  manuscript  as  regent 
of  the  years  beginning  with  Ben,  or  Acatl  of  the  Mexican  nomen- 
clature, /,  and  on  page  7,  as  the  twelfth  in  the  series  of  the  twenty 
gods  called  god  K  by  Schellhas.  The  face  of  this  god  is  distinguished 
by  a  remarkably  proliferous  nose,  and  the  hieroglyph  represents  a 
head  shaped  like  that  of  an  animal,  with  a  projection  on  the  fore- 
head from  which  radiate  two  objects  resembling  tongues  of  flame. 
He  is  very  frequently  represented  on  the  sculptures  of  Copan  and 
Palenque  (compare  h  and  figure  98).  The  nose  is  not  so  strongly 
proliferous  as  in  the  manuscript,  but  in  every  case  it  curves  up- 
ward. The  projection  on  the  forehead,  with  the  two  tongues  of 
flame,  is  never  absent.  On  its  surface  there  are  frequently  two  crossed 
rods  (see  a  and  d,  figure  99),  which  are  explained  by  Dieseldorff 
as  fire  drills,  but  which  may  have  an  astronomic  significance.  The 
god  frequently  has  the  sun  sign,  kin,  on  his  brow.  Professor  Forste- 
mann  supposes  that  this  figure  is  a  storm  deity,  whose  ornamental 

«  The  hieroglyphs  of  the  figures  struck  by  the  spear  are  on  the  right  side  of  the  pages, 
directly  below  the  hieroglyph  of  the  deity  hurling  the  spear.  The  figure  struck  by  the 
spear  is  also  indicated  on  the  page  directly  preceding  p.  46,  p.  24,  which  in  a  certain 
measure  is  an  epitome  of  pp.  46  to  50.  The  first  of  the  two  hieroglyphs,  which  I  have 
given  in  6,  fig.  98,  is  on  p.  24,  the  second  on  p.  46. 


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i  Jc 

Pig.  99.   Figures  and  symbols  of  Maya  and  Mexican  deities. 


VENUS  PERIOD  IN  PICTURE  WRITINGS 


379 


nose  represents  the  blowing  of  the  storm  in  the  conventional  manner 
of  the  Central  American  peoj)les.  Dieseldortf  identifies  him  with 
Kukulcan  the  Quetzalcoatl  of  the  Mexican  races.  I  consider  it 
to  be  almost  beyond  doubt  that  he  represents  the  water  deity.  On 
the  stela^  of  Copan  and  in  Menche  he  appears  as  a  serpent  {d  and 
fignre  99).  In  the  Troano  codex,  page  26,  he  is  the  serpent  on  which 
Chac,  the  rain  god,  rides  figure  98).  In  the  upper  division  of 
page  25  of  the  Dresden  manuscript  the  rain  god  Chac,  borne  along 
by  the  dog-headed  priest,  officiates  as  his  representative.  He  agrees 
generally  with  Chac,  not  in  the  nose  indeed,  which  in  the  rain  god 
curves  doAvnward  and  is  large  but  plain,  but  in  the  whole  shape  of 
the  face  and  in  the  long  teeth  hanging  out,  which  appear  like  the  teeth 
of  Tlaloc  metamorphosed,  the  head  of  which  god  forms  his  hiero- 
glyph (c,  figure  98)  in  one  passage  (page  3)  of  the  Dresden  manu- 
script. From  his  position  as  regent  of  the  Ben,  or  Acatl,  years,  be- 
longing to  the  region  of  the  east,  I  believe  that  the  Yucatec  name 
Ah-Bolon  tzacab,  "  lord  of  the  nine  generations  must  be  regarded 
as  applying  to  him.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  his  hieroglyph  usually 
appears  on  the  sculptures  connected  with  the  numeral  9,  h  and 
figure  98,  and  h  and  figure  99.  In  the  hieroglyph  a,  figure  99,  the 
anterior  portion  is  destroA^ed. 

In  the  Borgia n  codex,  on  the  second  of  the  pages  devoted  to  this 
representation,  Tezcatlipoca  is  seen  struck  by  the  spear  (^,  figure 
99).  The  other  two  manuscripts  (Vaticanus  and  Bologna)  have  in 
his  place  the  jaguar.  A,  but  in  consequence  of  the  altered  order,  on  the 
fifth,  not  on  the  second,  page.  The  jaguar  is  here  to  be  looked 
upon  as  only  another  form  of  the  god  Tezcatlipoca.  Tezcatlipoca 
and  the  jaguar  are  one.  The  second  age  of  the  world,  in  Avhich  the 
giants  lived,  and  in  which  Tezcatlipoca  shone  as  the  sun,  is  called  in 
the  Anales  de  Quauhtitlan  ocelotonatiuh,  "  jaguar  sun  ".  According 
to  the  Historia  de  los  Mexicanos  por  sus  Pinturas  Tezcatlipoca 
changed  himself  into  a  jaguar  and  devoured  the  giants.  It  is  then 
clear  that  there  is  perfect  agreement  with  the  representation  of  the 
Borgian  codex  when  we  see  the  jaguar  struck  b}^  a  spear  on  page  47 
of  the  Dresden  manuscript, 

The  agreement  is  still  more  evident  in  the  third  representation 
In  the  Borgian  codex  it  is  plainly  the  maize  goddess  who  is  repre- 
sented as  struck  by  the  spear,  k.  In  Codex  Vaticanus  the  corre- 
sponding representation  occupies  the  first  place.  This  is  reproduced 
above  in  6,  figure  97.  The  maize  goddess  is  not  here  surrounded  in 
the  same  way  with  ears  of  maize,  but  she  is  characterized  no  less 
by  the  longitudinal  angular  black  lines  on  her  face.  Finally,  in  the 
Bologna  codex,  where  the  corresponding  representation  occupies 

"  In  i,  fiff.  99,  the  first  of  the  two  hieroglyphs  is  derived  from  the  epitomized  repre- 
sentation on  p.  24,  the  second  from  p.  47  itself. 


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the  second  place,  the  quantity  of  maize  ears  introduced  {a^  figure 
100)  again  removes  all  doubt  as  to  the  significance  of  the  figure. 
In  figure  100,  I  have  reproduced  in  picture  and  hierogi3^ph  the 
figure  struck  by  the  spear  on  the  third  page  of  the  Dresden  manu- 
scri]3t,  page  48.  It  is  the  god  "  with  the  kan  sign he  .  who 
occupies  the  eighteenth  place  in  the  series  of  twenty  divinities  at 
the  beginning  of  the  Dresden  manuscript  (c,  figure  100).  He  is  also 
frequently  met  with  elsewhere  in  the  Maya  manuscripts  and  is 
denoted  by  Schellhas  in  his  list  by  the  letter  E.  It  can  be  considered 
as  quite  beyond  a  doubt  that  this  god  represents  the  maize  deity,  and 
from  the  first  he  was  interpreted  as  such  by  Schellhas. 

The  direct  or,  at  least,  the  more  clearly  discernible  agreements  of 
the  Dresden  manuscript  with  the  manuscripts  of  the  Borgian  codex 
group  are  confined  to  these  three  representations.  In  the  fourth  and 
fifth  representations  in  the  manuscripts  of  the  Borgian  codex  group, 
not  persons,  but  symbols  are  depicted  struck  by  a  spear.  On  the 
fourth  page  of  the  Borgian  codex  d  is  represented,  which  corre- 
sponds to  e  in  Codex  Vaticanus.  It  is  a  carved  wooden  seat  cov- 
ered with  a  jaguar  skin  that  has  been  struck  by  a  spear.  In  e, 
over  the  jaguar  skin,  there  is  also  a  mat.  Seat,  jaguar  skin,  and  mat 
are  familiar  badges  of  royalty.  That  they  are  used  here  as  such  is 
made  perfectly  clear  by  the  fact  that  in  Codex  Vaticanus,  there 
is  above  the  symbols  a  form  sitting  on  a  jaguar  skin  with  the 
symbol  of  speech  before  his  mouth — a  speaker,  a  tlatoani;  that  is,  a 
king.  It  belongs  to  the  same  order  of  conceptions  as  that  in  the 
Bologna  codex,  Avhere  the  image  of  the  sun  appears  on  the  throne 
by  the  spear;  for  according  to  a  widespread  notion,  kings  are  the 
sons  of  the  sun.  Piltzinteotl,  or  Piltzintecutli,  "  god  of  princes 
"  master  of  princes  ",  was  a  familiar  name  for  the  sun  god  with  the 
Mexicans. 

The  fifth  page  of  the  Borgian  codex  shows  us  /  struck  by  the 
spear,  a  shield  and  a  bundle  of  spears,  and  above  them  an  eagle's 
head,  familiar  symbols  of  w^ar  and  of  warriors.  The  shield  and 
bundle  of  spears  are  in  a  field  which  is  painted  yellow,  streaked,  and 
beset  with  a  verticillate  design.  This  picture  might  signify  fire  or  a 
burnt  field  or  might  even  be  regarded  as  an  elliptical  representation 
of  the  atl-tlachinolli,  "  water  and  fire  " ;  that  is,  of  Avar.  In  Codex 
Vaticanus  we  have  corresponding  to  those  symbols  in  which  Ave  see 
water  and  a  mountain  Avith  an  eagle  perched  upon  it.  The  eagle  is 
undoubtedly  again  to  be  regarded  as  a  symbol  of  the  warrior.  The 
mountain  is  painted  yelloAv.  Fire  and  the  atl-tlachinolli  might  hence 
perhaps  again  be  suggested.  It  seems  more  probable  to  me,  hoAv- 
ever,  that  the  Avater  and  the  mountain  are  an  expression  for  atl- 
tepetl,  that  is,  altepetl,  or  for  the  aua-tepeua,  "  the  village  ",  the  com- 
munity or  the  toAvnsmen,  in  contradistinction  to  the  king.   In  tlatoani 


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Fig.  100.   Symbolic  figures  from  the  Maya  and  Mexican  codices. 


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[BULL.  2S 


in  altepetl,  "  the  king  and  the  community  are  always  mentioned 
together  in  the  texts. 

The  representations  which  occupy  the  fourth  and  fifth  places  in  the 
Dresden  manuscript  are  apparently  of  an  entirely  different  nature. 
In  the  fourth  place  (page  49)  it  is  the  tortoise  that  is  struck  by  the 
spear,  h.  In  the  fifth  j^lace  (page  50)  we  see  the  figure  of  a  warrior 
characterized  by  a  peculiar  involute  marking  running  over  the  eye, 
which  is  also  distinguishable  in  the  hieroglyph  (a,  figure  101). 
Here  the  last  figure,  at  least,  seems  to  me  to  be  a  parallel  repre- 
sentation to  the  one  which  occurs  in  the  fifth  place  in  the  manuscripts 
of  the  Borgian  codex  group.  That  a  is  particularly  intended  to 
denote  a  warrior  seems  to  me  clear,  from  the  fact  that  this  is  the 
only  one  of  the  five  figures  struck  by  a  spear  who  is  represented  in 
the  act  of  defense,  hurling  the  spear  and  opposing  his  shield  to  ward 
off  the  missile. 

The  tortoise  may  also  afford  a  basis  for  comparison.  It  has  the 
design  of  the  sun  on  its  shell  (see  which  is  taken  from  the  Perez 
codex,  page  2-1).  As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  box  tortoise,  widely  dis- 
tributed over  North  America,  of  which  there  is  a  particular  variety 
occurring  in  ]\Iexico  described  under  the  name  of  Onychotria  mex- 
icana,  has  upon  its  shell  a  yellow  radiate  design,  which  might 
easily  be  looked  upon  as  an  image  of  the  sun.  This  may  be  the  reason 
why  its  hieroglyph,  when  this  does  not  simply  reproduce  the  head  of 
the  animal,  as  in  c,  has  for  its  eye  a  design  similar  to  the  hieroglyph 
of  the  sun.  This  is  the  case  here  (/?,  figure  100)  and  in  the  hiero- 
glyph of  the  uinal  Kayab  {(U  figure  101),  which  likewise  contains  the 
tortoise's  head  as  an  element.  This  may  also  be  the  reason  why  the 
tortoise  is  represented  on  i^age  40  of  the  Dresden  manuscript  with 
torches  in  its  claws.  Perhaps  on  this  account  it  was  regarded  as  the 
sun  animal  and  as  the  royal  animal. 

However  this  may  be,  in  the  first  three  of  the  figures  struck  by  the 
spear,  and,  in  my  opinion,  also  in  the  fifth,  the  analogies  are  perfectly 
plain  between  the  figures  of  pages  46  to  50  of  the  Dresden  manuscript 
and  those  on  the  pages  of  the  Borgian  codex  group  which  are  devoted 
to  a  similar  representation  of  the  13X5  Venus  periods. 

NoAv,  Avhat  inference  are  we  to  draw  from  the  fact  that  on  these 
pages  the  figures  of  the  deity  of  the  morning  star — and  of  those  dei- 
ties, still  to  be  discussed,  that  are  depicted  in  their  place  in  the  Dres- 
den manuscript — are  represented  throwing  the  spear,  and  that  in  one 
case  the  divinity  of  the  water,  in  others  the  jaguar,  the  maize  god,  the 
emblem  of  kings,  and  warriors  representing  the  community  appear 
struck  by  this  spear?  Forstemann  propounds  the  question  as  to 
whether  this  may  be  the  struggle  of  the  sun  with  Venus,  ending  with 
the  disappearance  of  the  latter.  This  view  seems  to  me  to  be  pre- 
cluded here,  for,  as  we  learn  from  the  manuscripts  of  the  Borgian 


VENUS  PERIOD   IN   PICTURE  WRITINGS 


383 


k 

Fig.  101, 


I 

Glyphs  and  deity  flgures  from  the  Maya  codices. 


384 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[HULL.  28 


coclex  group,  Venus  is,  on  the  contrary,  represented  as  the  conquer- 
ing party.  Conjunctions  with  other  constellations  might  seem  to  be 
suggested  here,  for  they  are  in  fact  diiferent  for  the  five  periods. 
That  a  conjunction  of  the  planet  with  other  celestial  bodies  was 
observed  is  positively  proved  by  certain  reliefs  of  Chichen  Itza. 
It  is  also  certain  that  the  jaguar,  the  tortoise,  and  the  serpent  were 
seen  in  the  sky  by  the  Maya  peoples.  It  is,  however,  also  possi- 
ble that  we  have  on  these  pages  simply  an  astrologic  speculation  aris- 
ing from  superstitious  fear  of  the  influence  of  the  light  of  this 
powerful  planet. 

By  a  natural  association  of  ideas  the  ra3^s  of  light  emitted  by  the 
sun  or  other  luminous  bodies  are  imagined  to  be  darts  or  arrows 
which  are  shot  in  all  directions  by  the  luminous  body.  The  more  the 
rays  are  perceived  to  be  productive  of  discomfort  or  injury,  so  much 
the  more  fittingly  does  this  appl}^  In  this  way  the  abstract  noun 
miotl,  or  meyotli,  with  the  meaning  "  ray  of  light",  is  derived  from 
the  Mexican  word  mitl,  "  arrow  Such  abstract  nouns  are  used  in 
Mexican  as  the  concrete  designation  of  the  object  when  the  object 
belongs  to  another  one  in  its  nature  or  properties.  Thus  miotli,  or 
meyotli,  is  the  arrow,  which  belongs  by  nature  to  a  body  sending 
forth  arrows,  a  luminous  body.  Tonalmitl,  or  tonalmeyotli,  are  the 
sun  arrows,  the  sun's  rays;  miotli,  or  meyotli,  alone,  "the  ray". 
F urthermore,  there  is  a  verb,  miyotia,  also  written  mihiotia,  derived 
from  this,  which  means  "  emitting  light " ;  tepan  miyotia,  "  to  beam 
on  anyone  ",  "  to  strike  an3^one  with  its  light  ". 

I  have  already  mentioned  the  fact  that  in  Mexico  certain  influ- 
ences were  ascribed  to  the  planet  Venus,  generally  baleful,  favorable 
in  certain  signs  only;  so  that,  therefore,  when  the  planet  appeared 
anew  in  the  heavens,  smoke  vents  and  chimneys  were  stopped  up  lest 
the  light  should  penetrate  into  the  house.  In  the  Anales  de  Quauhtit- 
lan,  appended  to  the  story  of  the  transformation  of  Quetzalcoatl  into 
the  morning  star,  there  is  a  more  detailed  account  of  these  influences 
ascribed  to  the  light  of  the  planet  Venus.  It  is  a  remarkable  passage, 
of  which  I  give  here  the  literal  translation : 

1.  Auh  yn  iuh  quimatia  And  as  they  (the  ancients,  the  forefathers) 

learned. 

2.  Yniquac  huahieztiuh  When  it  appears  (rises). 

3.  Yn  tleyn  ypan  tonalli  According  to  the  sign,  in  which  it  (rises). 

4.  Cecentlamantin  ynpan  mioytia      It  strikes  different  classes  of  people  with  its 

rays. 

5.  Quinmina  quintlahuilia  Shoots  them,  casts  its  light  upon  them. 

6.  Intla  06  Cipa-ctli  ypan  yauh  When  it  appears  in  the  (first)  sign,  "1 

alligator  ". 

7.  Quinmina  huehuetque  ylamatque  It  shoots  the  old  men  and  women. 

8.  Mochi  yuhqui  yntla  ce  Ocelotl       Also  in  the  (second)  sign,  "  1  jaguar". 

9.  Yntla  ce  Mazatl  In  the  (third)  sign,  "  1  stag'*. 
10.  Yntla  ce  Xochitl  In  the  (fourth)  sign,    1  flower". 


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VENUS  PERIOD  IN   PICTURE  WRITINGS 


385 


11.  Quinmiiia  pipiltotontzin  It  shoots  the  little  children. 

12.  Auh  yntla  cem  Acatl  And  in  the  (fifth)  sign,  "  1  reed". 

13.  Quinmina  tlatoqne  It  shoots  the  kings. 

14.  Moc'hi  yuhqui  yntla  ce  Miquiztli  Also  in  the  (sixth)  sign,  "'l  death". 

15.  Auh  yntla  ce  Quiyahuitl  And  in  the  (seventh)  sign,  "  1  rain". 

16.  Quirainaya  quiahnitl  It  shoots  the  rain. 

17.  Anio  qniyahniz  It  will  not  rain. 

18.  Auh  yntla  ce  Olin  And  in  the  (thirteenth)  si gn,"l  movement". 

19.  Quinmina  telpopochtin  ychpopoch- 

tin  It  shoots  the  youths  and  maidens. 

20.  Auh  yntla  ce  Atl  And  in  the  (seventeenth)  sign,  "  1  water". 

21.  Ye  tohuaquiz  There  is  universal  drought. 

I  would  observe  that  the  reprint  of  the  text  of  these  annals  is 
unfortunately  ver}^  faulty.  I  have,  therefore,  had  to  make  a  few 
slight  corrections,  in  the  ninth  line  substituting  ce  Mazatl  for  ce 
Mecatl,  and  in  the  twelfth  cem  Acatl  for  ce  Mazatl.  The  order  of 
the  signs  in  the  tonalamatl  justifies  these  corrections.  I  would  like, 
however,  to  make  a  third  and  more  important  change.  I  would  like 
to  replace  ce  Quiyahuitl,  in  the  fifteenth  line,  with  ce  Coatl,  "  1 
snake  that  is,  the  ninth  sign  for  the  seventh.  I  believe  this  would 
be  correct,  because  the  introductory  auh,  "  and  ",  is  used  elsewhere  in 
this  passage  only  with  the  signs  of  the  column  Cipactli,  Acatl,  Coatl, 
Ollin,  and  Atl,  and  by  wrong  reading  Quiauitl  may  very  easily  have 
been  substituted  for  Coatl. 

Let  us  admit  this  change,  and  let  us  for  the  present  leave  out  what 
is  said  at  the  signs  ce  Mazatl  and  ce  Xochitl  (lines  9  to  11)  ;  then  we 
have  left  the  five  signs  of  the  column  Cipactli,  Acatl,  Coatl,  Ollin, 
and  Atl,  which,  as  we  haA^e  seeii,  are  in  fact  the  signs  ruling  the  initial 
days  of  the  Venus  periods.  If  we  arrange  them  according  to  their 
true  order,  not  as  they  follow  one  another  in  the  tonalamatl,  then,  in 
the  Anales  de  Quauhtitlan,  the  following  would  be  said  of  the  influ- 
ence of  the  planet  Venus  in  its  five  consecutive  periods : 

1.  In  the  (first)  sign,  Cipactli,  "alligator",  it  shoots  the  old  men  and  women. 

2.  In  the  (ninth)  sign,  Coatl,  "  snake",  it  slioots  the  rain,  it  will  not  rain. 

3.  In  the  ( seven teentli)  sign,  Atl,  "water",  there  is  universal  drought. 

4.  In  the  (fifth)  sign,  Acatl,  "  reed  ",  it  shoots  the  kings. 

T).  In  the  (thirteenth)  sign,  Olin,  "  movement ",  it  shoots  the  youths  and 
maidens. 

Here  it  will  be  seen  at  once  that  as  far  as  the  fourth  and  fifth 
periods  are  concerned  the  statements  of  the  Anales  de  Quauhtitlan 
exactly  agree  with  the  pictorial  representations  of  the  Borgian  codex. 
In  the  Borgian  codex,  too,  we  have  in  the  fourth  period  (t/,  figure 
100)  royalty  struck  by  the  spear,  and  in  the  fifth  (/,  figure  100)  the 
warriors.  The  young  men  (telpochtin)  and  the  warriors  (quauhtin) 
are  essentially,  and  in  the  usage  of  speech,  at  least  in  that  of  Mexico, 
identical.  In  the  third  period  as  well  there  is  exact  agreement 
between  the  accomits  of  the  Anales  and  the  representations  of  the 
7288— No.  28—05 — -25 


886 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bult..  28 


Borgian  codex.  In  the  Borgian  codex  we  saw  in  the  third  period  the 
maize  goddess  struck  by  the  sj^ear  (/.%  figure  99).  The  maize  god- 
dess, how^ever,  is  here  plainly  not  the  divinity  who  dispenses  suste- 
nance in  abundance,  but  the  goddess  called  by  the  interpreter  of  the 
Codex  Telleriano-Remensis  la  que  causava  las  hambres  ("  the  one 
who  causes  famine  ")  ;  for  in  A',  figure  99,  the  maize  ears  are  devoured 
by  worms  painted  white  and  having  death's-heads.  Then,  too,  in 
the  corresponding  representation  of  the  Bologna  codex  {e,  figure  95), 
the  ground  beneath  the  maize  goddess  is  surrounded  by  flames  and 
smoke;  that  is,  it  is  dry  and  barren. 

It  is  more  diflicult,  in  case  the  correction  proposed  above  is  really 
admissible,  to  form  a  clear  idea  in  regard  to  a  possible  agreement  in 
the  second  period  between  the  accounts  of  the  Anales  and  the  repre- 
sentations of  the  picture  writings.  For  the  first  jxTiod,  likewise,  I 
forego,  for  the  present,  any  attempt  to  find  a  tertium  comparationis. 
But  this  much,  I  believe,  is  to  be  learned  from  the  account  in  the 
Anales,  that  it  is  hardly  possible  to  see  anything  else  in  these  figures 
struck  by  the  spear  than  augural  speculations  regarding  the  influence 
of  the  light  from  the  planet,  suggested  by  the  initial  signs  of  the 
periods.  We  shall  have  to  accept  this  as  true,  not  only  for  the  repre- 
sentations of  the  Borgian  codex  group,  but  also  for  the  pictorial  rep- 
resentations and  the  hieroglyphic  text  of  the  Dresden  manuscript. 

It  is  not  wholly  without  interest  that  in  the  passage  of  the  Anales 
de  Quauhtitlan  quoted  above  mention  is  also  made  of  the  augural 
significance  of  the  signs  ce  Mazatl  and  ce  Xochitl  (lines  9  to  11). 
These  are  not  signs  which  have  anything  to  do  with  the  beginnings 
of  the  Venus  periods.  The  first  sign  denotes  the  day  on  which  the 
Ciuapipiltin,  the  specter  women,  the  souls  of  women  who  have  died 
in  childbed,  Avho  live  in  the  west,  come  down  from  heaven  and  strike 
children  Avith  epilepsy.  On  this  day,  therefore,  children  are  kept 
m  the  house.  The  other  sign,  however,  was  dominated  by  a  group 
of  gods  of  whom  Macuilxochitl  or  Auiateotl,  the  god  of  merry- 
making, may  be  considered  typical,  and  who  are  represented  on 
pages  47  and  48  of  the  Borgian  codex  (Kingsborough,  pages  68,  67) 
Avith  the  Ciuapipiltin.  It  may  safely  be  assumed,  I  think,  that  the 
relation  of  these  signs  to  these  deities  is  based  on  the  notion  that  the 
separate  divisions  of  the  tonalamatl,  which  is  arranged  in  columns  of 
five  signs  each,  have  some  mysterious  connection  with  the  four  cardi- 
nal points.  That  it  was  i:)ossible  in  the  Anales  de  Quauhtitlan  to 
designate  whatever  baleful  influence  of  the  planet  Venus  resulted 
from  this  connection  is  only  a  proof  that  the  whole  arrangement 
of  the  tonalamatl  in  columns  of  five  signs  each  owes  its  origin  to  the 
fact  that  the  tonalamatl  has  been  brought  into  accord  with  the 
observed  Venus  period. 


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VENUS  PERIOD  IN   PICTURE  WRITINGS 


387 


It  yet  remains  for  us  to  form  now  a  clear  idea  of  the  meaning  of  the 
personages  who  are  represented  on  pages  46  to  50  of  the  Dresden  man- 
uscript with  spear  throw^ers  and  bundles  of  spears  in  their  hands,  tak- 
ing the  place  of  the  deity  of  the  morning  star  armed  with  a  spear 
throw^er  and  a  bundle  of  spears  of  the  other  manuscripts.  They  are 
depicted  likewise  on  the  right  half  of  the  pages,  but  in  the  division 
near  the  middle.  Their  hieroglyph  is  in  the  text  above  them,  at  the 
beginning  of  the  second  line  and  directly  over  the  hieroglyph  of  the 
figures  struck  by  the  spear,  and  it  is  accompanied  by  the  hieroglyph 
of  the  morning  star  (c,  figure  96),  clearly  signifying  that  these  fig- 
ures are  to  be  considered  the  regents  of  the  five  consecutive  Venus 
periods. 

The  regent  of  the  first  period  is  the  black  god  whom  I  have  repro- 
duced in  form  and  hieroglyph  in  e,  figure  101.^'  His  picture  is  in  the 
tenth  place  (/,  figure  101)  in  the  series  of  the  twenty  divinities  at  the 
beginning  of  the  Dresden  manuscript,  and  also  occurs  many  times 
elscAvhere  in  the  same  manuscript,  for  example,  in  the  middle  and 
lower  divisions  of  page  14  {g  and  figure  101)  and  on  page  74,  the 
closing  page.  He  occurs  in  the  Troano  codex,  pages  33  and  34,  with 
a  scorpion's  tail.  Here  another  black  divinity  appears  to  be  very 
closely  connected  with  him,  who  is  usually  distinguished  from  him 
by  the  hieroglyph  and  the  formation  of  the  face,  but  in  the  Troano 
codex  occurs  in  immediate  relationship  with  him  and  evidently  in 
kindred  representations,  and  likewise  has  a  scorpion's  tail.  Schellhas 
designated  these  two  figures  in  his  list  with  the  letters  L  and  M. 

I  will  indulge  in  no  speculations  respecting  the  character  and  pos- 
sible name  of  this  divinity,  but  only  express  my  personal  view  that 
in  this  god  we  should  recognize  a  form  akin  to  the  fire  god  of  the 
ancient  Mexicans.  We  may  assume,  T  think,  that  he  is  intended  here 
to  denote  the  first  cardinal  point,  or  the  east. 

I  have  reproduced  the  regent  of  the  second  period,  with  his  hiero- 
glyph, in  i.  This  is  a  figure  which  I  have  not  met  elsewhere  in  the 
manuscripts  and  which  is,  therefore,  wanting  in  the  Schellhas  list. 
It  is  safe  to  conclude  that  the  hierglyph  given  in  i  is  really  the  hiero- 
glyphic designation  of  this  particular  god  because  it  occupies  the 
same  place  as  the  known  hieroglyph  of  the  regent  of  the  first  period 
and  because  it  follows  the  hieroglyph  of  that  regent  on  page  24.  The 
body  of  this  god  is  painted  red,  and  on  the  front  of  the  trunk,  which 
faces  the  spectator,  are  draw^n  the  vertebriie  and  ribs  of  a  skeleton. 
The  nose  curves  dow^nward  like  that  of  the  rain  god,  Chac.  The 
other  characteristics  of  that  god,  the  long  crooked  tooth  and  the 
liourish  on  the  bridge  of  the  nose,  are  lacking.  It  seems  to  me  signifi- 
cant that  the  string  of  precious  stones,  hanging  over  in  front  from 


«  The  hieroglyphs  of  the  regents  of  the  Venus  periods  are  also  set  down  on  the  epito- 
mized p.  24,  but  only  those  of  the  regents  of  the  first  two  periods. 


388  BUKEAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY  [bull.  28 

the  headdress,  has,  attached  to  it  by  a  bow,  the  hieroglyph  of  the 
planet  Venus.  I  can  not  refrain  from  comparing  this  hieroglyph 
with  the  figure  drawn  on  pages  80  to  84  of  Codex  Vaticanus  B 
in  front  of  the  breast  of  the  deity  of  the  planet  Venus  (see  6,  figure 
07)  and  which  is  intended  to  represent  an  eye  of  light,  perhaps  a 
star,  as  will  be  seen  by  comparing  it  with  the  bright  sky  figure 
iOl).  I  am,  therefore,  inclined  to  think  that  we  ought  to  recog- 
nize in  our  ^^  figure  101,  the  Maya  representation  of  the  deity  of  the 
morning  star,  or  the  planet  Venus.    The  hieroglyph  corresponds 


/  9 


Fig.  102.   Glyphs  and  deity  figures  from  the  Maya  codices. 

in  its  essential  elements  with  the  principal  hieroglyph  of  the  moan 
bird  (a,  figure  102).  In  interpreting  the  latter  I  made  use  of  the 
oxlahun  taz  muyal,  "  thirteen  layers  of  clouds  which  are  invoked 
in  the  Misa  milpera  Xcanchakan. 

The  regent  of  the  third  period,  with  his  hieroglypli,  is  reproduced 
in  Z),  figure  102.  This  one,  too,  is  not  in  the  Schellhas  list,  nor  are 
the  regents  of  the  last  tAvo  periods.  The  face  exhibits  unmistakable 
animal  characteristics,  and  an  animaFs  ear  can  be  distinguished  above 
the  pierced  ear  disk.  The  hieroglyph  contains  an  element  which 
occurs  as  the  essential  element  in  the  hieroglyph  of  a  god  with  a  deer's 


SELEU] 


VENUS  PERIOD  IN  PICTURE  WRITINGS 


389 


head  in  the  Dresden  manuscript,  r:  also,  it  is  true,  in  the  Troano 
codex,  in  a  hieroglyph  denoting  a  feminine  occupation,  weaving  or 
embroidery,  d. 

The  regent  of  the  fourth  period  is  reproduced  in  c^,  figure  102,  in 
picture  and  hieroglyph.  He  is  obviously  a  warlike  divinit^v.  A  jaguar 
skin  is  wrapped  around  his  hips,  and  he  wears  on  his  breast  a  disk 
apparently  bordered  with  jaguar  skin.  As  headdress  he  wears  the 
conventionalized  head  of  a  bird  having  a  crest.  An  entire  bird  is  worn 
as  an  ear  peg,  with  the  head  stuck  toward  the  front  through  the 
:nuch-enlarged  hole  in  the  lobe  of  the  ear.  There  is  a  serpent's  head 
before  his  mouth  (as  a  nose  peg?),  and  the  head  of  a  bird  projects 
over  his  forehead.  The  face  painting  strikingly  recalls  that  of  the 
Mexican  Tezcatlipoca.  The  hieroglyph,  unfortunately,  is  not  plainly 
drawn.  I  have  therefore  repeated  it  in  /,  somewhat  enlarged.  There 
is  in  front  the  element  which  in  the  hieroglyph  of  the  jaguar  is 
combined  with  the  abbreviated  jaguar  head,  and  in  other  places  is 
associated  with  the  cardinal  point  east,  probably  denoting  a  color 
(red).  It  is  not  difficult  to  recognize  the  element  kin,  "sun",  at 
the  right,  and  in  the  center  a  head  with  a  bleeding,  empty  eye  socket. 
All  these  are  elements  Avhich  might  stand  for  a  war  god. 

Finally,  the  regent  of  the  last  period,  (/,  is  a  god  with  bound  eyes, 
as  is  most  fitting  for  a  deity  of  the  fifth  cardinal  point,  the  downw^ard 
direction,  the  depths  of  the  interior  of  the  earth ;  and  there  is  a  temp- 
tation to  discover  a  Tzontemoc,  "  moving  with  the  head  turned  down- 
ward -',  in  the  hieroglyph,  which  contains  the  sign  Ahua  turned 
upside  down. 

In  the  Dresden  manuscript,  in  the  top  division  on  the  right  side  of 
the  page,  there  are  five  additional  divinities,  who  are  represented 
holding  a  vessel  in  their  hands  and  sitting  on  a  celestial  throne.  But, 
since  there  are  no  corresponding  figures  on  the  pages  of  the  Borgian 
codex  group,  I  shall  not  discuss  them  further  in  this  article. 

In  all  cases  of  the  occurrence  of  the  Venus  period  hitherto  dis- 
cussed the  question  has  been  one  of  multiples  which  naturally  result 
from  the  length  of  the  period  and  the  designation  of  the  days  accord- 
ing to  the  tonalamatl  system.  There  is,  hoAA^ever,  a  representation  in 
the  Borgian  codex,  and  in  no  other  maimscript  of  this  group,  in  which 
the  length  of  the  Venus  period  seems  to  be  compared  directly  with 
the  length  of  the  solar  year  or  to  be  measured  by  it.  In  former 
articles  I  have  taken  occasion  repeatedly  to  call  attention  to  the  sig- 
nificance of  this  beautiful  page  of  the  Borgian  codex,  page  27  (Kings- 
borough,  page  12).  On  this  page  the  four  quarters  of  the  tonalamatl 
and  the  four  quarters  of  the  period  of  52  years,  which  are  desig- 
nated by  their  initial  day  and  their  initial  year,  respectively,  are 
assigned  to  the  four  cardinal  points  in  such  a  manner  that  they  are 
associated  with  four  images  of  the  rain  god,  which  are  placed  in  the 


390 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


four  corners  of  the  page  and  are  colored  differently  (black,  yellow, 
blue,  red)  according  to  the  point  of  the  compass  and  represented  as 
beneficial  or  injurious  to  the  crops.  A  fifth  figure  of  the  rain  god, 
striped  white  and  red,  is  added  in  the  center  to  designate  the  fifth  car- 
dinal point,  the  center,  or  the  direction  from  above  downward;  but 
there  are  naturally  no  dates  corresponding  to  those  given  with  the 
corner  figures,  since  the  four  quarters  suffice  for  the  divisions  of  time. 

Page  69  in  Codex  Vaticanus  B  (Kingsborough,  page  28)  corre- 
sponds to  this  one  of  the  Borgian  codex.  While,  however.  Codex 
Vaticanus  B  is  contented  with  this  one  page,  in  the  Borgian  codex 
the  page  just  described  has  a  parallel  representation  placed  in  juxta- 
position with  it.  In  this  also,  page  28  of  the  Borgian  codex  (Kings- 
borough,  page  11),  there  are  five  figures  of  the  rain  god,  four  dis- 
tributed at  the  corners  and  one  in  the  center.  They,  too,  are  desig- 
nated by  the  supplementary  representations  as  beneficial  or  harmful 
to  the  growth  of  the  crops;  but  there  seems  here  to  be  no  underlying 
reason  for  the  sequence  of  colors.  The  order,  beginning  with  the  east 
and  ending  with  the  center,  is  black,  white  and  red  striped,  yellow, 
black  again,  and  lastly  red.  There  are  dates  with  each  of  the  five  fig- 
ures, three  in  each  division,  which,  unfortunately,  are  partially 
effaced.    As  far  as  they  can  be  distinguished  they  are  as  follow : 

(East)  Black  rain  god   Year  1  Acatl  Day  4  Ollin  ? 

(North)  White  and  red  striped 

rain  god   2  Tecpatl  5  Cipactli  10  Quianitl 

(West)  Yellow  rain  god   3  Calli  9  Atl  7  Coatl 

(South)  Black  rain  god   4  Tochtli  [3]  Atl  ?  Coatl 

(Center)  Red  rain  god   5  Acatl  1  Atl  13  Mazatl 

Five  successive  years,  then,  are  specified  on  this  page,  and  two  days 
are  named  in  each.  The  day  named  in  the  first  year  in  the  first  place 
IS  the  day  4  Ollin,  which,  as  explained  above,  is  referred  to  in  the 
Dresden  manuscript  as  the  day  on  which  the  morning  star  disappears 
in  the  rays  of  the  rising  sun,  or  when  the  morning  star  rises  at  the 
same  time  as  the  sun.  The  day  named  in  the  fifth  year  in  the  first 
place,  the  day  1  Atl,  "  1  water  is  distant  from  the  day  4  Ollin  exactly 
1,752  days,  or  three  Venus  periods.  In  connection  with  this  it  is 
necessary  to  remember  that,  as  is  usual  in  the  Borgian  codex  in  the  case 
of  all  computations  extending  over  a  longer  or  shorter  series  of  days, 
1  Cipactli  is  set  down  as  the  first  day,  and  the  5  years  on  this  page 
are  reckoned  from  1  Cipactli,  Avhile  the  naming  of  the  years,  as 
usual,  begins  with  1  Acatl.  Here  the  day  1  Atl  in  the  fifth  year 
again  denotes  the  day  on  which  the  morning  star  rises  at  the  same 
time  as  the  sun.  Though  I  have  not  yet  been  able  to  discover  a  law 
for  the  days  lying  between  and  coming  after,  and  must  assume  for 
the  present  that  they  are  only  connecting  links,  that  indication  from 


seler] 


VENUS  PERIOD  IN  PICTURE  WRITINGS 


391 


those  dates,  5  Acatl,  1  Atl,  can  not  be  accidental.  We  shall  have  to 
admit  that  not  only  an  instance  of  the  Venus  period,  but  a  very  re- 
markable one,  is  recorded  on  this  page. 

I  come  to  the  close.  The  agreement  extending  to  details  that 
existed  between  the  Mexicans  and  the  Mayas  in  the  system  of  the 
calendar  and  the  tAventy  day  signs  doubtless  corresponded  to  an 
agreement  in  their  sacerdotal  science  in  many  other  })articulars. 
It  could  hardly  be  otherwise  in  view  of  the  active  intercourse 
which  existed  between  these  two  great  civilized  races.  I  believe  the 
foregoing  has,  for  the  first  time,  furnished  conclusive  proof  of  this. 
While  the  Mexican  forms  and  names  have  furnished  a  key  for  the 
analysis  of  the  day  signs,  the  detailed  computations  of  the  Dresden 
manuscript  and  Forstemann's  determination  of  them  first  afforded 
a  basis  for  the  astronomic  periods.  The  circumstance  that  in  the 
Mexican  manuscripts  the  result  of  the  computations  is  given  without 
the  process  will  always  make  their  solution  a  difficult  task. 

Nevertheless,  we  have  reason  to  expect  that  whatever  progress  shall 
be  made  in  interpreting  the  documents  of  either  of  the  peoples  will  be 
of  use  in  throwing  light  upon  the  dark  passages  in  the  documents  of 
the  other  of  these  two  great  civilized  nations. 


AIDS  TO  THE  DECIPHERING  OF  THE  MAYA 
MANUSCRIPT 

BY 


393 


CONTENTS 


Page 

Numbers  and  dates  in  the  Dresden  codex   397 

Introduction   397 

The  numerals  inclosed  in  red  rings   397 

The  large  numbers   398 

The  dates  of  the  calendar   402 

Pages  61  to  64  and  69  to  73,  Dresden  codex   409 

Introduction     409 

Pages  61  to  64   410 

Method  of  treatment   410 

The  series  of  numbers   410 

The  corrections,  or  encircled  numerals   411 

The  large  numbers   413 

The  numerals  in  the  serpents   414 

Pages  69  to  73   417 

Method  of  treatment   417 

The  series  of  numbers   418 

The  corrections,  or  encircled  numerals   419 

The  large  numbers   420 

The  numerals  in  the  serpent   421 

Tortoise  and  snail  in  Maya  literature   423 

Page  24  of  the  Dresden  Maya  manuscript   431 

Introduction   431 

The  numbers   433 

The  glyphs   438 

Pages  71  to  73  and  51  to  58,  Dresden  codex  .    445 

Pages  31a  to  32a,  Dresden  codex   455 

The  series  of  numbers  on  pages  51  to  58,  Dresden  codex   463 


395 


AIDS  TO  THE  DECIPHERING  OF  THE  MAYA 
MANUSCRIPTS 


By  E.  Forstemann 


NUMBERS  AND  DATES  IN  THE  DRESDEN  CODEX« 

Introduction 

Since  explaining  in  m}^  Erlauternngen  zur  Maj^ahandschrift  der 
Koniglichen  offentlichen  Bibliothek  zu  Dresden  (Dresden,  1886)  the 
numeral  system  of  the  Maya,  as  well  as  the  series  of  numbers  occur- 
ring in  the  manuscript,  I  have  succeeded  in  obtaining  further  light 
on  some  points  of  importance  closely  connected  therewith ;  and  I  now 
present  three  of  these  points,  Avhile  I  reserve  some  which  seem  not 
yet  ripe  for  publication. 

The  Numerals  Inclosed  in  Red  Rings 

In  certain  passages  of  the  manuscript  one  or  two  of  several  nu- 
merals standing  one  above  the  other  are  encircled  with  red.  In  my 
Erlaiiterungen  I  was  still  obliged  to  designate  these  as  enigmatic. 
I  here  note  down  these  passages  and  indicate  the  red  circles  by 
parentheses : 

Page  24  Page  31  Page  43  Page  45 

6  (6)      (0)     7  17  1 

3  (1)    (17)    (2)  (12)  (10) 

(0)  14 
5 

Page  58  Page  62  Page  63  Page  70 

1  16  11  07  144  10 

7  4     (1)  (15)    (17)    2  12    10    (6)  (8) 

(11)  (16)  14  (6)  (6) 

(19) 

Of  these  sixteen  columns  of  numerals  fifteen  are  entirely  correct  and 
require  no  emendation ;  in  the  third  group  on  page  31  alone  the  writer 
permitted  himself  to  employ  a  very  extraordinary  abbreviation  for 


«  Zur  Entzifferung  der  Mayahandschriften,  Dresden,  August  31,  1887. 

397 


398 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


the  sake  of  economizing  space.  He  wrote  the  numerals  7,  2,  and  14 
in  black  one  under  the  other,  and  joined  to  the  14  a  red  5,  leaving  no 
space  between.  Now,  this  5  neither  signifies  an  independent  number 
nor  does  it  together  with  the  14  designate  19,  but  it  denotes  that 
besides  the  14  a  19  is  to  be  understood.  Thus  we  must  read  here 
7,  2,  14,  19,  the  same  group  that  is  found  on  page  63.*^  This  explana- 
tion is  confirmed  by  the  fact  that  the  two  other  groups  on  page  31 
(6,  1  and  0,  17)  also  occur  on  pages  62  and  ()3. 

The  significance  of  these  groups  becomes  more  apparent  if  we 
recognize  the  fact  that  the  red  circles  refer  not  merely  to  the  numerals 
which  they  surround,  but  to  the  entire  group,  and  that  they  are 
attached  to  only  one  or  two  numerals  in  the  group  for  the  sake  of 
economy  of  space  or  for  calligraphic  purposes.  Thus  each  group 
constitutes  one  single  number,  Avhich  is  to  be  read  according  to  the 
rule  stated  by  me  on  page  5  of  my  Erlauterungen. 

The  numbers  are  as  folloAvs:  Page  24,  2,200;  page  31,  121,  17, 
51,419;  page  13,  352;  page  45,  30;  page  58,  511;  page  02,  456,  121; 
page  63,  235,  17,  51,419;  page  70,  606,  1,646,  86,  208. 

To  these  sixteen  numbers  I  add  four  more,  which,  it  is  true,  have  no 
red  circles  in  the  manuscript,  but  which,  according  to  my  firm  convic- 
tion, are  without  a  circle  only  because  the  space  is  limited,  their  pur- 
pose being  exactly  the  same  as  that  of  the  other  numbers  under  dis- 
cussion.   These  four  numbers  are  the  following : 

1.  Page  70,  fourth  column.  1.5,  9,  15,  14  (I  place  the  figures  side  by 
side,  not  one  under  the  other)  =111,554. 

2.  Page  70,  fourth  column,  written  in  red  between  the  front  numerals. 
14,  2,  10,  12  (here  I  correct  the  10  to  14,  as  in  the  penultimate  numeral  an 
error  of  two  units  is  quite  natural  owing  to  the  Maya  system  of  numera- 
tion) ==101,812. 

3.  Page  73,  fourth  colunni.    11,  11,  15,  14=83,474. 

4.  Page  73,  fifth  column.    4,  10,  8,  12=34,732. 

.  To  speak  briefly,  each  of  these  twenty  numbers  is  intended  to  be 
subtracted  from  a  large  number  standing  near  it,  in  order  that  the 
remainder  shall  denote  a  certain  day  likewise  standing  near  by.  I 
shall  at  once  j^roceed  to  explain  this  matter  more  in  detail. 

The  Large  Numbers 

On  page  36  of  my  Erlauterungen  is  to  be  found  a  list  of  many 
numbers,  some  of  which,  it  is  true,  Avere  incorrectly  read  at  the  time, 
but  they  exhibited  the  remarkable  circumstance  that  almost  all  of 
them  lay  between  a  million  and  a  million  and  a  half.  I  think  I  haA^e 
come  considerably  nearer  the  solution  of  the  riddle,  which  has  hith- 
erto seemed  absolutely  insoluble,  by  the  h^^pothesis  that  each  of  these 


"The  5  appears  to  be  a  correction  by  the  original  scribe.    C.  T. 


FORSTEMANN] 


THE   LARGE  NUMBERS 


399 


numbers  designates  a  particular  day  in  the  course  of  history.  For  the 
Mayas  seem  to  have  known  no  other  way  of  designating  a  day  with 
perfect  exactness.  That  is  to  say,  if  they  designated  the  day  only  by 
its  number  in  the  week  of  13  days  and  by  its  position  in  the  series  of 
tw^enty  day  signs,  this  designation  would  apply  to  a  multitude  of 
days  recurring  at  intervals  of  260;  but  this  designation  w^ould  be 
satisfactory  only  in  certain  cases. 

It  was  possible,  indeed,  to  proceed  with  more  precision  by  adding 
to  the  number  of  the  week  day  and  to  the  day  sign  also  the  month 
and  the  position  of  the  day  in  this  month.  This  mode  was  frequently 
employed,  as  we  shall  see  below ;  but  even  this  w^as  not  always  quite 
free  from  error,  for  these  four  designations  would  apply  to  any  day 
recurring  at  an  interval  of  exactly  52  years.  I  do  not  find  the  least 
indication  of  a  custom  to  increase  the  degree  of  certainty  by  a  state- 
ment of  the  corresponding  Ahau  katun  of  312  years. 

A  perfectly  exact  computation  w^as  attained  only  by  deciding  on 
some  fixed  day  (the  creation  of  the  w^orld,  perhaps,  or  the  birth  of  a 
principal  god)  as  a  point  of  departure,  and  by  counting  the  days  from 
this  zero  point.  But  unless  I  am  quite  mistaken  a  fourth  day  of  the 
w^eek  must  have  been  used  for  this  zero  point,  occupying  the  seven- 
teenth place  in  the  day  series  (according  to  the  notation  now  intro- 
duced, a  da}^  IV  IT  or  4  Ahau),  and  one  which  also  possessed  the 
peculiarity  of  being  the  seventh  day «  of  the  eighteenth  month,  which 
can  onl}^  be  the  case  in  a  year  9  Ix.  Hence  this  important  day  is  a 
4  Ahau  8  Cumku. 

It  is  not  difficult  to  understand  that  in  proceeding  from  this  zero 
point  every  number  must  designate  a  particular  day.  If  the  number 
is  divisible  by  260  without  a  remainder,  a  day  IV  17  is,  of  course, 
intended ;  if,  on  the  contra r}^,  there  is  a  remainder,  it  is  only  neces- 
sary to  count  forward  in  the  Maya  calendar  from  the  day  IV  17  a 
number  of  days  equal  to  this  remainder  in  order  to  find  the  day  sought. 
Thus  the  remainders  1,  2,  3,  4,  etc.,  lead  to  the  days  V  18,  VI  19, 
VII  20,  VIII  1,  etc. ;  the  remainders  256,  257,  258,*^  259  lead  to  the 
days  XIII  13,  I  14,  II  15,  III  16.  Consequently,  the  day  1,201,114, 
for  instance,  is  a  IX  11 ;  1,202,032  is  a  IV  9 ;  1,233,985  is  a  III  2,  etc. 

In  the  same  way  the  day  sought  can  be  found,  if,  instead  of 
counting  forward  from  the  day  IV  17  as  many  days  as  are  equal  to 
the  remainder  left  after  division  by  260,  w^e  count  backward  from 
IV  17  a  number  of  days  equal  to  260  less  that  remainder.  The  result 
is  the  same  whether  one  counts  174  forward  or  86  backward,  52,  25, 
or  243  forward  or  208,  235,  or  17  backward.    These  numbers  counted 

"  Doctor  Forsteniann  is  proceedins?  npou  the  theory  that  the  first  days  of  the  years  were 
Kan,  Mnluc,  Ix,  Cauac,  instead  of  Akbal,  Lamat,  Ben,  Ezanab,  now  conceded  to  be  the 
system  of  the  Dresden  codex.    Hence  it  would  be  properly  the  eighth  day.    C.  T. 


400  BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY  [bull.  28 

backward,  as  I  indicated  above,  are  the  ones  encircled  with  red.  Let 
us  now  examine  all  of  the  20  numbers. 

Page  24.  The  large  numbers,  1,366,560  and  1,364,860:  the  difference  of 
the  two,  2,200,  encircled  with  red ;  the  first  day  is  a  IV  17,  the  second  a 
I  17,  and  both  days  are  actnallj^  recorded  on  the  lower  edge. 

Page  31.  1,272,544,  encircled  number  121 ;  hence  the  day  1,272,423  is 
intended ;  that  is,  a  day  XIII  20,  and  the  latter  date  is  actually  recorded 
above  it. 

Page  31.  1,268,540,  a  circle  around  17;  hence,  1,268,523;  hence  again, 
XIII  20,  which  date  is  also  repeated  here. 

Page  31.  1,538,342  (I  read,  not  10,  13,  3,  13,  2,  but  10,  13,  13,  3,  2),  a 
circle  around  51,419,  as  was  explained  above;  consequently,  1,486,923; 
again,  XIII  20,  which  day  is  also  recorded  here. 

Page  43.  1,435,980,  a  circle  around  352 ;  consequently,  1,435,628=111  5, 
as  written  abo"\'e. 

Page  45.  1,278,420,  a  circle  around  30;  therefore,  1,278,390=XTII  7, 
which  is  recorded  below. 

Page  58.  Two  large  numbers,  1,426,360  and  1,386,580,  a  circle  around 
511 ;  consequently,  1,425,849  and  1,386,069,  the  two=XIII  6,  which  date  is 
actually  recorded  on  the  page. 

Page  62.  1,272,921,  a  circle  around  4.56 ;  consequently,  1,272,465=111  2, 
which  stands  between. 

Page  62.  1,272,544,  a  circle  around  121;  hence,  ],272,423=XITI  20, 
which  likewise  stands  between,  as  on  page  31. 

Page  63.  1,234,220,  a  circle  around  235 ;  hence,  1,233,985=111  2,  as  is 
recorded  in  the  manuscript. 

Page  63.  1,268,540,  a  circle  around  17,  thus  1,268,52.3=XIII  20,  as  is 
noted  in  the  manuscript,  like  page  31. 

Page  63.  1,535,004  (I  read,  not  10,  8,  3,  16,  4,  but,  with  the  addition  of  a 
line,  10,  13,  3,  16,  4),  a  circle  around  51,419;  consequently,  1,483,585=111 
2,  corresponding  to  the  manuscript. 

Page  63.  1,5.38,342,  a  circle  around  51,419;  therefore,  1,486,923=XIII 
20,  which  is  in  the  manuscript,  as  on  page  31 ;  thus  the  51,419  serves  for 
two  numbers  in  common. 

Page  70.  1,394,120,  a  circle  around  606 ;  therefore,  1,393,514=IX  11,  as 
in  the  manuscript. 

Page  70.  1,437,020,  a  circle  around  1,646;  therefore,  1,435,374= IX  11 
again  ;  compare  the  manuscript. 

Page  70.  1,201,200,  a  circle  around  86;  therefore,  1,201,1 14=IX  11 
again,  which  is  also  recorded  here. 

Page  70.  1,202,240,  a  circle  around  208;  therefore,  1,202,032=IV  9,  as 
the  manuscript  likewise  shows. 

Now  follow  four  passages  in  which,  as  I  before  remarked,  the 
circles  are  wanting,  although  the  functions  of  the  numbers  in  ques- 
tion are  the  same  as  those  which  are  encircled,  or  they  would  other- 
wise be  quite  inexplicable : 

Page  70.  1,567,332—101,812  (according  to  the  supposition  above  men- 
tioned) =1,465,520. 

Page  70.  1,520,654—111,554=1,409,100. 


forstemann] 


THE   LARGE  NUMBERS 


401 


The  last  two  remainders  are  both  meant  for  the  day  VIII  17. 
Now,  directly  in  the  middle  of  the  page  the  day  X  17  is  recorded, 
but  over  the  X  an  YIII  is  written  quite  fine  as  a  correction. 

Without  being  set  down  a  second  time,  these  last  two  large  num- 
bers are  the  minuends  in  the  two  final  cases;  but  the  subtrahends, 
which  should  really  be  encircled,  do  not  stand  here,  but  on  page  73, 
at  the  top  of  the  fourth  and  fifth  columns,  at  the  farther  end  of  the 
series  of  numbers  ^\'hich  extends  from  pages  70  to  73,  since  there  was 
no  room  for  them  on  page  70.    Thus  we  read : 

Page  70.  1,567,332— (page  73)  34,732=1,532,600,  again=VIII  17. 
Page  70.  1,520,654— (page  73)  83,474=1,437,180,  again=VIII  17,  as  we 
read  page  70  corrected. 

Thus  it  is  proved  b}^  twenty-one  large  and  as  many  smaller  numbers 
surrounded  by  circles  and  by  applying  but  few  and  insignificant  con- 
jectures, in  the  first  place,  that  the  circles  in  a  way  signified  the  minus 
sign  ( — )  with  the  Mayas  and,  in  the  second,  that  the  large  numbers 
always  denoted  particular  days.  As  a  rule,  then,  the  large  number 
is  the  minuend  and  the  encircled  number  the  subtrahend,  while  the 
remainder  is  recorded  in  the  manuscript,  not  by  a  number,  but  by 
its  corresponding  day. 

But  there  are  found  on  page>s  51  and  52  six  more  large  numbers 
without  such  encircled  subtrahends ;  unfortunateh^,  these  are  in  parts 
very  indistinct  and  probably  spoiled.  First,  on  page  51,  the  numer- 
als 8,  16,  4,  11,  0  occur.  If  an  8  is  read  here  instead  of  the  11, 
the  result  is  the  number  1,268,800;  that  is,  the  most  important  of  all 
days,  lY  17,  which  likewise  seems  to  be  recorded  above.  Numerals 
in  red,  10,  19,  6,  0,  8,  are  crowded  in  between  these  numbers.  If 
we  substitute  a  1  here  for  the  0,  we  have  1,578,988,  the  day  XII  5, 
therefore,  and  this  date  is  set  down  below. 

The  following  page,  52,  at  the  right  near  the  top,  contains  four 
large  numbers,  again  two  black  ones  with  two  red  ones  written  in 
among  them,  two  in  the  fifth  and  two  in  the  sixth  column.  The  two 
occurring  in  the  sixth  present  no  difficulty;  they  are  1,412,848  and 
1,412,863,  and  below  the  days  XII  5  and  I  20  are  specified,  which,  in 
fact,  correspond  to  the  numbers.  The  difference  between  the  numbers, 
as  betw^een  the  daj^s,  is  15.  On  the  other  hand,  the  numbers  in  the 
fifth  column  can  not  be  made  to  agree.  The  manuscript  reads  9,  16, 
4,  10,  18,  and  9,  19,  8,  7,  8.  I  propose  in  the  first  number  to  read  11 
instead  of  10  and  in  the  second  5  instead  of  the  first  8 ;  then  the  num- 
bers will  denote  1,412,878  and  1,434,748,  and  these  actually  correspond 
to  the  days  III  15  and  VII  5,  which  are  recorded  below.  In  fact,  the 
first  of  the  two  numbers  is  distant  by  a  difference  of  15  from  the  num- 
ber 1,412,863,  as  w^ell  as  the  first  of  the  two  days,  from  the  day  I  20 


7288— No.  28—05  26 


402 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


mentioned  above.  I  am  forced  to  confess  that  my  conjecture  in 
regard  to  the  hist  number  is  somewhat  uncertain.  Still,  it  answers 
the  requirement  in  so  far  as  it  shows  the  difference  30,  the  same  as  is 
shown  by  the  corresponding  days,  since  its  distance  from  the  last 
number  but  one  is  21,870;  that  is,  84X260+30.  Multiples  of  260  are 
naturally  indifferent  here. 

Of  all  the  numbers  in  the  manuscript,  reaching  a  million,  only  one 
still  remains  to  be  discussed,  with  the  exception  of  those  between  the 
coils  of  the  serpents  on  pages  61,  62,  and  69.  This  is  2,804,100,  on 
page  31,  in  the  last  but  one  of  the  upper  columns.  It  is  authentic, 
since  it  is  equal  to  10,785X260,  corresponding  therefore  to  the  day  IV 
17,  repeatedly  recorded  near  by.  Besides  this,  it  is  equal  to  147  X 
18,9804-14,040,  to  wat,  147  katuns  of  52  years  augmented  by  the  num- 
ber 14,040,  Avhich  number  is  extremely  important  in  the  manuscript, 
although  it  is  still  enigmatic. 

The  ten  numbers  between  the  coils  of  the  five  serpents,  mentioned 
aboA^e,  which  seem  to  attain  the  sum  of  twelve  millions,  I  shall  leave 
undiscussed  for  the  present,"  for  their  interpretation  is  not  yet  ripe 
for  publication,  although  remarkable  relations  are  already  mdicated. 

In  my  opinion  my  demonstration  also  definitely  proves  that  these 
large  numbers  do  not  proceed  from  the  future  to  the  past,  but  from 
the  past,  through  the  present,  to  tlie  future.  I^nless  I  am  quite 
mistaken,  the  highest  numbers  among  them  seem  actually  to  reach 
into  the  future,  and  thus  to  have  a  prophetic  meaning.  Here  the 
question  arises,  At  what  point  in  this  series  of  numbers  does  the 
i:)resent  lie?  or,  Has  the  Avriter  in  difl'erent  portions  of  his  work 
adopted  different  2K)ints  of  time  as  the  present?  If  I  may  venture  to 
express  my  conjecture,  it  seems  to  me  that  the  first  large  number  in 
the  Avhole  manuscript,  the  1,366,560  in  the  second  column  of  page  24, 
has  the  greatest  claim  to  be  interpreted  as  the  present  point  of  time. 
It  denotes  the  expiration  of  12  ahau  katuns  of  312  years  each;  that 
is,  3,744  years. 

In  conclusion,  I  will  remark  that  none  of  the  large  numbers  furnish 
me  with  any  indication  that  a  year  of  365 J  days  was  already  known 
to  the  Mayas.  In  these  calculations,  at  least,  which  seem  to  treat  of 
sacred  matters,  the  exposition  may  not  have  kept  pace  with  the  knowl- 
edge in  the  meantime  acquired,  as  often  happens  in  similar  cases,  of 
which  the  Russian  calendar  furnishes  a  good  example. 

The  Dates  of  the  Calendar 

I  do  not  mean  here  those  short  combinations  of  the  number  of 
the  week  day  with  the  day  sign,  for  they  have  long  been  understood, 

«  They  have  been  discussed  and  explained  by  Thomas  in  Mayan  Calendar  Systems,  H, 
22d  Rep.,  B.  A.  E.,  pt.  1,  1004. 


fokstkmann] 


THE   DATES    OF   THE  CALENDAR 


403 


both  singly  and  joined  together  as  series  of  days;  but  I  mean  rather 

the  more  definite  statements  Avhich  give  a  date  that  is  unequivocal 

during  a  period  of  52  years,  in  which  the  symbol  of  the  month  and  the 

position  in  the  month  are  added  to  the  number  of  the  week  day  and 

the  day  sign.    To  begin  at  once  with  the  zero  point  frequently  used  in 

Maya  chronology  (on  pages  24,  31,  51,  52,  58,  62,  f)3,  GO,  70  of  the 

Dresden  manuscripts,  occurring  several  times  in  places),  they  are  the 

figures  of  this  foi'mula  : 

IV  17th  day  4  Ahau. 

or 

8,  18th  month      8  Cumku. 
In  what  follows  I  shall  write  these  groups  in  one  line  only  (thus 
IV  17 ;  8. 18th  month) ,  although  in  the  manuscript  they  have  the  form 
given  above. 

A  striking  feature  in  these,  the  commonest  of  all  groups,  is  that 
they  appear  to  designate  a  quite  impossible  day,  since  every  month 
begins  with  one  of  the  year  regents  (the  first,  sixth,  eleventh,  or  six- 
teenth day),  and  consequently  the  seventeenth  day  can  never  have  the 
eighth  place  in  the  month.  This  group  must  according^  be  under- 
stood as  designating  the  day  IV  17,  which  the  eighth  day  of  the 
eighteenth  month  immediately  succeeds.  One  must  constantly  sub- 
tract 1  from  the  number  standing  before  the  month  sign  in  order 
to  find  the  day  intended.  This  rule  proves  to  be  correct  in  every 
case  where  no  defacement  is  found.  Such  designation  by  the  day 
following  is  not  extraordinary.  Consider  the  use  of  pridie  in  Latin 
or  the  Greek  manner  of  designating  by  rrj  nporepaia  and  of  count- 
ing backward,  as  irraT?]  (p^ivovrog.  Our  own  holy  eve  preceding 
holidays  is  something  similar.  In  the  Maya  calendar  itself  the 
periods  of  24  years,  the  ahaus,  are  not  counted  by  new  year's  days  but 
by  the  second  days  of  the  years  (see  Erlauterungen,  page  22). 

After  these  preliminary  remarks,  Ave  will  examine  the  dates  of  the 
calendar  that  occur  in  the  manuscript,  and  consider  especially  their 
usual  combination  with  tlie  encircled  numbers  and  the  large  numbers. 
In  this  I  must  be  brief,  and  leave  much  to  the  reader's  own  computa- 
tion. 

On  page  24,  at  the  bottom  of  the  first  three  columns,  are  the  three 
dates : 

IV  17;  8,  18th  month.    I  17;  18,  17th  month.    I  17;  18,  3d  month. 

These  dates  occur  in  the  years  9  Ix,  3  Kan,  and  10  Kan.  In 
order  to  fix  the  difference  of  time  between  them  it  is  necessary  to  read 
from  right  to  left.  From  the  eighteenth  day  of  the  third  month  in 
the  year  10  Kan  to  the  eighteenth  day  of  the  seventeenth  month  in  the 
year  3  Kan  it  is  32  years  and  280  da^^s,  or  11,960  days — a  very  impor- 
tant number  in  our  manuscript  ( for  example,  on  pages  51  to  58) .  From 
the  eighteenth  day  of  the  seventeenth  month  in  the  year  3  Kan  to  the 


404. 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


eighth  day  of  the  eighteenth  month  in  the  year  9  Ix  it  is,  moreover,  6 
years  and  10  days;  consequently  2,200  days,  and,  as  we  saw  above, 
this  2,200  surrounded  by  a  circle  is  actually  set  down  with  the  three 
dates,  and  designates  the  difference  between  the  two  large  numbers, 
which  are  found  above  it. 

On  page  31,  lowest  line  of  the  upper  third,  lY  17;  18th  month  is 
twice  given,  the  writer  having  evidently  forgotten  the  8  before  the 
month  sign.  As  far  as  we  now  see,  only  the  known  zero  point  for  the 
large  numbers  occurring  above  it  is  given.  Here,  as  in  many  cases,  we 
should  obtain  more  exact  knowledge  if  the  upper  line  of  the  page  had 
not  been  destroyed. 

Pages  46  to  50,  of  which  I  have  spoken  more  particularly  in  my 
Erlauterungen,  pages  34  to  35  and  65  to  66  (although  there  are  still 
several  errors  in  the  statements  of  the  days  and  the  months  in  the 
last-named  passage),  contain  no  fewer  than  780  such  calendar  dates, 
which  would  seem  at  first  sight  quite  impossible,  but  is  actually  the 
case.  For  at  the  top,  on  the  left,  each  page  contains  fifty-two  simple 
entries  of  days,  consisting  of  the  number  of  the  week  day  and  the  day 
sign,  but  underneath,  in  three  lines  separated  from  each  other,  are 
twelve  dates  in  all,  consisting  of  the  month  sign  with  the  j^receding 
day  number.  Each  of  these  fifty-two  day  entries,  together  with  each 
of  the  three  entries  standing  directW  beneath,  constitute  a  complete 
and  perfectly  appropriate  calendar  date,  and  these  separate  dates  show 
the  correct  interval  of  90,  250,  8,  and  236  days,  demonstrated  in  my 
Erlauterungen  to  represent  the  apparent  revolution  of  Venus..  Each 
page,  therefore,  contains  52X3,  or  156  calendar  dates,  and  the  five 
pages  together  have  780.  These  are  arranged  in  thirty-nine  lines 
having  four  dates  on  each  page;  but  the  lines  are  always  to  be  read 
straight  through  all  the  five  pages.  As  I  am  not  able  to  reproduce  the 
thirty-nine  lines  here,  I  will,  at  least,  give  the  first  one,  consisting  of 
twent}^  terms : 

11X13;    4,  7th  month.     XII  5;    6,  17th  month.      II  5;    6,   2d  month. 
II  3;  14,  nth  month.         I  1;  17,  10th  month.      X  13;  14,  2d  month. 
V  13;  19,   5th  month.    XIII 11;    7,  15th  month.    XII  9;  10,  14th  month. 
XIII  1;    7,   6th  month.      Ill  1;  12,   9th  month.     XI  19:  20,  18th  mcnth. 
II 17;    3,  18th  month.      XI  9;    0,  10th  month.        I  9;    5,  13th  month. 
I  7;    8,  4th  month.    XIII  5;  11,  3d  month.       IX  17;  13,  13th  month. 
IV  17;  18,  16th  month.     XII 15;    1,  8th  month. 

The  item  0,  10th  month,  probably  erroneously  written  for  20,  10th 
raonth.  in  the  twelfth  place,  is,  of  course,  the  same  as  20,  9th  month. 
Now  let  the  years  be  calculated  in  which  these  twenty  dates  must 
occur  and  we  have  the  following : 

11  Ix,  11  Ix,  12  Cauac,  12  Cauac,  12  Cauac,  13  Kan,  13  Kan,  13  Kan,  1 
Muluc,  1  Muiuc,  2  Ix,  2  Ix,  8  Cauac,  3  Cauac,  4  Kan,  4  Kan,  4  Kan,  4  Kan. 
5  Muluc,  5  Muluc. 


PoiiSTEMANN]  THE   DATES   OF   THE    CALENDAR  405 


The  first  date  of  the  second  line,  I  must  add,  is  XI  13;  4,  7th 
month,  and  denotes  a  year  6  Ix.  Since  from  the  year  11  Ix  to  the 
year  6  Ix  it  is  8  years,  all  the  thirty-nine  lines  will  extend  over  312 
years,  or  an  Aluui  katiin;  but  I  will  here  remark,  in  order  not  to  be 
accused  of  carelessness,  that  the  gaps  after  the  thirteenth  and  twenty- 
sixth  lines  have  not  escaped  me. 

On  page  51,  at  the  top,  on  the  left,  is  undoubtedly  the  date  IV  17 ; 
8,  18th  month,  half  obliterated.  Below  it  there  is  certainl}^  another 
date,  namely,  XII  5,  and  probabh^,  added  to  it,  the  sign  of  the  thir- 
teenth month,  with  the  symbol  kin  ("  sun  ")  before  it.  I  should  like 
to  read  1,  13th  month,  and  regard  the  8  over  the  kin  as  an  error, 
assuming  that  the  writer  had  overhastily  begun  to  w^rite  the  number 
beginning  with  an  8  which  stands  below  before  he  had  written  down 
the  calendar  date.  The  matter  is  far  from  clear,  owing  to  the  uncer- 
tainty, stated  above,  in  regard  to  the  large  numbers. 

Page  52,  at  the  top,  on  the  right,  twice  has  the  normal  date  IV  17 ; 
8,  18th  month,  though  it  is  half  obliterated. 

On  page  58,  at  the  bottom,  on  the  right,  we  again  find  the  normal 
tiate,  and  with  it  another,  namely,  XIII  6;  11th  month.  It  is  evident 
that  before  the  month  sign  a  number  has  been  omitted,  in  my  opinion 
a  2.  This  indicates  the  year  8  Muluc,  and  shows  (read  from  right 
to  left)  a  distance  of  1  year  and  146  days  from  the  normal  date, 
that  is  51.1  days,  exactly  the  same  number  that  we  found  above  in 
the  encircled  number  standing  there. 

Page  61  has  the  normal  date  in  the  middle  of  the  first  and  second 
colimms,  while  at  their  lower  end  it  has  IX  1 ;  12,  17th  month  (that  is, 
the  3^ear  4  Ix) , which  date  is  repeated  at  the  top  of  the  third  and  fourth 
columns.  As  there  are  no  numbers  connected  with  these,  nothing 
further  is  to  be  said  about  them. 

Pages  61  to  62  further  contain  four  serpents.  Above  the  fourth  one 
the  last  date  is  repeated  for  the  third  time.  Under  each  serpent  there 
are  two  dates,  which,  with  the  exception  of  the  first,  are  quite  cor- 
rectly formed,  according  to  my  rule,  although  the  second,  in  particular, 
may  have  suffered  a  change.  I  here  introduce  these  eight  dates,  read 
from  the  right  to  the  left : 

III  1;   10,  2d  month.    XIII  20;   1,  14th  month.    Ill  3;   14,  17th  month. 
Ill  11;   7,  5th  month.    Ill  1;   12,  12th  month.    Ill  2;   13,  7th  month. 
Ill  2;  13,  16th  month.    Ill  2;  18,  6th  month. 

Instead  of  the  16  in  the  first  date,  I  should  like  to  read  17 ;  the 
dates  indicate  the  years  7  Muluc,  1  Kan,  9  Ix,  9  Muluc,  7  Ix,  2  Ix, 
4  Ix,  and  4  Muluc.  The  intervals  of  time  are  2,779,  12,483,  13,988, 
13,650,  2,821,  10,400,  and  14,040  days.  I  am  most  in  doubt  as  to 
the  first  two  and  least  so  as  to  the  last  two.  The  last  one,  14,040. 
as  already  remarked,  is  one  of  the  most  important  dates  in  our  manu- 


406 


BUKEAU  OF  AMERICAN  El^HNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


script.  These  dates  and  their  intervals  certainly  have  some  connection 
with  the  numbers  placed  Avithin  the  serpents,  but  I  do  not  yet  venture 
to  express  an  opinion  in  regard  to  them. 

Pages  62  and  63  contain,  the  former  in  the  last  two  columns,  the 
latter  in  the  first  two,  a  very  fine  and  lucid  combination  of  large 
numbers,  of  encircled  numbers  below  them,  and  of  dates.  Although 
I  have  already  considered  the  first,  the  numbers,  I  transcribe  here  the 
entire  passage : 

1,272,921  1,372,544 

III  2;  18,   8d  month.  XIII  20;  11,   1st  month. 

(456)  (121) 

IV  17;    8,  18th  month.  1^;    8,  18th  month. 

1,234,220  1,268,540 

III  2;  18,  14th  month.  XIII  20;    6,  18th  month. 

(285)  (17) 

IV  17;    8,  18th  month.  IV  17;    8,  18th  month. 

I  have  allowed  myself  a  slight  conjecture  in  regard  to  the  date 
at  the  top  in  the  second  group  only.  I  read  the  manuscript's  15,  1st 
month;  11,  1st  month,  assuming  that  the  writer  made  a  line  instead 
of  a  dot.  As  w^e  consider  the  differences  between  the  upper  dates 
and  the  normal  date  that  is  set  down  below,  it  should  be  mentioned 
that  the  former  indicate  the  years  4  Ix,  4  Ix,  5  Ix,  and  7  Cauac,  and 
the  latter,  as  already  observed,  the  year  9  Ix.  The  intervals  are, 
therefore,  as  follow : 

44  years+295  days=rlt),85r)=G2x 260+285  days 
44  years+337  days     16,897 =63x260+  17  days 
4  years+  75  days^  1,535=  5x260+235  days 
15  years+    2  days=  5,477=21x260+  17  days 

The  days  in  excess  of  the  multiples  of  260  are,  therefore,  equal  to 
the  encircled  numbers  in  the  third  and  fourth  groups. 

The  explanation  of  these  groups  is  written  above  them,  unfor- 
tunately in  characters  as  yet  undeciphered.  But  there  is  such  a  small 
number  of  different  signs  among  these  twenty-eight,  owing  to  the  fre- 
(luent  repetition  of  some,  that  I  think  a  complete  comprehension  will 
be  achieved  here,  as  well  as  on  page  24,  very  soon,  especially  as 
several  of  the  characters  are  among  those  most  frequently  used  in 
the  manuscript. 

In  the  third  column  of  page  63  there  is  still  to  be  regarded  a  doubt- 
ful date  at  the  top,  and  a  normal  one  at  the  bottom. 

Page  69  has  the  normal  date  in  the  middle  of  the  two  middle 
columns,  but  at  the  bottom  the  date  IX  1 ;  12,  17th  month,  which  is  re- 
peated at  the  top  of  the  fifth  and  sixth  columns.  It  is  the  same 
which  we  have  already  met  with  three  times  on  pages  61  and  62.  Fur- 
thermore, on  the  right,  at  the  bottom,  page  69  gives  the  days  IV  9 
and  IX  11,  which  are  very  important  for  the  last  pages  of  the  manu- 


pOustemaxn] 


THE   DATES   OF   THE  CALENDAR 


407 


script.  Tiie  month  signs  below  them,  with  the  numbers  preceding, 
are  unfortunately  entirely  obliterated.  Since  the  fifth  large  serpent 
of  the  mamiscript  is  here,  a  comparison  with  the  dates  under  the 
serpents  on  pages  61  and  62  would  be  of  great  importance. 

Page  TO  has  the  normal  date  no  less  than  six  times,  in  the  middle 
and  at  the  end  of  the  first  and  second  cohnnns,  as  also,  half  obliter- 
ated, at  the  beginning  of  the  third  and  fourth  columns;  and,  finally,  at 
the  end  of  the  fourth  column  is  the  date,  IX  11 ;  12,  1st  month,  which 
indicates  the  year  12  Kan ;  probabh'',  the  right-hand  lower  corner  of 
page  69  is  to  be  completed  in  accordance  with  this.  In  the  middle  of 
the  page  there  seem  to  be  four  more  dates;  the  two  upper  ones  must 
have  been  injured,  and  consequently  I  do  not  venture  to  affirm  pos- 
itively that  the  two  lower  ones  are  to  be  read  VIII  17 ;  13,  7th  month 
(7  Muluc)  and  IV  9;  10,  15th  month  (2  Kan). 

Herewith  the  calendar  dates  of  our  manuscript,  and  with  them  my 
present  task,  come  to  a  close.  I  have  been  obliged  to  express  myself 
very  briefly,  and  therefore  require  of  the  investigator  who  would 
closely  follow  m}^  exposition  that  he  should  be  in  a  measure  familiar 
with  the  previous  results  of  Maya  research.  Still,  I  hope  I  have  given 
an  impulse  to  some  one  to  push  farther  forward  in  this  field.  I  might 
say  a  good  deal  more  concerning  this  or  that  passage  of  the  manu- 
script, but  my  present  purpose  has  merely  been  to  throw  a  clearer 
light  on  three  important  and  frequently  recurring  features.  I  will 
only  briefly  remark  that,  in  regard  to  the  repetitions  of  the  eighth 
day,  Chuen,  regularly  bunched  together,  also  found  in  other  manu- 
scripts and  always  occurring  in  combinations  of  three  on  pages  25  to 
28,  they  undoubtedly  designate  the  expiration  of  24  (BX.S)  days  of 
the  last  month,  for  these  pages  are  concerned  with  the  twenty-fourth' 
and  twenty-fifth  days  (which  belong  properly  to  no  month). 

On  pages  42,  43,  and  45,  at  the  bottom,  there  are  always  six  of  these 
Chuen  pictures,  as  an  indication  that  six  times  eight  days  have 
elapsed,  as  is  noted  in  the  line  above;  but  only  four  of  these  six  signs 
are  to  be  seen  on  page  44,  owing  no  doubt  to  want  of  space. 


PAGES  61  TO  64  AND  69  TO  73,  DRESDEN  CODEX « 

Introduction 

In  1887  I  printed  an  essay  under  the  above  title  intended  for  pri- 
vate circulation,  which  was  afterwards  included,  with  a  few  correc- 
tions on  pages  739  to  753,  in  the  Compte  rendu  of  the  Congress  of 
Americanists  at  Berlin.  Since  that  time  some  facts  have  come  to 
light  in  my  special  department,  the  mathematical  side  of  the  Maya 
manuscripts,  a  part  of  which  I  would  make  known  in  this  wa}^  For 
this  purpose  I  select  two  of  the  latter  sections  of  the  Dresden  manu- 
script (pages  61  to  64  and  69  to  73),  which  have  this  in  common,  that, 
proceeding  by  arithmetic  series,  the}^  rise  to  numbers  of  great  mag- 
nitude, the  highest  of  which  are  set  down  in  serpent  pictures,  in  four 
in  the  first-named  section  and  only  in  one  in  the  second.  The  first 
section,  beginning  with  page  64,  the  other  beginning  with  page  73, 
must  be  read  from  right  to  left,  consequently  backward  according  to 
our  view.  It  is  true  that  even  after  this  communication  of  mine 
numerous  puzzles  will  remain  unsolved;  still,  an  intelligible  connec- 
tion between  the  individual  portions  of  these  sections  will  certainly 
be  seen. 

Before  I  come  to  the  main  question  I  will  premise  two  remarks. 

First,  I  shall  designate  the  week  days  in  the  usual  manner  by  Ro- 
man numerals ;  the  days  of  the  month,  not  by  their  names,  which  are 
here  unimportant,  but  by  Arabic  numerals,  as,  for  instance,  Kan  1, 
although,  of  course,  I  know  that  in  Codex  Troano-Cortesianus  Imix 
1  is  after  the  Aztec  method. 

Secondly,  among  the  numbers  certain  ones  are  of  surpassing  im- 
portance. It  is  well  known  that  the  most  important  of  all  is  260,  the 
sacred  tonalamatl,  consisting  of  20  weeks  of  13  days  each.  Some 
suialler  numbers  rank  next  in  importance,  notably,  52,  65,  78,  91,  and 
104  (=4,  5,  6,  7,  and  8  weeks).  Next  to  these  come  several  multiples 
of  260,  especially,  780,  1,040,  and  1,820,  which  are  divisible  without  a 
remainder  by  78,  104,  and  91  as  well  as  by  260.  I  will  specify  fur- 
ther 3,640  (divisible  by  91,  104,  and  260)  and  14,040  (divisible  by  52, 
65,  78,  and  260,  likewise  by  54,  702,  and  other  numbers).    Next  fol- 


«  Zur  Entzifferung  der  Mayahandschi  iften,  II,  Dresden,  January  25,  1891. 

409 


410 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


low  the  multiples  of  the  year:  the  ahau  (24  years  of  365  days)  =  8,760 
days;  the  katun  (52  years=18,980,  also  73X260  days);  the  ahau 
katun  (312  years=113,880=438X260  days,  a  week,  as  it  were,  of 
which  each  day  is  an  ahau;  and,  finally,  the  period  of  12  ahau 
katuns= 1,366,560  days,  which  number  has  the  peculiarity  of  being 
divisible  without  remainder  by  9,  an  important  number  in  the  Maya 
mythology.  Even  nine  times  this  number,  108  ahau  katuns,  might 
be  called  an  important  period. 

But  now^  to  the  main  question.  I  must  again  express  myself  briefly, 
for  otherwise  the  result  would  be  a  thick  book,  which  would  hardly 
get  printed.  With  a  little  careful  attention  and  the  scantiest  knowl- 
edge of  the  elements  of  ^laya  investigation,  it  will  be  possible  to 
follow  me. 

Paces  61  to  64 

method  of  treatment 

This  whole  section  is  divided  into  four  separate  groups  of  numbers, 
which  rise  one  above  the  other  like  the  stories  of  a  building.  The 
object  of  the  following  description  is  to  show  the  interconnection  of 
these  groups  so  far  as  it  is  at  present  discernible. 

THE  SERIES  OF  NUMBERS 

Almost  all  the  Maya  series  of  numbers,  which  we  have  hitherto 
known  only  from  the  Dresden  manuscript,  have  for  their  principal 
object  the  discovery  of  some  common  multiple  for  two  or  more  num- 
bers. They  begin  at  the  zero  point;  but  w^hat  is  really  the  second 
term  of  the  series  is  usually  written  down  first,  for  this  first  consti- 
tutes an  actual  number.  This  number  is  the  real  fundamental  dif- 
ference of  the  series,  and  the  separate  terms  of  the  series  usually  in- 
crease by  this  number  until  a  number  is  reached  which  is  divisible,  not 
merely  by  this  fundamental  difference,  but  also  by  260.  From  this 
point  onward  the  terms  of  the  series  usually  increase  by  the  new  num- 
ber (used  as  a  second  difference),  and  still  later  they  probably  in- 
crease by  a  multiple  of  this  second  difference. 

The  pages  of  the  manuscript  now  under  consideration  have  only 
one  series,  which  occupies  the  whole  of  page  64  and  the  right  half  of 
page  63.  I  have  already  spoken  of  this  on  page  32  of  my  Erlauter- 
ungen  (Dresden,  1886).  Its  fundamental  difference  is  91,  with  which 
the  series  begins  on  page  64,  on  the  right  at  the  bottom;  thence 
onward  the  series  increases  quite  regularly  (182,  273,  364,  etc.)  as  far 
as  1,820,  one  of  the  important  numbers  mentioned  above,  which  is  a 
multiple  both  of  91  and  260;  1,820  is  therefore  the  second  difference, 
and  with  this  difference  the  numbers  progress  on  the  upper  edge  of 
the  page.    This  upper  edge  is  unfortunately  partially  obliterated; 


pOrstemann]         (CORRECTIONS,  OR  ENCIRCLED  NUMERALS 


411 


yet  from  the  part  remaining  that  which  is  destroyed  may  be  restored 
with  tolerable  certainty,  as  follows:  3,040,  5,4()0,  7,280  (so  far  with 
the  difference  1,820),  14,500,  21,840,  29,120,  30,400  (so  far  with  the 
difference  7,280=-4X  1,820) .  72,800,  109,200,  145,000  ( diU'erence, 
30,400=20X1,820).  Below  this  highest  number  (1,000X91)  stands, 
written  very  small  in  red,  crowded  in  between  the  figures  of  1,820, 
a  large  number,  the  Maya  numerals  of  which,  read  from  the  top 
downward,  are  19,  0,  4,  4.  I  can  understand  this  number  only  by 
substituting  a  3  for  the  first  4;  then  it  signifies  130,804=1,504X91. 
I  intend  to  return  to  this  number  farther  on. 

The  numbers  in  a  series  always  relate  to  certain  days,  which  are 
usually  designated  below,  and  which  stand  at  the  same  distances  from 
each  other  as  the  numbers.  In  our  case,  five  days  belong  to  each  num- 
ber, which  are  specified  as  follows : 

364  273  182  91 

in  G  III  15  III  4  III  13 

5  14  3  12 

15  4  13  2 

7  16  5  14 

XIII  4     xm  18    xm  2     XIII  u 

and  so  on.  Whenever  a  difference  divisible  by  200  is  reached  the 
same  days  recur  invariably,  to  wit : 

III  2 
1 

11 

3 

XIII  20 

The  three  days  in  the  middle  should  be  regarded  as  having  a  III, 
like  the  upper  one;  but  for  the  present  we  may  leave  them  uncon- 
sidered, for  only  III  2  and  XIII  20  are  of  immediate  importance. 

Furthermore,  these  last-named  five  daj^s  are,  of  course,  the  actual 
zero  point  from  which  the  series  progresses.  With  respect  to  the 
series  see  also  Cyrus  Thomas's  Aids  to  the  Study  of  the  Maya  Codices, 
Washington,  1888,  page  327. 


THE  CORRECTIONS,  OR  ENCIRCLED  NUMERALS 


As  I  have  shown  in  my  treatise  mentioned  in  the  beginning,  all  the 
days  are  computed  from  IV  17  onward.  Therefore,  it  is  impossible 
that  the  above-named  days,  III  2  and  XIII  20,  should  be  either  equal 
to  zero  or  equal  to  a  number  divisible  b}^  200.  Actuall3%  the  day  IV 
17  is  always  meant  here.  The  days  under  the  numbers,  therefore,  are 
arbitrary  and  merely  used  provisionally  to  measure  the  distances 
betw^een  the  numbers  by  the  distances  between  the  days.  If  one 
would  find  the  number  actually  corresponding  to  a  day,  a  correction 


412 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


by  addition  or  subtraction  should  be  made,  and  in  the  manuscript  we 
find  these  corrections  in  the  numbers  which  are  encircled  with  red 
whenever  the  space  permits. 

In  our  section  we  must  consider  the  distance  of  the  days  III  2  and 
XIII  20  from  the  normal  day  IV  17,  and  also  from  the  days  IV  1, 
IV  18,  IV  19,  and  VII  1.  I  do  not  yet  know  why  these  last  four  days 
were  selected,  but  a  close  examination  shows  that  the  first  three  of 
them  preceded  the  normal  day  IV  17  by  156,  39,  and  78  days.  These 
intervals  have  the  ratio  4:1:2,  but  this  is  merely  incidental. 

From  III  2  to  IV  17  there  are  235  days 
From  XIII  20  to  IV  17  there  are  17  days 
From  III  2  to  IV  18  there  are  196  days 
From  XIII  20  to  IV  1  there  are  121  days 
From  'III  2  to  VII  1  there  are  199  days 
From  XIII  20  to  IV  19  there  are  199  days 

The  last  two  intervals  are  the  same,  which  doubtless  has  a  hidden 
meaning. 

The  effect  is  exactly  the  same  whether  we  make  these  corrections  in 
the  amounts  given  or  in  these  increased  by  a  number  divisible  by  260, 
since  after  260  days  the  same  days  recur.  Thus  we  actually  find  on 
pages  62  and  63  the  numbers  235  and  121  inclosed  in  circles,  but 
instead  of  196  we  find  456=260+196,  and  instead  of  199  we  have 
51,419=197X260+199.  The  last  number  is  perfectly  reliable,  for 
it  has  alread}^  occurred  in  the  same  connection  on  page  31  of  the 
manuscript.  Instead  of  the  17,  above  which  there  is  a  quite  incom- 
prehensible  zero,  I  now  read  537=2X260+17,  the  correctness  of 
which  I  shall  prove  later  on. 

The  numbers  to  which  these  encircled  numbers  are  added  do  not 
occur  in  the  manuscript.  I  have  given  them  in  my  earlier  treatise 
and  will  omit  them  here. 

THE  LARGE  NUMBERS 

With  regard  to  this  subject  I  can  also  be  brief,  as  it  has  already 
been  discussed  in  my  previous  article.  I  refer  to  the  numbers  scat- 
tered throughout  the  manuscript,  always  lying  between  1,200,000  and 
1,600,000,  whose  true  mean  and  point  of  departure,  unless  we  are 
wholly  mistaken,  lies  in  12  ahau  katuns  1,366,560  (page  24  of  the 
manuscript).  Perhaps  it  may  be  an  aid  to  their  better  comprehension 
if,  in  connection  with  the  days  belonging  to  them,  I  specify  these  num- 
bers somewhat  more  particularly  by  some  of  their  properties. 

IV  17.  1,2.34,220=4,747X260=235X5,252X235  is  the  distance  from  III 
2  to  IV  17.    The  number  is  132,340  less  than  12  ahau  Icatuns. 

IV  17.  1,268,540=4,879x200  =  17X74,020.  17  is  the  distance  from 
XIII  20  to  IV  17.    The  number  is  98,020  less  than  12  ahau  katuns. 


fCrstemann] 


THE   LARGE  NUMBERS 


413 


IV  1.  1,272,544=4,894x260+104 -=12,23(>X104=:13,984X91.  104  is  the 
distance  from  IV  17  to  IV  1.  The  number  is  94,016  (=904x104)  less 
than  12  ahau  katuns. 

IV  18.  1,272,921=4,895x260+221.  221  is  the  distance  from  IV  17  to 
IV  18.  It  is  also  equal  to  32,639X39 ;  and  39  is  the  distance  from  IV  18  to 
IV  17.    The  number  is  93,639  (2,401X39)  less  than  12  ahau  katuns 

VII  1.  1,535,004=5,903x260+224.  224  is  the  distance  from  IV  17  to 
VII  1.  It  is  also  equal  to  42,639x36;  and  36  is  the  distance  from  VII  1 
to  IV  17.  The  number  is  168,444  (4,679x36)  greater  than  12  ahau 
katuns. 

IV  19.  1,538,342=5,916x260+182.  182  is  the  distance  from  IV  17  to 
IV  19.  It  is  also  equal  to  118,334X13.  The  distance  from  IV  19  to  IV  17 
Is  78=6X13.  The  number  is  171,782  (13,214x13)  greater  than  12  ahau 
katuns. 

Here,  indeed,  remarkable  results  begin  to  be  apparent  through  the 
veil  which  still  shrouds  the  secret  of  the  construction  of  these  num- 
bers; but  a  relation  which  seems  remarkable  is  not  alwa3^s  really  so, 
for  it  may  often  be  only  the  mathematical  result  of  some  other  rela- 
tion already  known.  I  have  often  been  greatly  pleased  with  some 
result,  until  I  perceived  that  it  could  not  possibly  have  been  other- 
wise. 

Under  four  of  the  six  large  numbers  there  are  calendar  dates,  which 
I  read  correctly,  it  is  true,  in  my  former  paper,  but  regarding  the  exact 
significance  of  which  I  have  only  now  obtained  a  clear  insight.  They 
do  not  relate  to  the  numbers  actually  Avritten  down  in  the  manuscript, 
but  to  their  diminution  by  the  encircled  numbers,  that  is,  to  the  days 
III  2  and  XIII  20.    These  diminished  numbers  are  the  following : 

III  2:  1,272,921-456=1,272,465 
XIII  20:  1,272,544  -121=1,272,423 

III  2:  1,234,220-235=1,233,985 
XIII  20:  1,268,540-537=1,268,003 

Below  these  are  the  four  dates : 

III  2  XIII  20  III  2  XIII  20 

13,  3d  month       11,  1st  month       13,  14th  month      6,  18th  month 

In  my  former  paper  I  proved  that  my  correction  from  15  to  11 
in  the  second  date  is  justifiable.  The  second  number  is  42  less 
than  the  first,  and,  in  fact,  the  second  date  precedes  the  first  by  42 
days,  both  being  in  the  j^ear  4  Ix.  The  fourth  number  is  34,018 
larger  than  the  third,  or,  if  we  deduct  a  katun,  18,980  days,  during 
which  time  ever}^  date  is  repeated,  it  is  15,038  larger;  the  fourth  date 
(in  the  year  7  Cauac),  however,  is  distant  from  the  third  (in  the  year 
5  Ix)  41  years  and  73  days,  that  is,  again  15,038  days.  This  justifies 
my  conjecture  above,  according  to  which  I  read  17+ (2X260)=537, 
instead  of  the  encircled  number  17,  especially  as  obliteration  is  evi- 
dent in  the  manuscript. 


414 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


Both  differences,  between  the  numbers  and  the  days,  are  also  proved 
correct  by  the  fact  that  218  days  always  elapse  between  III  2  and 
XIII  20:  but  42  is  260—218  and  15,038  is  equal  to  57X260+218. 

Thus  we  obtain  a  result  satisfactory  in  every  respect. 

THE  numi:rals  in  the  serpents 

While  I  have  already  discussed  the  main  part  of  the  foregoing  sub- 
jects in  a  former  paper,  although  in  a  different  connection,  I  present 
the  following  for  the  first  time  to  the  knowledge  of  my  fellow-workers 
in  this  field  of  research. 

As  the  crowning  point  of  the  entire  numeric  structure  in  question, 
Ave  find  on  pages  61  and  62  four  large  serpents  drawn  in  a  vertical 
position,  in  the  coils  of  Avhich  are  placed  black  and  red  numerals. 
It  was  a  Jong  time  before  I  became  convinced  that  these  numerals 
were  not  independent  of  each  other,  but  constituted  large  numbers, 
and  that  the  black  numerals  were  to  be  regarded  as  placed  at  the 
left  of  the  red  ones,  wdiich  is  a  matter  of  importance  in  what  follows. 

I  shall  treat  these  numbers  as  progressing  from  the  left  to  the 
right,  although  it  is  by  no  means  certain  that  the  opposite  order 
should  not  be  adopted.    I  will,  then,  designate  the  serpent  on  the  left 
as  1,  and  the  following  ones  as  2,  3,  and  4,  the  black  numbers  by 
and  the  red  ones  by  b. 

Now,  the  first  question  is,  what  numbers  are  to  be  considered  in  this 
place.  I  am  gratified  to  be  able  to  regard  seven  of  these  eight  num- 
bers as  entirely  correct  and  requiring  no  conjecture.  I  shall  have  to 
alter  only  the  number  16,  that  is,  the  red  one  in  the  first  serpent,  for  I 
assume  that  a  line  is  wanting  in  the  lowest  numeral,  and  that  8 
should  be  read  instead  of  3,  and  that  the  black  1  standing  farther 
below  should  also  serve  for  the  red  number,  which  is  written  remark- 
ably large.  Accordingly,  the  figures  for  these  eight  numbers  are  as 
follow : 


la 

Ih 

2a 

26 

3a 

W 

4«  46 

4 

4 

4 

4 

4 

4 

4  4 

6 

6 

6 

6 

6 

6 

•  6  6 

14 

0 

9 

1 

7 

11 

9  1 

13 

11 

16 

9 

12 

10 

15  9 

15 

8 

10 

15 

4 

7 

12  15 

1 

1 

1 

0 

10 

2 

19  0 

The  first  thing  to  be  noticed  is  the  similarity  of  2Z>  and  45,  as  also 
that  1  and  3  resemble  each  other  in  this  respect  that  the  most  familiar 
deity  in  the  manuscript  is  represented  on  the  heads  of  these  serpents, 
while  on  the  heads  of  2  and  4  there  are  two  beasts. 


FOKSTEMANN] 


THE  NUMERAIiS  IN   THE  SERPENTS 


415 


Translated  into  European  characters,  tlie  numbers  are  as  follow : 

la  12,489,781 
lb  12,388,121 
2a  12,454,761 
2b  12,394,740 
3a  12,438,810 
36  12,466,942 
4a  12,454,459 
46  12,394,740 

We  see  that  these  large  numbers  are  more  nearly  equal  than 
the  numbers  in  the  preceding  section.  If  1  there  considered  the 
period  of  12  ahau  katuns  as  the  true  mean  of  the  group,  we  might 
here,  perhaps,  regard  nine  times  that  period,  that  is,  108  ahau 
katuns  =  12,299,040,  as  the  point  of  departure  for  these  numbers. 

Nor  can  it  be  accidental  that  while  2h  and  4&  are  alike,  the  numbers 
2a  and  4«,  belonging  to  them,  have  the  very  slight  difference  of  302 ; 
that  is,  260+42.    42  is  the  space  of  time  between  XIII  20  and  III  2. 

Nothing  should  be  disregarded  which  may  possibly  throw  light  on 
the  construction  of  the  entire  edifice.  Perhaps  some  other  number 
may  represent  the  mean  of  these  large  numbers  better  than  108  ahau, 
katuns.  In  discussing  this  series  I  observed  that  the  number  136,864 
occurs  on  page  63.  It  is  remarkable  for  its  position,  but  still  more 
so  for  its  magnitude.  For  how  comes  9lXl?504  in  a  series  which 
conchides  with  91X800,  91X1,200,  and  91X1,600?  If  Ave  imagine 
this  number  again  multiplied  by  91,  as  the  fundamental  number  of 
the  whole,  we  obtain  12,454,624,  the  relation  of  which  to  the  eight 
large  numbers  I  leave  the  reader  to  consider.  I  make  no  assertions 
with  regard  to  it. 

In  my  earlier  paper  I  mentioned,  further,  that  under  each  of  the 
eight  numbers  there  is  a  calendar  date.  I  here  give  these  dates,  and 
at  the  same  time  add  the  years  in  which  they  must  occur : 


la 

III  2;  18,  6th  month 

4  Muluc 

16 

III  2;  13,  16th  month 

4Ix 

2a 

III  2;  13,  7th  month 

2  Ix 

26 

III  1;  12,  12th  month 

7Ix 

3a 

III  11;  7,  5th  month 

5  Muluc 

36 

III  3;  14,  17th  month 

9  Ix 

4a 

XIII  20;  1,  14th  month 

1  Kan 

46 

III  1;  17,  2d  month 

7  Muluc 

Only  the  17  in  the  last  date  is  conjectural;  the  manuscript 
reads  16. 

We  perceive  at  once  that  exactly  the  same  days  occur  here  which  we 
saw  above  at  the  beginning  and  the  end  of  the  large  series;  that  is, 
III  2,  III  1,  III  11,  III  3,  and  XIII  20,  of  which  III  2  is  used  three 
times  and  III  1  twice.  Hence  we  clearly  have  a  connection  of  the 
dates  with  the  series. 


416 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETPINOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


In  order  to  show  the  close  relation  of  the  series  to  the  eight  num- 
bers, we  will  now  present  the  connection  of  the  dates  with  the  num- 
bers. The  indication  of  this  connection  is  irrefutable,  although  not 
clear  at  all  points.  With  this  object  in  view  I  will  here  set  down  the 
differences  between  each  two  adjacent  numbers,  and  also  those  be- 
tween the  dates  aj^pertaining  to  them : 

1    Ir/ and  16    101.660         III  2  and  III  2  14,040 


15  and  2a  66,640  III  2  and  III  2  8,580 

3  2a  and  2b  60,021  III  1  and  III  2  2,821 

4  2b  and  3a  44,070  '      III  1  and  III  11  5,330 

5  3a  and  36  28,183  III  11  and  III  3  4,992 

6  36  and  4a  12,483  XIII 20  and  III  3  12,483 

7  4a  and  46  59,719  III  1  and  XIII  20  2.779 

The  reason  for  introducing  the  two  days  in  each  line  will  imme- 
diately appear.  I  will  now  endeavor  to  make  clear  the  connection 
between  the  two  numbers  in  each  line. 

1.  Both  the  numbers  are  divisible  by  260  without  a  remainder. 
The  two  days  are  alike.  I  mentioned  in  the  beginning  that  the  num- 
ber 14,040  was  a  very  important  one. 

2.  In  this  case  there  is  a  seeming  disagreement;  for,  although  the 
days  are  again  alike,  the  second  number  is  83X2C)0  while  the  first  is 
256X260+80;  and  yet  this  difference  is  quite  necessary,  as  I  shall 
hereafter  sho^^ . 

3.  Each  of  the  numbers  divided  by  260  has  a  remainder  of  221,  and 
between  the  day  III  1  and  the  next.  III  2,  there  is  always  an  interval 
of  221  days. 

4.  Each  of  these  numbers  divided  by  260  has  a  remainder  of  130, 
and  130  is  the  distance  between  the  days  III  1  and  III  11. 

5.  The  remainder  of  both  these  numbers  is  52,  which  is  the  distance 
between  III  11  and  III  3. 

6.  The  two  numbers  are  exactly  alike.  Divided  by  260  they  have 
the  remainder  3,  which  is  the  distance  between  XIII  20  and  III  3. 

7.  Both  numbers  have  the  remainder  179,  equal  to  the  distance 
between  III  1  and  XIII  20. 

We  now  come  to  the  question.  What  really  are  the  zero  points  from 
which  these  large  numbers  are  computed?  for  Ave  already  know  that 
the  zero  point  is  by  no  means  alwa3^s  the  normal  date  IV  17;  8,  18th 
month.  I  can  not  give  here  the  multitude  of  figures  necessary  for 
this  calculation,  but  must  content  mj^self  with  the  results.  They  are 
as  follow: 

la         XI  1:  12,  14th  month         1  Ix 

16  XI  1;  12,  15th  month  7  Ix 

2a         IX  1;    7,  14th  month         4  Cauac 
26  IX  1;    2,  9th  month         5  Kan 

3a  IX1;12,  6th  month  3  Ix 
36  IX  1;  12,  17th  month         4  Ix 

4a  IX  1;  12,  17th  month  4  Ix 

4^         IX  1;  12,  17th  month         4  Ix 


fOrstemann] 


METHOD   OF  TREATMENT 


417 


Thus  the  eight  zero  points  all  fall  on  the  lirst  day  of  the  month 
Kan.  The  first  two  week  days,  however,  are  XT  1  and  the  six  others 
IX  1.  From  IX  1  to  XI  1  there  are  80  days,  and  thus  the  number 
80  is  justified,  as  I  promised  above  to  prove;  for  in  the  dates  writ- 
ten below^  belonging  to  Ih  and  '2a  the  days  are  alike  (in  each  case 
III  2). 

The  six  initial  days  IX  1  have  different  positions  in  the  year  in  2«, 
2^,  and  3rt,  and  are,  therefore,  in  different  years;  but  in  3^, 4a,  and  4:h 
they  are  exactly  alike  and  are  all  in  the  year  4  IX.  Hence  the  differ- 
ence in  the  numbers  belonging  to  these  three  does  not  depend  upon 
the  beginning,  but  upon  the  end  of  the  series.  It  is  perhaps  not 
accidental  that  the  year  at  the  beginning  is  4  IX,  wdiich  we  have 
above  seen  occurring  among  tlie  large  numbers  of  the  second  rank. 

The  date  IX  1;  12,  ITth  month,  found  here  three  times  by  mere 
computation,  is  undou]3tedly  an  extremely  important  one.  Looking 
through  the  manuscri])t,  we  find  it  plainly  written  down  on  page  61 
below  on  the  left,  and  then  above  in  the  middle,  and  again  on  page 
62  above  in  the  middle.  Should  not  this  help  to  throw  light  on  the 
hieroglyphs  of  which  it  always  constitutes  the  end  and  aim?  If 
the  upper  right-hand  corner  of  page  61  w^ere  not  entirely  destroyed, 
and  the  left-hand  one  of  page  62  nearly  so,  we  should  undoubtedly 
even  now  see  more  clearly  here. 

I  would  especially  urge  upon  the  attention  of  the  investigator  the 
importance  of  finding  out  the  significance  of  the  symbol  of  the  sixth 
month,  Xul,  eight  times  repeated  w^ith  slight  variations  among  the 
eight  calendar  dates  at  the  bottom  of  these  two  pages. 

But  I  can  not  take  leave  of  this  section  without  remarking  that  it 
likewise  occurs,  like  an  abstract,  in  the  upper  third  of  pages  31  to  32. 
We  find  there  also  a  series  beginning  wdth  the  day  XIII  20.  There 
also  appears  the  difference  91;  there  also,  the  encircled  numbers  17, 
121,  and  51,419;  and  finally,  also,  the  large  numbers  1,272,544, 
1,268,540,  and  1,538,342.  As  if  here,  too,  something  corresponding  in 
a  certain  degree  to  the  serpent  numbers  ought  to  be  found,  there  are  in 
this  place  the  numbers  2,804,100=10,785X260=147  katuns+ 14,040, 
that  remarkable  number  so  often  standing  in  the  background;  yet 
here,  too,  we  have  only  a  great  riddle. 

Pages  69  to  73 

method  of  treatment 

In  the  follow^ing  I  shall  arrange  my  observations  in  the  same  order 
as  I  have  done  in  the  preceding  section.  In  this  w^ay  it  will  be  easily 
seen  by  comparison  wherein  the  tw^o  sections  resemble  each  other  and 
wlierein  tliey  differ. 

7238— No.  28—05  27 


418 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN"  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


THE  SERIES  OF  NUMBERS 

The  first  noticeable  difference  between  the  tAvo  sections  is  the  fact 
that  the  former  began  Avith  only  one  series  and  the  present  one  is 
constructed  upon  two  series. 

On  page  73  Ave  find  at  the  right  the  three  numbers  14,040,  702,  and 
54,  AA'ritten  A^ery  large,  one  aboA^e  the  other.  Ilie  first  is  tAA^enty  times 
the  second,  the  second  thirteen  times  the  third;  thus  the  Avhole  repre- 
sents a  kind  of  tonalaniatl,  each  day  of  which  is  54  days  long.  This 
may  be  looked  upon  as  the  superscription  of  the  first  series. 

At  the  beginning  and  the  end  of  this  series  is  the  day  IX  11,  and 
as  the  fundamental  difference  51.  The  series  begins  at  the  top  of 
page  71  on  the  right,  and  extends  toA\:ard  the  right  as  far  as  the 
middle  of  the  upper  third  of  page  73.  The  attendant  days  are  not 
stated  here,  but  only  the  numbers  of  the  w^eek  days,  Avhich  are  usually 
red,  but  this  time  are  black  encircled  with  red,  and  AA^hich  conse- 
quently haA^e  here  an  unusual  significance.  Since  54  is  equal  to 
4X13+2,  these  numbers  must  always  increase  by  2.  As  I  said 
before,  aac  nuist  suppose  a  IX  AA^ith  the  zero;  then  Avith  54  we  shall 
read  XI,  Avith  108  XIII,  with  1G2  II,  and  so  on  up  to  VII  AvitlL  648. 
Hereupon  folloAA  s  that  702  on  page  73,  at  the  right,  and  beloAV  Ave  read 
the  IX  belonging  to  it.  This  702  forms  the  second  fundamental 
difference  of  the  series,  although  it  is  not  divisible  by  260.  It  is  to 
be  found  on  the  second  third  of  page  71  as  the  fifth  number  counted 
from  the  left,  but  it  is  incorrectly  Avritten,  for  Iavo  dots  are  Avanting 
OA^er  the  middle  numeral,  Avhich  must  be  17  and  not  15.  The  series, 
accomjDanied  quite  regularly  by  day  signs  and  numbers,  uoav  in- 
creases by  terms  of  702,  proceeding  toAvard  the  left  to  page  70 ;  thus, 
1,404,  2,106,  2,808,  and  so  on.  This  line  ends  on  the  left  Avith  4,914; 
then  5,616  follows  in  the  next  line  aboA^e  on  page  71,  folloAved  by 
6,318  and  7,020.  In  this  manner  a  number  is  reached  Avhich  is 
divisible  by  54,  20,  and  13,  therefore  also  by  260.  Double  this  num- 
ber is  the  notable  14,040,  Avhich  should  stand  here,  but  is  omitte.d  be- 
cause, as  Ave  see,  it  is  already  on  page  73.  This  14,040  noAV  forms  the 
third  difference  of  the  series  (after  the  54  and  702),  the  numbers  in 
Avhich  must  ahvays  be  accompanied  by  the  day  IX  11.  Thus  Ave 
read  in  continuation  28,080,  42,120,  56,160,  70,200.  At  this  point  the 
series  is  continued  in  the  uppermost  line,  which  is  unfortunately  very 
much  injured  and  the  numbers  of  which  Ave  can  only  surmise.  If  the 
difference  14,040  remained  unchanged,  the  last  number  Avould  be 
168,480=12X14,040.  Compare  the  description  of  this  and  of  the 
•following  series  in  the  admirable  work  of  Cyrus  Thomas,  Aids  to  the 
Study  of  the  Maya  Codices,  Washington,  1888,  page  331. 

At  the  beginning  and  the  end  of  the  second  series  is  the  day  IV  9, 
and  the  fundamental  difference  is  65;  that  is,  a  quarter  of  260.  This 


FOliSTEMAXX] 


CORRECTIONS,  OR  ENCIRCLED  NUMERALS 


419 


series  begins  in  the  second  third  of  page  73,  on  the  right,  Avith  05=: IV 
14,  increases  toward  the  left  by  terms  of  ()5  to  910= IV  19,  then  con- 
tinues at  the  bottom  of  page  73,  on  the  right,  with  975= IV  4,  and 
again  continues  to  increase  toward  the  left  b}^  terms  of  only  65  until, 
on  page  71,  1,820=IV  9  is  reached,  which  is  divisible  by  260  (as  were 
various  previous  numbers).  This  1.820  constitutes  the  second  differ- 
ence for  the  next  two  numbers,  3,()40  and  5,460.  The  7,280  which  v/e 
should  then  expect  is  wanting,  but  just  this  is  the  third  difference  for 
what  follows.  The  line  ends  on  page  70  with  43,680=6X7,280,  but 
continues  a  line  higher  on  page  71  with  50,960=7x7,280,  and  now 
continues  to  increase  toward  the  left  to  9,  10,  13,  15  times  7,280,  wdiere- 
upon  the  8  times  7,280  (58,240),  omitted  on  page  71,  is  here  inserted, 
for  I  read  here  8,  1,  14,  0,  instead  of  8,  1,  10,  0.  ^ 

To  these  highest  numbers  of  the  series  is  added  a  number  consist- 
ing of  the  numerals  1,  0,  12,  3,  which  are  quite  inexplicable  at  pres- 
ent, for  there  is  nothing  to  be  done  Avith  7,443.  Yet,  I  would  call 
attention  to  the  fact  that  it  stands  exactly  in  the  place  where  in  th^ 
preceding  section  we  found  the  at  first  equally  inexplicable  136,864. 
As  in  the  preceding  section,  we  shall  revert  to  this  number  later. 

Thus  we  have  two  series  in  this  section,  but  each  relates  only  to  one 
day.  The  previous  section  gave  us  but  one  series,  which,  however,  had 
reference  to  two  days.  What  w^as  there  91,  III  2  and  XIII  20,  is 
here  54,  IX  11,  and  65,  IV  9. 

THE  CORRECTIONS,  OR  ENCIRCLED  NUMERALS 

While  the  former  section  presented  five  such  numbers,  the  present 
one  contains  no  fewer  than  eight.  Of  these,  however,  only  the  four 
lower  ones  actually  have  the  rings,  while  the  four  higher  ones  are 
without  them.    They  are  as  folloAv  : 

1.  On  page  70,  on  the  left,  606=2X260+86;  above  this  is  IX  11; 
86  is  the  distance  from  IX  11  to  the  normal  date  IV  17. 

2.  To  the  right  of  this  number  is  1,646=6X260+86;  above  it 
again  is  IX  11;  this  refers  to  the  same  interval. 

3.  Below  the  first  number  is  only  86;  over  this  again  is  IX  11, 
referring  again  to  the  same  distance. 

4.  Below  the  second  number  is  208;  over  this  is  IV  9.  The  208 
denotes  actually  the  distance  from  IV  9  to  IV  17. 

5.  On  the  same  page  in  the  fourth  column,  in  black  figures,  is 
111,554=429X260+14;  above,  in  the  third  column,  is  X  17,  but 
over  the  X  is  an  VIII,  like  a  correction.  I  read  them  VIII  17.  The 
above-mentioned  14,  how^ever,  denotes  the  distance  from  VIII  17  to 
IX  11,  the' initial  day  of  the  first  series. 

6..  Written  between  in  red  is  101,812  (for  I  read  14  instead  of  16)  = 
391X260+152.  This  152  is  the  distance  from  VIII  17  to  IV  9, 
the  starting  point  of  the  second  series. 


420 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  2« 


7.  At  a  considerable  distance  from  this,  at  the  top  of  page  73,  we 
fhid  the  number  83,474=(32lX2<:)0)  +14  and  below  it  IX  11.  Thus  it 
is  again  intended  to  indicate  the  distance  from  VIII  17  to  IX  11. 

8.  At  the  right  of  this  is  34,732=  (133X200)  +152.  Underneath  is 
IX  9,  doubtless  to  be  read  IV  9,  indicating  the  distance  from  VIII  17 
to  IV  9. 

Since  the  multiples  of  2G0  are  alwaA-s  indifferent  in  certain  re- 
spects, we  are  really  concerned  with  only  four  of  these  corrected 
numbers — 86,  208,  14,  and  152;  that  is,  with  the  four  intervals  IX  11 
to  IV  17,  IV  9  to  IV  17,  VIII  17  to  IX  11,  and  VIII  17  to  IV  9.  The 
starting  points  of  the  two  series,  IX  11  and  IV  9,  are  brought  into  rela- 
tion only  with  the  normal  date  IV  17  and  with  the  still  enigmatic  VIII 
17.  I  would  also  remark,  with  regard  to  the  position  of  this  VIII  17, 
that  it  is  distant  100  days  from  a  succeeding,  consequently  160  days 
from  a  preceding,  IV  17,  that  it  therefore  divides  the  tonalamatl 
into  two  parts,  having  the  ratio  of  5  to  8. 

THE  lakgp:  numbers 

As  in  the  preceding  section,  there  are  exactly  six  of  these,  all  on 
page  70.  I  will  consider  them  here  in  the  same  manner  as  in  that 
section. 

1.  IV  17.    I,201,2()():^4,t)2()x2()0,  wliich  is  1G5,3(>0  less  than  12  abau 
katuns. 

2.  IV  17.    1,202,24U=4,()24X2()0=:208X 5,780.    208  is  the  distance  from 
IV  9  to  IV  17;  104.320=208X700,  being  less  than  12  ahau  katnns. 

3.  IV  17.    1,394,120=5,3(52X200,  which  is  27,500  more  than  12  ahau 
katuns. 

It  may  not  be  accidental  that  the  first  and  third  numbers  are  both  divis- 
ible by  14,  ^yhich  is  the  distance  from  VIII  17  to  IX  11. 

4.  IV  17.    1,437,()2()=5.527X200,  or  70,400  more  than  12  ahau  katuns. 

5.  IV  11.  l,520,r.r)4=5,848X 200+174.    174  is  the  distance  from  IV  17 
to  IX  11.    This  number  is  154,004  more  than  12  ahau  katuns. 

6.  IV  9.    1,507,332=0.028x200+52.    52  is  the  distance  from  IV  17  to 
IV  9.    This  number  is  200,772  more  than  12  ahau  katuns. 

These  numbers  may  still  bear  relations  to  each  other  which  I  have 
not  yet  discovered. 

We  now  know  that  from  these  numbers  the  corrections,  or  encircled 
numbers,  are  to  be  subtracted  from  all  six  numbers,  indeed,  eight — 
that  is,  two  each  of  the  latter  from  two  of  the  former.  Thence 
result  the  folloAving  eight  equations,  to  which  I  attach  the  corre- 
sponding days : 

1.  1,201,200  (IV  17)-       86=1,201,114  (IX  11) 

2.  1,202,240  (IV  17)-      208=1,202,032  (IV  9) 

3.  1,394,120  (IV  17)-      606=1,393,514  (IX  11) 

4.  1,437,020  (IV  17)-    1,646=1,435,374  (IX  11) 

5.  1,520,654  (IX  11)-111,554=1,409,100  (VIII  17) 

6.  1,520,654  (IX  11)-  83,474=1,437,180  (VIII 17) 

7.  1,567,332  (IV  9) -101,812=1,465,520  (VIII 17) 

8.  1,567,332  (IV  9)-  34,732=1,534,600  (VIII  17) 


fok.stkmann] 


THE  NUMERALS  IN   THE  SERPENTS 


421 


I  should  like  to  call  attention  here  to  a  singular  circumstance  in 
connection  with  the  last  four  subtrahends,  whicli  extends  to  the  last 
four  remainders,  and  is  evidently  so  intended.  This  is  111,551 — 
101,812—9,742,  an  apparently  quite  unimportant  number,  which,  far- 
ther on,  we  shall  see  recurring'  in  a  very  remarkable  position.  Fur- 
ther, 83,474 — 34,732=48,742,  is  again  an  apparently  unimportant 
number;  but  it  is  surprising  to  observe  that  48,742  —  9,742  is  exactly 
39,000  =  150  tonalamatl.  Furthermore,  111,554  -  -  83,474  =  28,080, 
that  is,  twice  that  remarkable  14,0-10;  and  101,812  —  34,732  =  67,080 
==258  tonalamatl.  If  these  circumstances  have  no  other  immediate 
result,  they  at  least  prove  the  correctness  of  the  numbers. 

I  should  also  like  to  state  here  how  I  have  calculated  the  days 
mentioned  in  the  last  eight  equations  according  to  their  position, 
but  I  shall  willingly  accept  corrections  if  I  have  erred : 


1.  IV  17;  13,  17th  month  11  Muhic 

2.  IV  17;  18,  14th  month  1  Kan 

3.  IV  17;  8,  9th  month  7  Ix 

4.  IV  17;  23,  18th  month  7  Canac 

5.  IX  11;  7,  3d  month  3  Muhic 

6.  IX  11;  7,  3d  month  3  Mnluc 

7.  IV  9;  5,  1st  month  1  Mulnc 

8.  IV  9;  5,  1st  month  1  Mnlu(3 


IX  11;  7,  13th  month  11  Mulnc 

IV  9;  10,  4th  month  1  Kan 

IX  11;  12,  15th  month  5  Kan 

IX  11;  17,  9th  month  3  Cauac 

VIII  17;  3,  10th  month  9  Canac 

VIII  17;  18,  8th  month  8  Kan 

VIII  17;  8,  2d  month  8  Ix 

VIII  17;  13,  16th  month  9  Mulnc 


All  the  numbers  and  dates  are,  of  course,  computed  from  the  nor- 
mal date,  IV  17,  8,  18th  month. 

In  the  previous  section  I  was  able  at  this  point  to  indicate  some 
calendar  dates  occurring  in.  the  manuscript  which  were  related  to 
the  remainders,  but  it  is  not  possible  to  do  so  in  this  section.  It  is 
true,  some  calendar  dates  seem  to  occur  on  page  70,  in  the  middle  of 
the  third  and  fourth  columns,  but  it  is  uncertain  whether  they  agree 
with  these  remainders.  At  the  most  13,  16th  month,  strikes  one  as 
agreeing  with  the  dates  I  have  given  above. 

THE  NUMERALS  IN  THE  SERPENT 

In  the  previous  section  there  were  four  serpents,  but  in  the  present 
only  one.  We  will  consider  the  two  numbers  in  this  serpent  with 
respect  to  their  size,  their  difference,  point  of  departure,  termination, 
and  relation  to  the  other  portions  of  this  section.  The  Maya  numerals 
and  the  resulting  numbers  are  as  follows: 


Black  4 

5 
19 
13 
12 


Red. 


.  4 
6 
1 
0 

13 
10 


12, 381,728 
Both  numbers  are  quite  reliable, 
in  the  red  number  is  hardly  visible. 


12,391,470 
AVe  need  only  mention  that  the  1 


422 


BUREAU   OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


Lblll.  28 


At  the  first  glance  Ave  see  that  they  have  ahnost  the  same  magni- 
tude as  the  eight  numbers  in  tlie  four  preceding  serpents.  The  black 
number  is  somewhat  less  than  any  of  the  eight  numbers,  the  red  some- 
what larger  than  the  smallest  among  them. 

The  difference  betAveen  them  is  9,T42=:37X260+122 ;  and  122  is 
exactly  the  difference  between  the  day  IV  9  and  the  day  IX  11,  which 
in  itself  proves  the  connection  of  these  numbers  with  the  series  pre- 
viously considered.  But  we  found  before  exactly  the  same  difference 
between  the  two  encircled  numbers,  111,554  and  101,812,  to  which, 
therefore,  the  numbers  in  the  serpent  must  likewise  be  closely  related. 

Above,  at  the  conclusion  of  my  discussion  of  the  series,  I  mentioned 
the  figures  1,  0,  12,  and  3  at  the  end  of  the  series  on  page  70,  which 
would  amount  to  7,443,  and  could  not,  therefore,  be  explained.  But 
they  are  close  to  the  numbers  111,554  and  101,812  just  mentioned. 
The  inference  seems  natural,  therefore,  that  they  may  be  the  differ- 
ence between  these  latter  numbers,  which  is  our  9,742.  In  that  case 
we  should  be  obliged  to  substitute  1,  7,  1,  2,  in  the  place  of  the  above- 
named  figures,  and  that  would  be  too  great  an  alteration.  Who  can 
make  a  better  suggestion?  The  0,  standing  below  the  number,  is 
almost  entireh^  obliterated,  and  surely  was  only  an  error  on  the  part 
of  the  Avriter,  and  is  therefore  not  to  be  regarded. 

The  starting  point  of  the  numbers  in  the  serpent,  moreover,  is  of 
special  interest.  We  see  the  same  date,  IX  1 ;  12,  17th  month,  as  in 
the  serpents  of  the  previous  section,  and  here  we  stand  on  safe  ground. 

Now,  if  we  compute  the  black  number  from  this  point,  after  652 
katuns,  18  years  and  198  days,  we  arrive  at  the  date  IV  9;  5,  9th 
month  (10  Muluc),  and  on  page  69,  under  the  serpent,  we  actually 
find  it.  In  the  same  way,  for  the  red  numbers  we  have  652  katuns, 
45  years  and  85  days=XI  11;  12,  3d  month  (11  Kan),  which  again 
finds  triumphajit  confirmation  in  the  manuscript. 

If  the  numbers  in  the  serpent  Avere  to  be  computed  from  the  pre- 
ceding regular  date,  IV  17 ;  8,  18th  month,  and  not  from  IX  1 ;  12, 
17th  month,  it  would  then  be  necessary  to  add  2,904  days  to  each. 
Then  Ave  should  obtain  for  the  true  day  IV  9  the  number  12,384,632 
and  for  the  true  day  IX  11  the  number  12,394,374. 

I  think  I  have  shoAvn  in  this  paper  the  inner  connection  betAveen 
these  tAvo  sections.  The  interpretation  of  the  rest  of  the  hieroglj^phs 
must  be  achieA^ed  before  a  perfect  comprehension  can  be  reached; 
but  this,  I  think,  can  not  be  far  distant  Avith  regard  to  these  tAvo  sec- 
tions. My  present  communication,  I  think,  has  sup2:)lemented  and 
brought  to  a  certain  degree  of  completeness  my  investigations  regard- 
ing the  mathematical  aspects  of  the  Dresden  codex.  Mathematics 
has  rightly  been  called  petrified  music.  We  hear  the  music  in  this 
case  from  so  great  a  distance  that,  though  Ave  perceiA^e  the  full  har- 
monic chords,  Ave  do  not  recognize  the  connecting  and  animating 
melody. 


TORTOISE  AND  SNAIL  IN  MAYA  LITERATURE « 


It  is  a  well-known  fact  that  at  the  time  when  the  days  and  nights 
are  of  equal  length  the  sun  rises  directly  in  the  east  and  sets  in  the 
west.  llHiile  the  length  of  the  days  increases  these  phenomena  occur 
farther  to  the  north  and  as  it  decreases  farther  to  the  south.  At  the 
periods  of  the  longest  and  of  the  shortest  day  an  apparent  standstill 
(solstice)  takes  place  in  this  movement,  after  which  it  is  reversed. 

The  Mayas  of  Yucatan,  Chiapas,  and  Guatemala,  who  had  attained 
high  culture  of  a  certain  kind,  seem,  if  all  signs  do  not  deceive  us,  to 
have  denoted  this  standstill  in  their  hieroglyphs  and  the  accompany- 
ing pictures  by  the  tw^o  creatures  who  are  slowest  in  their  movements, 
the  tortoise  and  the  snail.  To  men  who  observe  from  a  purely 
natural  point  of  view,  the  two  are  nearly  akin  to  one  another,  both  by 
their  slow  ness  and  by  being  encased  in  a  shell.  The  summer  solstice, 
the  time  of  the  sun's  greatest  heat,  was  assigned  to  the  tortoise,  as  the 
larger  animal,  and  the  winter  solstice  to  the  snail. 

We  w^ll  first  consider  the  tortoise  and  the  summer  solstice.  As  the 
Maya  year  begins  on  the  IGth  of  July  and  contains  18  months  of  20 
days  each,  besides  5  intercalary  days,  the  summer  solstice  occurs 
in  the  seventeenth  month,  known  as  Kayab.  If  we  look  at  the  hiero- 
glyph of  this  month  w^e  find,  as  Doctor  Schellhas  was  the  first  to 
recognize,  only  the  head  of  a  tortoise  with  the  sign  of  the  sun  (kin) 
in  place  of  an  eye  (see  «,  ^,  figure  103,  from  Biologia  Centrali- 
Americana-Archjeology,  part  8,  pages  18  and  72,  and  part  10,  plate 
77,  page  17).  In  this  way  it  frequently  appears  in  the  Dresden 
manuscript,  so  that  no  reference  is  necessary.  In  this  manuscript 
the  center  of  page  40  is  especially  noteworthy.  There  we  find  by  the 
hieroglyph  a  picture  representing  a  human  form  with  a  tortoise's 
head.  In  each  hand  this  personage  holds  a  torch,  one  pointing 
upward  and  the  other  downward,  a  fit  symbol  for  the  Avaxing  and 
then  Avaning  days.  Above  the  picture  are  two  astronomic  signs,  one 
of  which  doubtless  represents  the  sun.  Before  the  hierogly])h  is  the 
numeral  4.  It  ma}^  be  merely  accidental  that  the  fourth  day  of  the 
w^eek  of  thirteen  days  is  also  noted  below^  (see  d).  In  the  Dresden 
codex,  page  39a,  the  lightning  beast  also  carries  two  torches,  one  point- 
ing up  and  the  other  down  (see  e).  The  tortoise  is  especially  frequent 
in  that  part  of  the  Madrid  Troano  codex,  long  since  separated  from  it, 
which  is  now  commonly  called  Codex  Cortesianus.    It  does  not 


«  Schild  Krote  und  Schnecke  in  der  Mayalileratui-,  Dresden,  June  21,  1892. 

423 


424 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


occur  in  the  technical  and  economic  divisions  of  the  manuscript,  but 
only  in  the  astronomic  and  calendric  part,  on  pages  1  to  19  and  31  to 
42,  and  only  toward  the  end  of  these  two  divisions.  The  passages 
are  the  following: 

Page  13a,  where  the  hieroglyphs  belonging  to  it  are  effaced. 

Page  17a,  where,  with  the  picture  of  the  tortoise,  its  hieroglyph 
appears  at  least  four  times  (see  /). 


e  f  d 


Fig.  103.   Glyphs  of  the  month  Kayab  and  turtle  figures,  from  Maya  codices  and  inscriptions. 

Page  17b,  among  a  series  of  day  signs.  To  the  right  of  it  a  frog  is 
represented;  to  the  left,  astronomic  signs  and  the  sun;  between  them, 
a  crouching  (praying?)  human  figure  with  outstretched  hands. 

Page  19b,  where  we  find  it  surrounded  by  three  deities — a  black 
one,  a  second  with  the  mouth  painted  black,  and  a  white  one.  All 
three  hold  parts  of  a  rope  or  of  a  serpent  (the  course  of  the  year?), 
whose  upper  part  rises  above  the  tortoise.  The  hieroglyph  of  the  latter 
is  close  to  it,  both  above  and  below.  Nor  must  we  omit  to  mention 
that  the  sign  yax  (strength)  occurs  on  the  back  of  the  tortoise. 


fOrstemann]    tortoise  AND  SNAIL  IN   MAYA  LITERATURE  425 

Page  36b,  where,  beside  the  tortoise,  is  a  person  with  closed  eyes 
(dead).    The  hierogl^q^h  for  the  tortoise  is  hicking  here. 

Page  3Ta,  on  the  upper  portion  of  which  there  are  three  astronomic 
signs:  below,  the  sun  repeated,  from  which  rain  streams  down  or. 


h  c  e 

Fig.  104.   Grlyphs  and  figures  from  the  Maya  codices. 


perhaps  more  likely,  rays  shoot  down  upon  the  earth,  here  repre- 
sented by  the  threefold  sign  cauac;  at  the  very  bottom,  the  tor- 
toise itself.    Here,  too,  the  hieroglyph  is  missing  (see  (7,  figure  lOi). 
Page  38b,  where,  lastly,  we  see  a  bird  in  what  looks  like  an  heraldic 


426 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


drawing,  which  bears  the  representation  of  the  tortoise  back  as  a 
breastplate.    Here,  too,  the  hieroglyph  is  missing. 

Although  I  have  said  that  the  hieroglyph  is  missing  in  the  last 
three  instances,  yet  I  must  state  that  in  all  tliree  passages,  ns  well  as 
in  many  others,  among  the  hieroglyphs  occurs  the  one  which  de- 
notes the  official  year  of  360  days,  and  to  this  is  appended  a  sort  of 
iatticcAvork,  which  may  have  been  evolved  from  the  drawing  of  the 
tortoise's  back. 

In  the  Troano  codex  itself  I  find  the  tortoise  represented  but  twice 
(pages  25*c  and  32*c).  The  appropriate  hieroglyphs  occur  in  these 
passages,  but  in  others  in  a  form  easily  to  be  confounded  with  a  simi- 
larly shaped  bird's  head  (pages  2b,  31c,  32b,  19*c).  So,  too,  in 
Codex  Cortesianus,  page  33a,  a  deity  carries  under  his  arm  an  animal 
Avhich  may  be  equally  w^ell  taken  for  a  bird  or  a  tortoise.  The  hiero- 
glyph is  above  it.  The  passage  in  the  Troano  codex,  page  25*c,  is 
particularly  important.  Here,  an  animal  (jaguar?)  sits  on  the  tor- 
toise, and  to  the  right  and  left  are  two  human  figures,  whose  heads  arc 
surrounded  by  rays.  In  the  hieroglyphs  above  we  see  the  four  car- 
dinal points,  and  below  the  sign  of  the  tortoise  repeated. 

Two  days  in  the  tortoise  month,  Kayab,  are  of  special  importance. 
The  first  is  the  twelfth  day  (see  Z>,  figure  104,  from  the  Dresden  codex, 
page  G2),  corresponding  to  our  13th  of  June,  which  was  perhaps  re- 
garded by  the  Maya  as  the  beginning  of  the  solstice.  It  is  the  actual 
point  of  departure  of  the  enormous  periods  which  are  represented  in 
the  coils  of  the  serpent  on  pages  61,  62,  and  69  of  the  Dresden  manu- 
script, which  at  once  becomes  apparent  when  we  examine  the  various 
passages  in  which  occur  the  hieroglyphs  belonging  to  it.  The  second 
is  the  eighteenth  day,  set  down  below  on  the  left  of  page  24  of  the 
Dresden  manuscript  (c,  figure  104),  coinciding  with  the  day  I  Ahau  in 
the  year  3  Kan.  Regarding  it  we  find  Avritten  there  that  it  precedes  the 
regular  normal  date,  the  usual  beginning  of  the  Ma^^a  system  of  com- 
puting time  (IV  Ahau;  8,  18th  month),  by  2,200  days.  It  is  a  very 
remarkable  fact  that  in  the  well-known  inscription  on  the  Cross  of 
Palenque,  at  the  end  of  the  first  two  and  at  the  beginning  of  the  third 
and  fourth  columns,  these  identical  two  days  are  given,  having  the 
same  position  in  the  year  and  the  same  interval  of  time  (8  tonalamatl 
and  6  months)  between  them. 

Therefore,  either  the  state  of  civilization  was  about  the  same 
throughout  the  whole  Maya  area  or  the  Dresden  manuscript  must 
have  been  produced  not  far  from  Palenque.  In  favor  of  this 
theory  is  the  circumstance  that  the  drawings  in  this  manuscript  un- 
doubtedly resemble  the  reliefs  of  Palenque,  but  differ  strikingly  from 
those  of  the  more  northern  regions.  This  eighteenth  day  of  the 
month  Kayab  corresponds  to  our  19th  of  June,    It  seems,  therefore, 


FORSTEMANN]    TORTOISE  AND  SNAIL  IN   MAYA  LITERATURE 


427 


to  have  been  regarded  by  the  Mayas  as  the  true  niiddk^  of  the  sol- 
stice, as  the  longest  day. 

It  will  be  a  slight  digression  if,  at  this  point,  I  glance  at  the 
eighteenth  month  Cumku,  immediately  succeeding  Ka^^ab,  which  is 
certainly  the  hottest  one  of  the  year.  To  Stephens's  book.  Incidents 
of  Travel  in  Yucatan  (London,  1843),  is  appended  a  treatise  on  the 
Maya  calendar  by  Perez,  a  man  living  in  Yucatan,  and  there  we  find 
the  statement  that  cumku  means  thunderclap.  The  hieroglyph  of 
the  month  agrees  with  this,  for  in  it  we  see  two  flashes  of  lightning 
(or  hot  sunbeams?)  darting  down  from  the  same  point  upon  the 
maize  field  (kan).  In  the  above-mentioned  passage  of  the  Dresden 
codex,  page  40,  the  lightning  beast  as  it  rushes  down  from  heaven 
follows  directly  after  the  person  with  the  tortoise's  head  and  the  two 
torches  (see  d).  In  this  month  the  eighth  day,  the  normal  date 
already  mentioned,  is  the  most  important  of  all.  Are  we  to  infer 
from  this  that  the  Maya  chronology  dates  from  the  day  of  the  sun's 
greatest  heat,  the  da}^  in  which  the  sun  has  the  greatest  powder? 
(See  e.) 

Not  only  in  the  manuscripts  does  the. tortoise  occur,  but  also  on  the 
stone  monuments  of  the  Mayas.  Xi  least,  I  read  of  its  discovery  in 
Copan  in  Stephens's  Incidents  of  Travel  in  Central  America,  volume 
1  (New  York,  1842),  page  155:  "The  altar  is  buried  with  the  top 
barely  visible,  which,  by  excavating,  we  made  out  to  represent  the 
back  of  a  tortoise  ". 

The  tortoise  seldom  occurs  in  Aztec  monuments,  but,  my  attention 
having  been  drawn  to  it  by  Mrs  Nuttall,  I  can  prove  that  it  occurs 
at  least  in  the  Vienna  manuscript  in  Kingsborougli,  volume  2,  ap- 
parently in  a  calendric  context. 

I  will  also  mention  an  Aztec  stone  calendar  excavated  in  1790, 
which  is  represented  under  the  erroneous  title  of  "  El  Zodiaco  ",  in 
Nebel's  Voyage  dans  la  partie  la  plus  interessante  du  Mexique  (Paris, 
1836,  folio).  Here  we  find  two  tortoise  heads,  one  on  either  side  of 
the  central  picture,  representing  the  sun. 

We  may  also  note  that  in  the  Old  World  the  crab  (among  the  con- 
stellations and  correspondingly  in  the  Tropic  of  Cancer)  is  used  in- 
stead of  the  tortoise,  it  being  also  a  slow-paced  creature  encased  in  a 
shell  and  the  symbol  of  retrogression  at  the  same  time. 

I  have  ventured,  in  the  second  place,  although  not  so  confidently  as 
in  the  case  of  the  tortoise,  to  connect  the  snail  Avith  the  winter  solstice. 
This  occurs  in  the  month  Mol,  the  eighth  of  the  Maya  3^ear.  In  this 
month  the  death,  relatively  speaking,  and  also  the  new^  birth  of  the 
sun,  takes  place.  We  must  therefore  endeavor  to  seek  the  relations  of 
the  snail  to  birth,  to  death,  to  the  sun,  and,  if  possible,  to  the  month 
Mol. 

.  It  is  already  known  to  science,  and  widely  acknowledged,  that  the 


428 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


snail  is  the  symbol  of  birth  among  Central  American  people,  and  a 
very  appropriate  one.  Doctor  Seler  accepts  this  view  in  the  Compte 
rendu  of  the  Seventh  Congress  of  Americanists  (Berlin,  1890), 
pages  580  and  following,  where  he  also  proves  from  Aztec  manuscripts 
the  manifold  relations  of  the  whelk,  the  sea  snail,  to  the  deities  of 
death,  besides  whom  the  sun  god  also  usually  appears.  Doctor  Seler 
has  already  discussed  these  relations  in  his  essay  "  Der  Charakter  der 
Aztekischen  unci  Maya  handschriften  ". 


,  a  ^ 

Fig.  105.   Glyphs  of  animals  and  month  Mol,  from  Maya  codices. 


If  we  now  turn  to  the  Dresden  Maya  manuscript  wo  find  the  connec- 
tion of  the  snail  with  the  deities  of  death  here  plainly  indicated.  It 
appears  here  on  the  head  of  the  true  death  god  at  least  live  times 
(pages  9c,  12b,  13b,  14a,  and  23c) .  It  also  occurs  elsewhere.  The  god 
D  (following  Doctor  Schellhas's  designations,  which  I  hope  will  be 
generally  adopted)  has  the  snail  on  his  head,  page  5c.  This  god,  with 
the  face  of  an  old  man,  occurs  here  between  two  pictures  of  the  death 
god.  On  page  9a  we  see  him,  again  with  the  snail,  between  a  vulture 
and  a  woman  with  bandaged  eyes  {a^  figure  105). 


fOrstr.maxx]    tortoise  AND  SNAIL  IN   MAYA  LITERATURE 


429 


The  sea  snail  appears  A^ery  curiously  on  page  37b.  Here  it  lies  in 
the  water  and  appears  to  be  in  the  act  of  giving  birth  to  a  tiny  per- 
son (female?). 

I  can  not  discover  a  genuine  hieroglyph  of  the  snail  in  all  these 
passages.  Doctor  Schellhas  expresses  the  opinion,  which  is  worthy 
of  consideration,  that  the  ver}^  frequent  hieroglyph  in  which  the  day 
sign  Oc  is  combined  with  the  numeral  3  is  connected  with  the  snail, 
and  that  the  suffix  attached  to  this  sign  strongly  suggests  the  snail  and 
the  foot  on  which  it  creeps  figure  105,  from  the  Dresden  codex, 
page  43c). 

Still  another  passage,  perhaps  of  special  importance,  remains  to 
be  discussed.  I  refer  to  pages  10c  to  11c  of  the  Dresden  manuscript. 
Here  we  find  twenty-four  hieroglyphs  in  tvro  rows,  six  groups  of  four 
each,  but  each  group  begins  here  with  the  sign  of  the  above-mentioned 
month  Mol,  which  is  the  case  nowhere  else.  But  to  these  six  Mols 
belong  six  pictures  of  gods,  namely,  A,  D,  F,  P],  G,  and  B. 

The  series  begins  with  the  death  god  A;  then  comes  D  with  the 
face  of  an  old  man  (according  to  Doctor  Schellhas  the  god  of  birth 
and  of  the  moon)  ;  then  F,  who,  as  Doctor  Schellhas  shows,  is  in  a 
way  a  second  death  god.  Next  comes  the  grain  god,  E,  bearing  on  his 
head  the  snail,  together  with  the  ears  of  maize;  then  the  sun  god; 
lastly  the  deity  who  is  the  most  important  one  in  this  manuscript. 
The  snail,  therefore,  occurs  here  among  the  gods  of  birth,  of  death, 
and  of  the  sun  in  a  section  in  which  the  month  Mol  seems  to  be  of 
chief  importance. 

The  question  now  arises  whether  the  sign  for  the  month  Mol  is  in 
any  way  connected  with  birth  or  death  or  with  the  sun  or  the  snail. 
The  sign  consists  of  two  parallel  lines  of  dots,  forming  an  ellipse.  In 
the  lower  part  of  this  ellipse  is  a  small  circle,  wdiose  center  is  indi- 
cated, and  to  the  upper  part  of  which  two  little  hooks  or  loops  are 
attached.  In  almost  the  same  way  in  which  it  occurs  in  the  manu- 
scripts the  sign  Mol  occurs  in  the  inscriptions,  which  in  ever}^  other 
respect  differ  so  w^idel}^  from  the  manuscripts.  Unfortunately,  there 
is  no  convincing  theory  to  explain  this  figure,  although  there  are  three 
possible  ones.  In  the  first  place,  the  ellipse  might  stand  for  the  snail 
shell,  and  that  which  is  drawn  within  it  may  be  a  cursive  indication 
of  a  snail ;  in  the  second  place,  we  might  regard  it  as  an  egg  and  its 
yolk  as  an  emblem  of  birth,  and,  thirdly,  it  would  be  possible  to  regard 
it  as  the  imprisoned,  and  hence  powerless,  sun.  Who  shall  decide  be- 
tween these  possibilities?  The  second  is  supported  by  the  fact  that  Mr 
Dieseldorff  writes  me  from  Coban,  in  Guatemala,  that  in  the  language 
of  that  part  of  the  country  (the  Kekchi)  Mol  means  egg.  I  can  not 
find  the  snail  in  Codex  Troano-Cortesianus,  but  this  may  be  due  to 
the  hasty  and  rude  drawing  of  that  manuscript.  I  am  prepared 
to  deny  positively  that  it  does  occur. 


430 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


Of  course,  the  two  solstices  have  not  the  great  significance  in  Yuca- 
tan \Yhich,  with  their  extreme  alternations  of  light  and  temperature, 
they  possess  in  the  higher  latitudes;  yet  by  the  alternations  of  dry 
and  wet  seasons,  by  the  varying  length  of  the  days,  which  differ  by 
two  hours,  and  by  the  higher  or  lower  position  of  the  sun,  as  well  as 
by  the  deviation  in  the  point  of  the  sun's  rising  and  setting,  they  are 
sufficientl}^  noticeable  not  to  be  passed  over  in  silence  in  the  ancient 
literature  of  a  race  so  mathematically  endowed  as  the  Maya. 

We  know  from  the  Maya  manuscripts  that  four  animals — deer, 
bird,  lizard,  and  fish — were  frequently  placed  in  combination  with  the 
four  cardinal  points.  To  these  must  now  be  added,  if  my  hypothe- 
sis be  correct,  the  tortoise  as  the  representative  of  the  northwest  and 
northeast  and  the  snail  as  the  representative  of  the  southwest  and 
southeast.  In  Codex  Cortesianus,  pages  31a  and  32a,  the  four  ani- 
mals appear,  and  immediately  after  them  (page  33a)  the  tortoise. 
On  the  so-called  title  page  that  has  been  much  discussed,  which  con- 
nects the  Troano  codex  Avith  Codex  Cortesianus,  to  the  days  from  Imix 
to  Kan,  from  Manik  to  Oc,  and,  lastly,  Ben  are  assigned  the  four 
cardinal  points,  while  Chicchan  and  Cimi,  as  well  as  Chuen  and  Eb^ 
each  have  two  unfamiliar  signs,  not  the  same  both  times,  but  different 
ones,  making  four  signs  in  all.  Can  these  be  the  intermediate  points? 
Cimi,  like  death,  would,  as  we  have  seen,  be  very  appropriate  to  the 
snail,  while  the  sign  for  Chicchan  in  Codex  Troano-Cortesianus  (not 
usually  in  the  Dresden)  has  that  latticework  which,  above,  I  have 
already  connected  with  the  tortoise.  On  the  other  hand,  the  relation 
of  Chicchan  to  the  serpent's  skin  can  not  be  denied.  Moreover,  I  am 
aware  that  the  direction  up  and  down  is  supposed  to  be  indicated  by 
those  two  signs  introduced  betAveen  the  cardinal  points,  a  theory 
w^hich  accords  in  so  far  with  my  hypothesis  as  these  hieroglyphs 
denote  the  highest  and  the  lowest  position  of  the  sun. 


PAGE  24  OF  THE  DRESDEN  MAYA  MANUSCRIPT « 

Introduction 

The  Dresden  Maya  manuscript  has  thus  far  been  published  three 
times,  first  b}'  Lord  Kingsborough  in  his  Mexican  Antiquities  (vol- 
ume 3)  and  twice,  with  different  introductions,  by  me  (Leipzig,  1880. 
and  Dresden,  1892). 

It  consists,  as  I  explained  in  my  first  edition,  of  two  wholly  dis- 
tinct parts.  The  first,  consisting  of  48  pages,  contains  on  one  side 
pages  1  to  24  and  on  the  other  pages  25  to  45  and  three  blank  pages ; 
the  second,  consisting  of  30  pages,  contains  on  one  side  pages  46  to  60, 
on  the  other  pages  61  to  74  and  one  blank  page. 

Page  24,  the  one  to  be  here  discussed,  with  Avhich  the  front  of  the 
first  part  ends,  is  perhaps  the  most  important  in  the  entire  manu- 
script, for  one  entire  side  of  the  second  part  (46  to  60)  is  merely 
a  further  exposition  of  the  contents  of  page  24. 

The  only  difference  is  that  page  24  is  confined  to  astronomic  obser- 
vations, while  pages  46  to  60  bring  the  astronomic  and  the  myth- 
ologic  more  into  connection. 

The  astronomic  problem  on  page  24  is  to  connect  certain  given 
periods  of  time  by  common  multiples.  These  periods  of  time  are  as 
follow : 

1.  The  sacred  tonalamatl  of  260  days,  consisting  of  20  weeks  of 
13  days  each. 

2.  The  old  official  solar  year  of  360  days,  or  eighteen  periods  of  20 
days  each. 

3.  The  true  solar  year  of  365  days. 

4.  The  apparent  revolution  of  Mercury  of  115  days. 

5.  The  apparent  revolution  of  Venus  of  584  days. 

6.  Possibly,  the  apparent  revolution  of  Mars  of  780  days. 

7.  The  revolution  of  the  moon  of  between  29  and  30  days,  which  in 
the  calendar,  however,  w^as  computed  at  but  28  days.  Thirteen  of 
these  month  periods  of  28  days  made  up  a  year  of  364  days. 

8.  Possibly,  the  very  ancient  period,  which  was  also  Aztec,  of  the 
9  days  or  nights  (sehores  de  la  noche). 

Before  we  consider  more  closely  in  what  manner  and  how^  far  this 


"  Zur  Entzifferung  der  Mayahandschriften,  IV,  Dresden,  June  11,  1894. 

431 


432 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


page  solves  the  problem  mentioned  above  I  will  give  a  sort  of  copy 
of  it: 


1 

17 

29 

151,840 

113,880 

75,920 

37,960 

2 

18 

30 

I  Ahau 

I  Ahau 

I  Ahau 

I  Ahau 

3 

19 

31 

4 

20 

32 

185,120 

68,900 

33,280 

9,100 

5 

21 

33 

I  Ahau 

I  Ahau 

I  Ahau 

I  Ahau 

6 

22 

34 

7 

23 

35 

8 

24 

36 

35,040 

32,120 

29,200 

26,280 

9 

25 

37 

VI  Ahau 

XI  Ahau 

III  Ahau 

VIII  Ahau 

10 

26 

38 

11 

27 

39 

12 

28 

40 

13 

23,360 

20,440 

17,520 

14,600 

14 

XIII  Ahau 

VAhau 

X  Ahau 

II  Ahau 

15 

16 

(2200) 

1,366,560  1,364,360 

11,680 

8,760 

5,840 

IV  Ahau    I  Ahau      I  Ahau    VII  Ahau    XII  Ahau    IV  Ahau    IX  Ahau 
SCumku    18Kayab    18  Zip 

In  connection  with  this  I  would  make  the  following  observations: 

1.  ^Vliile  the  copy  shows  large  vacant  spaces,  the  original,  like  all 
the  sheets  of  the  manuscript,  is  wholly  without  vacant  spaces,  since 
the  Maya  numerals  occupy  far  more  room  than  the  European. 

2.  The  nimierals  1  to  40  in  the  three  left-hand  columns  represent 
forty  different  hieroglyphs.  All  the  rest  of  the  space  is  taken  up 
with  numbers,  twenty-three  day  signs  (always  the  same,  Ahau)  and 
three  month  signs  (on  the  left  below,  Cumku,  Kayab,  Zip). 

3.  This  page,  like  most  of  the  pages  of  the  manuscript,  is  imperfect 
at  the  top,  only  detached  portions  of  the  hieroglyphs  1  to  3,  17,  and  29, 
as  well  as  of  the  four  topmost  numbers  (which  I  have  restored  by 
conjecture),  being  left.  Were  it  not  for  this  ever-recurring  loss  of 
important  passages  our  knowledge  of  Maya  would  be  far  more  ad- 
vanced than  it  is. 

4.  I  have  ventured  to  correct  two  clerical  errors  in  my  transcrip- 
tion. In  the  first  place,  the  date  of  the  month  18  Zip,  where  the  writer 
has  set  down  18  Uo,  that  is,  the  second  instead  of  the  third  period, 
the  characters  for  the  two  being  very  similar;  secondly,  the  IX  in 
IX  Ahau  in  the  lower  right-hand  corner,  where  the  manuscript  reads 
VIII,  because  a  dot  coincides  with  the  red  border  below. 

I  shall  first  consider  the  numbers  and  the  month  and  day  signs  ap- 
pertaining to  them,  and  I  shall  then  try  as  far  as  possible  to  explain 
the  forty  hieroglyphs  on  the  left.  The  author  of  the  manuscript 
doubtless  wrote  these  hieroglyphs  in  order  to  make  the  numbers  more 
intelligible,  while  we,  on  the  contrary,  are  compelled  to  penetrate  the 


FORSTEMANN]  THE    NUMBERS  433 

(lark  region  of  the  hieroglyphs  from  the  assured  standpoint  of  the 
numbers. 

The  Numbers 

To  facilitate  the  comprehension  of  what  follows,  I  give  here  the 


following  table  : 

115         260         360         365         584  780 

2,920  8  5 

11,960  104  46 

14,040  54           39  18 

18,980  73  52 

37,960  146                       104  65 


The  figures  on  the  left  denote  five  especially  important  periods  of 
time;  the  upper  row  gives  six  of  the  periods  mentioned  in  the  fore- 
going section ;  the  rest  indicate  the  quotients  resulting  from  the  divi- 
sion of  the  former  by  the  latter. 

I  will  also  call  attention  to  the  proportion : 
11,960  :  37,060  :  :  115  :  :  23  :  73. 

We  begin  by  considering  the  four  columns  on  the  right  and  pro- 
ceed from  below  upward  and  in  each  line  from  right  to  left. 

We  first  encounter  a  progression  of  twelve  terms,  the  first  term 
being  2,920,  the  difference  being  also  2,920,  and  the  last  term  there- 
fore being  35,040=12X2,920.  Noav,  2,920  denotes  eight  times  the 
solar  year  (8X365)  or  five  times  the  Venus  year  (5X584). 

These  tAvelve  figures  are  all  accompanied  by  the  days  pertaining  to 
them,  between  w^hich  there  is  naturally  the  same  difference  as  between 
the  numbers.  But  the  period  of  2,920  days  is  equal  to  11  tonalamatl 
(11X260)  and  60  days.  Noav,  60=4X13+8;  the  numbers  preceding 
the  day  signs,  indicating  the  position  in  the  week  of  13  days,  must, 
therefore,  be  constantly  set  forward  by  eight. 

Furthermore,  60=3X20;  therefore,  the  same  day  will  always 
appear  in  the  series  of  20  days  after  an  interval  of  2,920  days.  And 
for  this  da}^,  the  most  important  one  is  chosen,  the  one  most  frequently 
used,  the  final  point,  and,  as  w^e  may  say,  the  apex  of  a  series  begin- 
ning with  the  day  Imix,  the  day  Ahau,  Avhich  seems  to  be  sacred 
to  the  sun  god,  the  Kin-ich-ahau  ("  lord  of  the  day's  eye  ") ,  just  as  the 
same  day  in  Kekchi  and  Cakchikel  is  named  after  the  god  Hunahpu. 

The  actual  zero  point  from  which  all  the  series  in  the  Maya  manu- 
scripts proceed  is  invariably  suppressed  or  jonlj  becomes  apparent 
at  the  very  end  of  the  series.  The  first  thing  that  is  recorded  in 
these  series  is  always  the  number  which  results  after  the  expiration 
of  the  first  period.  To  find  the  zero  point  here  we  must  count  back- 
ward from  IX  Ahau  60  days,  which  brings  us  to  I  Ahau,  a  day  which 
is  very  important  in  relation  to  what  follows.  Here  I  must  utter  a 
warning  against  the  error  of  supposing  I  Ahau  to  be  the  day  with 
-7238— No.  28—05  28 


434 


BUKEAU  OF  AMEKICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


which  Maya  chronology  begins.  It  seems  rather  to  be  merely  an  arbi- 
trary term  of  equation,  which  must  always  undergo  correction  if  it  is 
to  be  referred  to  exact  chronology.  As  Maya  chronology  begins  with 
the  day  IV  Ahau,  the  correction  in  our  case  should  consist  of  +140 
or  — 120.    We  shall,  in  fact,  meet  with  these  figures  later. 

But  it  is  the  purpose  of  these  series  to  be  continued  until  their  terms 
and  the  differences  of  those  terms  agree  with  the  tonalamatl  of  260 
days.  This  object  it  not  attained  in  the  first  twelve  terms.  The  series 
must,  therefore,  be  continued,  and  this  is  done  not  in  the  next  line 
(the  second  from  the  top),  but  in  the  topmost  line,  which  we  will 
therefore  consider  before  the  second. 

This  topmost  row,  as  I  have  already  observed,  is  in  part  destroyed. 
The  numbers  still  legible  are  as  follow : 
1 

14       6       16  7? 
0       0        0  0 

I  am  glad  to  be  able  to  state  here  for  the  first  time  that  I  have 
succeeded  in  completing  this  line  in  the  simplest  way.  It  must  have 
appeared  as  follows,  and  I  have  added  to  it  day  dates : 


1 

1 

15 

10 

5 

1 

16 

10 

5 

14 

6 

16 

8 

0 

0 

0 

0 

I  Ahau 

I  Ahau 

I  Ahau 

I  Ahau 

Written  according  to  our  method,  the  figures  are  151,840,  113,880, 
75,920,  and  37,960;  that  is,  one,  two,  three,  and  four  times  37,960. 
But  the  latter  number  is  also  equal  to  13X2,920;  it  therefore  follows 
directly  after  12X2,920,  the  last  term  in  the  series  of  twelve  terms. 

Since  the  four  numbers  are  all  divisible  by  260,  I  Ahau  belongs  to 
them  all ;  that  is,  the  day  which  I  assumed  to  be  the  zero  point  of  the 
whole  series.  And  it  is  quite  in  accord  with  the  rest  of  the  series 
occurring  in  the  manuscript  that  the  difference  in  the  first  twelve 
terms  is  2,920,  but  in  the  continuation,  as  soon  as  the  number  divisible 
by  260  is  attained,  it  is  13X2,920. 

Besides  37,960,  of  which  tonalamatl  of  260  days,  the  solar  year  of 
365  days,  and  the  Venus  year  of  584  days  are  factors,  the  second  num- 
ber from  the  left,  113,880,  which  has  been  frequently  discussed  and 
is  usually  designated  ahau  katun,  is  especially  noteworthy  among 
these  four  numbers.  It  is  also  divisible  by  780,  the  triple  tonalamatl 
or  the  Mars  year. 

Of  the  four  columns  on  the  right,  only  the  second  line,  thus  far 
omitted,  remains  to  be  described.  It  contains  the  four  numbers 
185,120,  68,900,  33,280,  and  9,100;  to  each  of  them  the  day  I  Ahau  is 
added,  since  they  are  all  divisible  by  260.    Only  the  smallest  of  these 


fOrstkmann] 


THE  NUMBERS 


435 


numbers,  9,100,  really  has  anything  remarkable  about  it,  as  it  is 
divisible  not  only  by  the  tonalamatl,  but  also  by  the  year  of  V\ 
months,  which  has  364  days.  These  figures  were  for  a  long  time  a 
puzzle  to  me,  since  they  do  not  form  a  series  and  have  no  legitimate 
relation  to  their  neighbors.  They  produce  somewhat  the  effect  of  a 
mere  aid  to  computation,  such  as  one  jots  down  on  a  separate  sheet  in 
the  course  of  some  great  mathenuitic  tas]^. 

A  light  suddenly  dawned  upon  me  when  I  combined  the  first  and 
third  and  second  and  fourth  numbers  by  addition  or  subtraction.  I 
thus  obtained  four  results : 

1.  185,li20+33,L>S0=218,400,  which  is  just  600  13-month  years  of 
364  days,  280  Mars  years  of  780  days,  840  tonalamatls,  and  7,800 
months  of  28  days. 

2.  185,120— 33,280=::151,840;  that  is,  the  largest  number  in  the 
topmost  line,  as  well  as  416  solar  years  of  365  days,  52  periods  of  2,920 
days,  and  260  Venus  years  of  584  days,  or  the  product  of  the  days 
of  the  tonalamatl  and  of  the  Venus  year. 

3.  68,900+9,100=78,000;  that  is,  100  Mars  years  or  300  tonala- 
matls. 

4.  68,900—9,100=59,800;  that  is,  520  Mercury  years  of  115  days 
or  230  tonalamatls  or  five  times  the  notable  period  of  11,960  days 
already  mentioned.  This  can  not  be  chance.  The  facts  speak  too 
plainly.  But  who  can  penetrate  the  intellectual  workshop  of  the 
Indian  author  and  trace  his  course  of  thought  and  mode  of  work? 

The  four  columns  at  the  right  of  the  page  having  been  thus  dis- 
posed of,  let  us  turn  to  the  three  on  the  left,  and  first  to  that  part  of 
them  which  is  below  the  forty  hieroglyphs. 

I  will  here  repeat  this  passage  from  the  transcript  of  page  24 
given  above : 

(2200)  1,366,560  1,364,360 

IV  Ahau  I  Ahati  I  Ahau 

8  Cumkn  18  Kayab  18  Zip 

We  will  first  dispose  of  the  number  2,200.  It  is  simply  the  differ- 
ence between  the  two  large  numbers  and,  as  is  usual  with  differences, 
is  provided  with  a  red  circle  surrounding  its  lower  figure  (0). 

Three  calendric  dates  and  two  numbers  now  remain.  The  number 
belonging  to  the  date  on  the  right  is  missing,  probably  only  for  want 
of  space,  as  often  happens  in  this  manuscript.  I  will  supply  it  in 
parenthesis  and  write  each  date,  adding  the  year  of  each,  below  the 
number  belonging  to  it.    We  then  have  as  follow  : 

1.366,560  1,364.360  (1,352,400) 

IV  Ahau  I  Ahau  I  Ahau 

8  Cumku  18  Kayab  18  Zip 

Year  IX  Ix  «  III  Kan  X  Kan 

"  According  to  the  system  of  the  Dresden  codex  now  accepted  these  will  be  the  years 
VIII  Ben,  11  Akbal,  and  IX  Akbal.    C.  T. 


436 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


From  the  date  on  the  right  to  the  middle  one  there  is  an  interval 
of  32  years  and  280  days^32X365+280 ;  that  is,  the  remarkable 
number  11,960,  already  mentioned,  in  which  the  tonalamatl  and  the 
revolution  of  Mercury  meet.  From  the  middle  date  to  that  on  the 
left  there  is  an  interval  of  6X365+10=2,200  days,  which  is  given 
in  the.  manuscript. 

Of  these  dates,  which  of  course  recur  ever}^  18,980  days,  or  52 
years,  that  on  the  right,  corresponding  to  our  September  11,  hardly 
awakens  any  particular  interest.  The  corresponding  number  is 
5,201X260+110.  This  140,  however,  as  already  indicated,  is  quite 
necessary,  since  these  three  numbers  all  proceed  from  the  normal  date 
IV  Ahau,  and  between  IV  Ahau  and  I  Ahau  there  are  140  days. 
Moreover,  I  would  remark  that  1,352,100  is  28X48,300  and  also 
115Xll'i"60,  and  is  therefore  divisible  by  28,  the  month  of  the  364- 
day  year,  and  by  the  revolution  of  Mercury. 

The  middle  date  is  more  important.  The  day  18  Kayab  is  our  18th 
of  June.  In  my  essay  "  Schildkrote  und  Schnecke  in  der  Mayalit- 
eratur  I  tried  to  prove  that  it  is  likely  that  the  sign  for  the  period 
Kayab  is  a  tortoise's  head,  that  the  tortoise  was  the  symbol  for  the 
summer  solstice,  and  that  June  18  was  probably  regarded  as  the  long- 
est day.  The  number  corresponding  to  this  date  is  115X11,864, 
and  this  is  divisible  by  the  revolution  of  Mercury.  It  has  still 
another  property,  which  I  hardly  venture  to  mention.  It  is  29.66  X 
46,000 ;  that  is,  46,000  revolutions  of  the  moon,  each  estimated  at  29.6(i 
days.  On  pages  51  to  58  of  the  manuscript  the  revolution  of  the  moon 
seems  to  have  been  even  more  exactly  specified,  namely,  at  29.526  days, 
as  I  have  pointed  oat  in  Globus,  volume  63,  number  2.  It  may  be 
objected  that  46,000  is  a  surprisingly  round  number  only  to  us  and 
not  to  the  Maya.  But  to  this  I  reply  that  if  we  divide  it  by  115, 
the  revolution  of  Mercury,  Ave  have  400,  and  400  (20X20)  in  a  vigesi- 
mal system  is  certainly  a  round  number,  which  for  that  reason  was 
sometimes  denoted  by  a  simple  Avord,  in  the  Maya  (according  to 
Stoll)  by  bak,  in  the  Cakchikel  (according  to  Seler)  by  huna.  Our 
number  46,000  is  therefore  a  huna  of  periods  in  which  the  times  of 
revolution  of  the  two  celestial  bodies  that  run  their  courses  the 
quickest  harmonize. 

It  should  also  be  noted  here  that  the  middle  one  of  the  three  great 
series  on  pages  46  to  50,  amounting  to  37,960  days  each,  also  begins 
with  the  date  I  Ahau,  18  Kayab. 

In  the  date  on  the  left,  with  the  number  belonging  to  it,  we  see 
at  last  the  true  starting  point  of  Maya  chronology,  not  only  for  our 
manuscript,  but  for  Maya  literature  in  general.  Thus  I  consider  that 
the  Cross  of  Palenque  by  the  signs  on  A  and  B,  16,  indicates  pre- 
cisely the  date  I  Ahau,  18  Kayab;  by  those  on  D,  1,  and  C,  2,  pre- 
cisely the  difference  2,200,  8  tonalamatls+6X20 ;  and  by  D,  3,  and 


forstbmann] 


THE  NUMBERS 


437 


C,  4.  precise!}^  the  date  TV  Ahaii,  8  Ciunku.  This  last  date,  answer- 
ing to  our  28th  of  June,  may  be  regarded  as  the  day  of  the  greatest 
heat,  or  the  day  on  wliieli  the  sun  ends  its  solstice.  The  correspond- 
ing number,  l,3r)(),5r)0,  combines  many  properties.  It  is  divisible  by 
the  period  of  the  senores  de  la  noche,  or  lords  of  the  cycle,  9  times 
151,840  being  therefore  nine  times  the  number  which  w^e  find  at  the 
apex  of  the  great  series;  by  the  tonalamatl,  2()0X''>7256 ;  by  old 
otHcial  years,  J^OOX'^W^C) ;  by  solar  years,  305X3,744;  b}^  Venus  years, 
584X2,340;  by  Mars  years,  780X1,752;  by  solar  Venus  periods, 
2,920X408;  by  the  solar-year  tonalamatl,  18,980X72;  by  twice  the 
latter,  the  period  so  important  in  the  series,  37,9()0X36;  and  by  the 
periods  before  mentioned  that  are  usually  designated  as  ahau  katuns, 
113,880X12. 

It  should  also  be  mentioned  that  the  first  number  is  removed  from 
this  third  one  by  U,160  days  (equal  to  11,900+2,200).  Hence  the 
ditference  between  them  is  14,040,  mentioned  above  as  a  remarkable 
number,  increased  by  the  interval  between  I  Ahau  and  IV  Ahau, 
that  is,  120,  also  mentioned  above. 

This  number  is  the  real  objective  point  of  our  page.  It  lies,  like 
almost  all  the  large  numbers  in  the  manuscript  (except  those  in  the 
serpents) ,  between  one  and  one  and  a  half  millions.  Did  it  represent 
to  the  writer  of  the  manuscript  the  present,  the  past  (history),  or 
the  future  (prophecy)  ?  Perhaps  it  may  serve  to  elucidate  the  mat- 
ter further  if  I  remark  that  the  monuments  of  Copan,  described  by 
Maudslay,  the  dates  of  which  most  probably  refer  to  the  present,  all 
contain  a  number  of  greater  magnitude  and  therefore  point  to  a  more 
recent  period  than  the  page  under  consideration.  I  here  give  a 
number  of  such  dates ; 

Altar  S  1,375,200  Stela  I  1,383,700  Stela  J  1,393,200 

Altar  K  1,402,768  Stela  A  1,403,800  Stela  B  1,404,000 

Stela  :\r  1,413,000  Stela  N  1,414,800 

From  this  it  follows  that  this  degree  of  civilization,  if  it  survived 
in  Copan  until  the  arrival  of  the  Spaniards,  probably  produced  no 
monument  of  such  a  character  before  the  year  1400.  If  page  24  of 
the  Dresden  manuscript  indicates  the  present  by  this  important  nmn- 
ber,  it  was  written  132  years  before  the  latest  monument  of  Copan, 
mentioned  above,  and  24  years  before  the  oldest.  But  I  think  it  is 
more  probable  that  the  date  farthest  to  the  right  (I  Ahau,  18  Zip, 
year  10  Kan)  denotes  the  present,  the  other  two  alluding  to  re- 
markable days  in  the  future.  In  that  case,  this  page  is  39  years  older. 
The  number  indicating  the  present  might  then  have  been  omitted  as  a 
matter  of  course  and  of  little  significance,  while  a  reference  to  as- 
tronomic events  of  the  future  was  of  more  importance.  Of  course,  it 
is  taken  for  granted  that  the  initial  point  of  the  computation  is  the 
same  for  the  monuments  of  Copan  as  in  the  Dresden  manuscript. 


438 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


The  Glyphs 

Here  we  enter  a  mysterious  realm,  where  conjectures  occupy  a 
greater  space  than  actual  facts.  One  fact,  however,  is  certain,  and 
that  is  that  these  characters  are  to  be  read  in  the  same  order  in  w^hich 
I  have  designated  them  by  numbers.  I  shall  therefore  discuss  them 
in  that  order.^ 

1  to  4.  The  first  three  signs  are  almost  wholly  destroyed,  and  this 
interferes  in  the  highest  degree  with  our  comprehension  of  the  Avhole. 
It  would  scarcely  be  possible  to  restore  them  unless  a  parallel  text 
should  be  discovered.  But  this  seems  to  be  certain,  that  the  Venus 
period  is  the  chief  subject  treated  of  here  as  well  as  in  the  funda- 
mental series  already  discussed.  Sign  4,  which  I  formerly  regarded 
as  the  one  belonging  to  the  west,  is  clearly  that  of  the  east.  We 
might,  therefore,  suppose  that  these  four  signs  signify  the  four  points 
of  the  compass  in  the  same  order  in  which  tliey  are  set  down  five  times 
in  the  middle  of  the  left  side  of  pages  46  to  50,  which  pertain  to  this 
subject,  but  the  remains  of  sign  3  do  not  coincide  with  this  theory. 

5  to  9.  Here  we  have  the  sign  for  Venus  five  times  in  succession, 
thus  indicating  the  five  Venus  years,  which  underlie  the  series  occur- 
ring on  this  page.  Signs  6  and  8  seem  to  me  now,  as  they  did  eight 
years  ago,  merely  A-ariants  of  5,  7,  and  9,  but  I  confess  that  in  the 
former  I  tried  for  a  time  to  find  the  sign  for  Mercury.  Both  charac- 
ters also  occur  side  by  side  on  pages  46  to  50,  where  there  is  no  men- 
tion of  Mercury,  nine  or  ten  times  on  each  page. 

10.  This  is  a  familiar  form  of  the  sign  for  Moan.  I  have  recently 
tried  to  prove  in  (jlobus  that  Moan  also  stands  for  the  Pleiades,  with 
whose  disappearance  and  reappearance  the  beginning  of  the  year 
seems  to  be  connected.  Does  sign  10,  according  to  that,  denote  the 
solar  year,  Avith  Avhich  our  page  combines  the  Venus  year  ?  Moreover, 
on  page  50,  Avhere  the  2,920-day  period  ends,  Ave  see  the  Venus  and  the 
Moan  signs  side  by  side  on  the  right  at  the  top. 

11,  12.  If  the  preceding  signs  refer  to  the  Venus  and  solar  years, 
Ave  should  expect  to  find  the  tonalamatl  here  as  the  third  member  of 
the  combination.  The  tAvo  signs  occurring  here  are  a  repetition  of  the 
same  one,  being  the  sign  for  the  thirteenth  period  of  20  days  (Mac), 
the  close  of  AAhich  comes  at  the  expiration  of  260  days  of  the  year. 
Does  the  repetition  of  the  character  reallj^  signify  the  recurring 
tonalamatl  ? 

13= f.  This  is  the  sign  kin,  "  sun  ",  "  day  with  the  usual  affix, 
which  might  almost  be  taken  for  a  sign  of  the  plural.  Above  it  is  what 
is  knoAvn  as  the  rattlesnake  sign,  Avhich  seems  to  denote  a  union,  a 
grouping  together,  by  the  help  of  Avhich  I  thought,  in  my  article 


"  Owing-  to  some  confusion  and  uncertaintj'  in  the  identifications  flg.  106,  which  was 
intended  to  show  the  glyphs  referi-ed  to,  is  omitted. 


fOkstemann] 


THE  GLYPHS 


439 


"  Zur  Maya-Chronologie  "  in  the  Zeitschrift  fiir  Ethnologie,  that  I 
had  found  a  sign  for  the  period  of  18,980  (52X365)  days.  Are  we 
then  to  regard  this  sign  as  twice  that  period;  that  is,  37,960  days, 
which  we  see  is  the  objective  point  of  the  series  on  our  page  ? 

14  to  18.  As  the  preceding  characters  led  us  to  the  Venus-sun  period 
and  to  pages  46  to  50,  connected  Avith  it,  so  with  these  five  glyphs 
we  come  to  the  Mercury-moon  period  and  pages  51  to  58,  devoted 
to  it,  and,  therefore,  also  to  the  large  number  in  the  third  column  of 
our  page.  Let  us  compare  with  our  signs  the  ten  glyphs  found  on  the 
lower  half  of  page  58,  above  the  picture,  which  I  will  designate 

a  b 

c  d 

e  f 

gh 

i  k 

(By  the  way,  I  would  like  to  consider  a  as  the  glyph  of  Mercury, 
e  and  f  as  signs  for  the  solar  and  lunar  year  of  364  days;  c  and  d 
might  possibly  signify  13X28.    I  will  now  try  to  explain  characters 

g,  h,  i,  k.) 

We  here  reach  the  following  residts : 

14=c,  wdiich  is,  as  I  have  shown,  the  sign  for  20  years  of  360  days; 
that  is,  for  7,200  days. 

15 =g,  a  hand  holding  a  square  which  is  divided  by  a  cross  into 
four  parts.  I  am  inclined  to  conjecture  that  this  is  the  period  of 
20  days.  Before  the  sign  15  is  the  numeral  1,  which  occurs  on  page 
58  before  g,  but  with  a  small  cross  below  it,  which  perhaps  merely 
indicates  that  the  1  does  not  belong  here,  but  with  g,  where  there  was 
no  room  for  it.    I  therefore  read  the  whole  l-j-20— 21. 

16=h,  the  sign  of  the  fourteenth  20-day  period  (Kankin),  above 
it  is  the  familiar  Ben-Ik  sign,  which  I  take  to  be  the  lunar  month 
of  29,  or,  more  precisely,  29.5  days  (reckoned  at  only  28  in  the 
calendar).  Before  it  is  a  prefix  which  is  more  distinct  on  page 
58,  consisting  of  two  lines  and  two  small  circles,  which  I  am  inclined 
to  consider  the  character  for  duplication,  2X29.5  =  59.  Yet  I  con- 
fess that  I  am  still  doubtful  about  this,  especially  as  to  the  meaning 
of  the  character  kankin.    Was  it  chosen  because  14  is  the  half  of  28  ? 

17— -b.    Although  17  is  almost  destroyed,  I  think  there  is  no  doubt 
about  this  equation,  judging  from  the  fragments  which  remain. 
Hence  we  have  here  13X360=4,680  days,  a  third  of  the  remarkable 
period  of  14,040,  days. 
.   We  have  therefore, 

14=  7,  200  days 
15=  21  days 
16=  59  days 
17=  4,  680  days 


11,960  days 


440 


BUEEAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


that  is,  precisely  the  Mercury-moon  period;  the  last  number  on 
page  58  was  only  11,958,  and  therefore  referred  merely  to  the  first 
of  the  three  days  set  down  near  it. 

18 =k,  in  both  instances  forming  the  termination  of  the  group, 
and  actually  denoting  termination  or  end,  in  which  sense  we  often 
find  this  sign,  for  instance,  eight  times  in  succession  at  the  termina- 
tion of  the  great  periods  on  pages  61  and  62.  It  is  also  the  sign 
for  the  sixth  period  of  20  days,  Xul,  and  it  has  long  been  known 
that  xul  means  the  end.  Another  word,  xul,  or  shul,  means  the 
fiute,  and  the  character  may  easily  have  originally  signified  the  head 
of  a  flute-player. 

Perhaps  it  will  lead  to  a  better  comprehension  if  we  compare  the 
very  similar  group  on  page  53  at  the  top. 

19,  20.  Here  are  two  characters  which  indicate  that  a  detailed 
treatment  of  the  parts  into  which  each  Venus  year  is  divided  is  now  to 
follow ;  that  is,  the  236,  90,  250,  and  8  days,  as  I  have  already  proved 
in  1886,  in  my  Erliiuterungen.  For  the  first  of  these  signs  is  Venus 
itself;  the  second,  a  hand  holding  an  obsidian  knife  (as  indicative 
of  cutting,  of  dividing).  On  pages  46  to  50,  where  this  dividing  is 
represented,  we  see  on  the  left  in  the  middle  an  entire  line  filled  with 
these  hands,  four  on  each  of  the  five  pages. 

21  to  25.  These  five  characters  all  refer  to  only  one  of  the  four  parts 
of  the  Venus  year,  to  the  period  of  236  days  (of  the  morning  star), 
no  such  amount  of  space  being  reser\'ed  for  the  other  three.  But 
these  236  days  are  under  the  domination  of  the  east,  this  cardinal 
point  always  accompanying  them  (in  the  center  of  pages  46  to  50, 
above;  in  the  lower  third,  below).  The  signs  of  the  periods,  as  well 
as  those  of  the  cardinal  point  from  the  middle  third  of  these  five 
pages,  continually  move  forward  one  point  above,  denoting  the  begin- 
ning and  below  the  end  of  the  236  days.  The  sign  (Chuen  or 
Akbal?)  constantly  repeated  in  the  lower  third  must  likewise  have 
some  connection  with  this  circumstance. 

If  we  now  turn  back  to  our  page  24,  we  find  the  signs  21,  22,  23,  24, 
and  25,  on  pages  47,  48,  49,  and  50,  and  on  page  46  in  the  fourth  line 
of  the  middle  third,  while  on  pages  48,  49,  50,  46,  and  47,  they  are  in 
the  first  line  of  the  lower  third.  It  would  be  venturesome  to  try  to 
explain  the  characters  in  detail.  They  are  deities  without  doubt. 
As  seems  to  me  most  probable,  21=N,  22=F,  23=H,  24=B,  25=A, 
to  follow  the  designations  of  Schellhas  in  the  Berlin  Zeitschrift  fiir 
Ethnologic;  but  that  is  merely  a  very  modest  conjecture.  Before  21, 
which  corresponds  to  the  eleventh  20-day  period,  Zac,  we  see  a  4,  and 
this  may  indicate  that  this  Venus  year  should  begin  the  8-day  inferior 
conjunction  with  the  day  4  Zac  after.  Pages  49  and  50  have  a  1 
before  23,  which  seems  to  be  obliterated  on  page  24.  In  the  singu- 
larly composite  character  on  page  48,  first  glyph  on  the  right  side  of 


fOrstemann] 


THE  GLYPHS 


441 


the  center  line  of  the  middle,  I  am  inclined  to  snrmise  a  combination 
of  the  glyphs  of  those  five  gods. 

26  to  28.  The  sign  2G  signifies  the  day  Caban,  by  which  sign  also 
the  .ground  and  generally  the  direction  downward  is  often  indicated. 
As  in  this  passage  we  often  see  Caban  closely  combined  Avith  gly]:)h 
27,  as  on  pages  32b  to  35b,  on  page  48  in  the  middle  of  the  right  half, 
also  on  page  73  in  each  of  the  three  divisions,  also  on  pages  38b,  30b, 
40a,  SSa,  r)Ga,  OGa,  7la,  71b,  sometimes  probably  denoting  agriculture. 
Can  27  bi^  the  sign  ^luluc  belonging  to  the  north?  That  would  agree 
very  well  Avith  the  direction  doAvuAvard.  Then  follows  28,  the  famil- 
iar sign  Chuen,  Avhich  Ave  have  already  seen  repeated  so  many  times 
on  pages  46  to  50.  It  has  a  prefix,  the  upper  part  of  Avhich  is  an 
ahau,  the  loAver  part  of  a  god's  face,  probably  that  of  the  god  D,  Avho 
is  usually  combined  Avith  Ahau ;  but  D,  as  Schellhas  has  already 
assumed,  seems  to  be  a  god  of  the  night.  Therefore,  although  there 
is  still  great  uncertainty  regarding  this  point,  I  feel  strongly  inclined 


e  f  g  h  i 


Fig.  107.   Glyphs  from  the  Maya  codices. 

to  believe  there  is  a  reference  here  to  the  long  period  of  90  days  in 
Avhich  Venus  is  invisible  during  the  time  of  superior  conjunction, 
that  is,  it  vanishes  in  night ;  hence  it  is  dominated  by  the  north. 
With  regard  to  the  composite  sign  28  I  Avould  suggest  a  parallel  with 
A  and  B,  8,  on  the  Cross  of  Palenque  (<'/,  figure  107). 

29  to  31.  These  characters  occur  close  to  the  end  of  the  great  series. 
They  seem  to  me  to  denote  nothing  else  than  the  result  of  that  series ; 
to  be  sure,  29  is  Avholly,  and  30  almost  Avholly,  obliterated ;  but  I  am 
sure  from  Avhat  remains  of  30  that  the  normal  date  IV  Ahau  8 
Cumku  stood  here,  as  it  does  in  the  left-hand  lower  corner  of  our 
page.  In  31,  as  in  18,  Ave  see  the  sign  for  Xul,  "  end  here  denoting 
the  end  of  the  great  period,  Avhich  marks  the  close  of  the  entire  compu- 
tation. 

32,33  (  />,  figure  107).  The  black  deity,  L,  according  to  Schellhas, 
and  Avith  it  the  glyph  of  Venus,  Avith  the  sign  above  it  Avhich  Ave  haA^e 
already  recognized  as  the  sign  for  division.    Thus  Ave  also  find  these 


442 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


two  characters  together  on  page  46  on  the  right  in  the  middle,  where 
the  four  Venus  periods  are  probabl}^  set  down  in  close  succession; 
and  that  32  and  33  (&)  are  really  meant  to  denote  the  periods  of  250 
days  belonging  to  the  west  is  confirmed  by  the  fact  that  the  black 
divinity  on  page  50,  on  the  left,  actually  appears  among  the  deities 
who  govern  the  separate  parts  of  the  Venus  year — in  the  middle  of 
the  page  at  the  beginning  and  at  the  bottom  at  the  end  of  a  period  of 
250  days.  For  prefix  the  black  deity  has  here  the  sign  Imix  with 
three  rows  of  dots  proceeding  from  it.  Since  with  the  Mayas  Imix 
very  commonly  stands  at  the  beginning  of  the  20-day  period,  as  the 
corresponding  Cipactli  always  does  with  the  Aztecs,  the  whole  glyph 
might  be  read :  Here  begins  the  250-day  Venus  period. 

34,  35  (c).  Exactly  in  the  same  place  in  which  are  the  signs  32  (h) 
and  33  on  page  46  w^e  find  the  signs  34  and  35  (c)  on  page  47.  35  is 
Venus  again,  and  34  has  the  numeral  10  (on  page  47  it  may  possibly 
be  11)  before  it,  and  34,  too,  seems  to  signify  a  deity,  possibly  R 
(Moan),  although  in  that  case  we  should  expect  to  find  a  13  before  it. 
On  page  47,  on  the  left.  Moan  represents  a  period  of  8  days  belonging 
to  the  south,  the  inferior  conjunction  of  Venus. 

If  my  conjectures  are  well  founded,  we  have  in  21  to  25  the  eastern, 
in  26  to  28  the  northern,  in  32  and  33  (?>,  figure  107)  the  western, 
and  in  34  and  35  (c)  the  southern  part  of  the  revolution  of  Venus 
(236,  90,  250,  and  8  days,  respectively),  the  last  three  being  more 
briefly  treated  than  the  first  owing  to  lack  of  space. 

But  I  return  once  more  to  sign  34,  Moan.  The  striking  number  10 
before  it  suggests  the  possibility  that  something  else,  probably  a  date, 
was  to  be  designated.  Now,  the  principal  part  of  the  sign  is  like 
lhat  of  the  third  20-day  period.  Zip.  It  may,  therefore,  mean 
10  Zip.  We  now  remember  that  the  signs  for  the  eastern  part  begin 
with  the  date  4  Zac.  But  from  4  Zac  to  10  Zip  of  the  next  year 
we  have  precisely  the  interval  of  236-|-90+250— 576  days,  that 
is,  a  Venus  year  lacking  only  the  8  days  of  invisibility  during 
inferior  conjunction;  according  to  our  calendar,  the  interval  between 
February  4  and  September  3  of  the  succeeding  year,  the  time  from 
the  appearance  of  the  morning  star  to  the  disappearance  of  the  even- 
ing star.  May  the  future  determine  the  year  in  question  here.  On 
pages  46  to  50,  as  I  shall  directly  observe,  other  years  are  treated  of. 

36  to  40  (tZ,  e,  /,  and  A,  figure  107) .  These,  the  last  five  signs,  occur 
in  exactly  this  order  on  pages  46  to  50,  one  on  each  page  at  the 
beginning  of  the  third  line  in  the  middle  group  of  the  right  half, 
directly  under  the  signs  which  we  have  just  mentioned;  but  with  this 
difference,  that  on  page  24  they  always  have  the  same  prefix,  which 
they  lack  on  pages  46  to  50,  while  there  the  same  glyph  invariably 
follows  them.   On  page  46  the  sign  36  (d^  figure  107)  has  no  further 


fOrstemann] 


THE  GLYPHS 


443 


addition;  the  signs  37  to  40  {e,  /,  ^,  and  A),  on  pages  47  to  50,  on  the 
contrary,  have  various  appendixes,  which  can  not  be  discussed  here. 
36  to  40  {d,  e,  /,  and  h)  no  doubt  likewise  denote  divinities — 36 
(d)  possibly  K;  38  (/)  probably  E.  A  whole  Venus  year  of  584 
days  must  belong  to  them,  as  signs  6,  /,  figure  103,  and  a,  c,  figure 
104,  indicated  at  the  beginning  of  these  glyphs. 

If,  finally,  we  consider  these  glyphs  as  a  whole,  omitting  1  to  4 
on  account  of  their  obliteration  and  29  to  31  figure  107),  which 
only  repeats  the  normal  date,  we  find  that  the  Indian  writer  desires 
to  say  this : 

I  aui  here  treating  especially  the  periods  consisting  of  five  successive  Venus 
years,  bringing  them  into  harmony  with  the  solar  year  and  the  tonalamatl.  I 
am  at  the  same  time  considering  a  second  important  period,  that  in  which  the 
two  heavenly  bodies  of  the  second  class,  the  moon  and  Mercury,  come  together 
in  their  orbits,  a  period  made  up  of  four  unequal  parts.  Just  in  the  same  way  is 
each  individual  Venus  year  divided  into  four  unequal  parts,  which  appertain  to 
the  east,  north,  west,  and  south  and  are  ruled  by  certain  deities,  which  I  can 
mention  only  in  part,  owing  to  lack  of  space.  Lastly,  I  would  add  that  each  of 
the  five  Venus  years  of  a  period  is  dominated  as  a  whole  by  a  deity,  and  the 
signs  of  these  I  give  here. 

Thus  far,  for  the  present,  am  I  able  to  explain  page  24.  Many 
riddles  still  remain  unsolved,  but  if  one  compares  what  I  was  able  to 
say  in  1886  in  my  Erlauterungen,  pages  47  and  48,  in  regard  to  this 
page,  he  must  agree  that  the  advance  in  knowledge  in  these  eight  years 
has  not  been  small.  It  is  only  nine  years  since  the  sign  for  zero 
was  discovered,  without  which  no  number  above  19  could  be  read. 


PAGES  71  TO  73  AND  51  TO  58,  DRESDEN  CODEX « 


Pages  71  to  73  of  the  Dresden  Maya  manuscript  in  th.e  middle  and 
lower  third  have  each  three  horizontal  rows  of  hieroglyphs  so  placed 
that  three  always  align  vertically.  These  hieroglyphs  have  no  con- 
nection with  the  numbers  below  them,  which  are  continued  toward  the 
left  and  belong  to  a  series  with  the  difference  65,  of  which  I  have 
already  spoken  in  the  second  paper  of  this  series.  The  hieroglyphs 
and  numbers  can  have  no  connection  with  each  other  because  the  num- 
bers are  to  be  read  from  right  to  left,  the  written  characters  from  left 
to  right.  This  is  proved  by  the  fact  that  in  at  least  eight  instances  we 
find  above  the  hieroglyphs  a  character  in  which  we  recognize  a  hand 
pointing  to  the  right,  similar  to  a  hand  which  occurs  twenty  times  in 
succession  on  pages  46  to  50  of  the  manuscript. 

But,  misled  by  the  direction  of  the  rows  of  numbers,  the  writer 
began  the  hieroglyphs  on  page  71  at  the  right  instead  of  at  the  left, 
but  corrected  his  mistake  after  the  first  four  characters.  Accord- 
ingly, I  read  the  groups  of  three  hieroglyphs  each  in  the  following 
-prder : 

Page  71  Page  72  Page  73 

2    1  5     6     7     8     9   10    11  19    20    21    22  23 

4    3  12  13   14   15   16   17    18  24    25    26    27  28 

There  are,  therefore,  28  groups,  or  81  separate  hieroglyphs,  fortu- 
nately in  an  excellent  state  of  preservation,  excepting  slight  injuries 
to  groups  19  and  24.  It  will  greatly  aid  the  comprehension  of  what 
follows  if  the  reader  will  write  these  figures  on  the  edge  of  the  sepa- 
rate pages  in  his  copy  of  the  manuscrij)t  as  well  as  on  that  of  the  pas- 
sage to  be  discussed  later.  The  number  28,  I  am  very  sure,  indicates 
the  purport  of  this  passage.  We  have  unquestionably  to  deal  here 
Avith  the  year  of  364  days,  of  which  I  treated  in  my  article  on  "  Die 
Zeitperioden  der  Mayas  "  in  Globus,  volume  63,  and  which  consists  of 
13  revolutions  of  the  moon  of  28  days  each,  or  of  28  weeks  of  13 
days  each;  each  of  the  28  groups,  therefore,  doubtless  signifies  a 
period  of  13  days. 

But  the  year  of  364  days  is  divided  into  four  periods  of  7X13=91 
days  each.  The  series  in  our  manuscript,  pages  31  to  32  and  63  to"  64, 
are  based  upon  such  periods,  and  in  close  proximity  to  our  passage, 
on  pages  65  to  69,  we  find  four  similar  periods,  each  divided  into 


"  Zur  Entzifferung  der  Mayahandschriften,  V,  Dresden,  July  1,  1805. 

445 


446 


BUKEAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


various  unequal  parts,  as  I  have  proved  in  the  treatise  "  Zur  Maya- 
Chronologie  "  in  the  Zeitschrift  fiir  Ethnologie,  volume  23,  page  144. 

It  now  appears  that  in  the  passage  before  us  the  364  days  are  also 
divided  into  four  parts  of  91  days  each;  for  groups  4,  11,  18,  and 
25  have  each  the  same  hieroglyphs,  and  the  interval  between  4  and  11, 
between  11  and  18,  between  18  and  25,  and  between  25  and  4  is  always 
equal  to  7X13 — that  is,  91,  except  that  we  find  a  4  prefixed  in  group 
46  (I  will  designate  the  three  hieroglyphs  of  each  group  from  top  to 
bottom  as        c) .    This  number  I  will  try  to  explain  later. 

We  come  to  the  important  question  whether  we  are  to  recognize 
the  beginning  of  that  year  in  this  passage.  It  should  be  observed 
here  that  Spanish  authors  give  us  widely  differing  dates  for  the  begin- 
ning of  the  Central  American  year,  part  of  them  relating  to  very  late 
times,  and  hence  of  little  value  in  examining  ancient  native  literature. 
The  date  of  these  statements  and  the  region  to  which  they  refer 
should  be  critically  examined.  It  must  be  borne  in  mind,  however,  that 
different  beginnings  of  the  year  may  have  been  in  use  at  the  same  time 
and  in  the  same  region,  just  as  with  us  the  civil  year  begins  with  the 
1st  of  January,  the  ecclesiastic  year  with  the  first  Sunday  in  Advent, 
the  school  year  usually  at  Easter,  and  the  fiscal  year  at  various  other 
times. 

According  to  the  statement  of  Diego  de  Landa,  which  dates  from  a 
period  long  preceding  the  end  of  the  sixteenth  century,  July  16  was 
accepted  as  the  beginning  of  the  Maya  year.  No  doubt  their  civil 
year  began  then. 

I  have  tried,  on  the  other  hand,  to  show  in  Globus,  number  15,  vol- 
ume 65  (1894),  that  according  to  the  accounts  given  by  Peter  Martyr, 
dating  from  the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth  century  and  referring, 
it  is  true,  only  to  Mexico,  the  Maya,  like  the  Chiapanecs  in  Chiapas, 
had  a  year  preceded  by  one  which  closed  in  May  during  the  con- 
junction of  the  sun  with  the  Pleiades,  one  which  began  with  the 
conjunction  of  the  sun  and  Orion's  belt.  I  do  not  believe  that 
these  peoples  regarded  the  whole  of  what  we  call  Orion  as  a  constel- 
lation, but  only  the  three  bright  stars  in  the  belt,  the  most  striking 
feature  of  the  celestial  equator.  The  name  mehen  ek  ("  the  sons  ") 
points  to  this,  and  this,  too,  may  be  the  solution  of  the  three  dots 
under  the  hieroglyph  for  "  year  ".  Thus  we  have  here  an  astronomic 
year. 

Mrs  Zelia  Nuttall,  whose  labors  in  the  Aztec  field  have  been  so  suc- 
cessful, presented  a  "  Note  on  the  Ancient  Mexican  Calendar  System  " 
to  the  Congress  of  Americanists  at  Stockholm  in  1894  in  which  she 
ingeniously  points  out  a  year  which  began  with  the  spring  equinox 
and  included  in  its  middle  the  sacred  tonalamatl;  that  is^  260  days 
preceded  by  52  days  and  followed  by  the  same  number.    As  the  real 


FORSTEMANN]       PAGES  71-73  AND  51-58,  DRESDEN  CODEX 


447 


nucleus  of  the  year  in  question  is  this  ritual  period,  we  may  fitly  call 
it  the  ritual  year. 

It  is  this  ritual  year  which  I  recognize  in  the  present  passage  of 
the  Dresden  codex  as  belonging  to  the  Maya  region.  It  should  there- 
fore begin  about  the  10th  of  March,  acocrding  to  the  Julian  calendar, 
which  was  about  the  time  of  the  spring  equinox. 

Proceeding  from  this  point  of  time  I  will  now  try  to  tabulate  the 
chronology  of  this  passage.  In  the  first  column  I  shall  place  the 
numbers  which  designate  the  groups  of  hieroglyphs  in  question :  in 
the  second  I  shall  specify  to  which  day  dates  of  that  year  the  sepa- 
rate groups  refer ;  in  the  third,  on  w  hich  day  of  our  year  they  fall ; 
lastly,  in  the  fourth,  the  20-day  period  with  which  each  particular  one 
mainly  coincides: 

1   ltol3  10  to  22  March  Ceh 

2   14  to  26   23  March  to  4  April  Mac 

8  .   27  to  89   5  to  17  April  ^ 

4  40  to  52   18  to  80  April  |Kankin 

5   -  - .  58  to  65   1  to  18  May   Moan 

6  .   66  to  78   14  to  26  May   Pax 

7   79  to  91   27  May  to  8  June  ^ 

8   92  to  104  9  to  21  June  jKayab 

9   105  to  117   22  June  to  4  July  ^ 

10   118  to  130  5  to  17  July  |Cumku 

11   181  to  143   18  to  80  July   Pop 

12  .   144  to  156   81  July  to  12  Aug  ^ 

13   157  to  169   18  to  25  Aug  

14   170  to  182   26  Aug.  to  7  Sept   Zip 

15   188  to  195   8  to  20  Sept  | 

16   196  to  208    21  Sept.  to  8  Oct  f^°*^ 

17   209  to  221   4  to  16  Oct   Tzec 

18   222  to  284    17  to  29  Oct  

19   285  to  247    80  Oct.  to  11  Nov..  _ 

20   248  to  260    12  to  24  Nov.   Yaxkin 

21   261  to  278    25  Nov.  to  7  Dec. 

22   274  to  286    8  to  20  Dec  / 

23     287  to  299    21  Dec.  to  2  Jan. . . . 

24   300  to  812   3  to  15  Jan  

25   318  to  825    16  to  28  Jan   Yax 


Xul 


^Mol 


Ichen 


26   826  to  338    29  Jan.  to  10  Feb. 


Zac 


27   889  to  851   11  to  28  Feb  / 

28   852  to  364   24  Feb.  to  8  March  Ceh 

While  calling  attention  in  what  follows  to  certain  points  which 
justif}'  this  arrangement,  I  regret  that  a  large  number  of  glj^phs  must 
be  omitted  because  an  explanation  of  them  is  impossible.  This  is 
doubly  to  be  regretted  in  the  case  of  characters  that  frequently  occur 
in  Maya  manuscripts,  which,  if  definitely  known,  would  throw  much 
light  upon  many  passages. 

Among  these  is  the  universally  known,  much  discussed,  but  never 


448 


BUKEAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


clearly  understood,  Kan-Imix  sign  («,  figure  108),  7c,  lOc,  27c',  in  our 
passage;  secondly,  the  Kin~Akbal  sign  (h).  here  16,  3a,  oh,  216,  28ff, 
to  which  we  would  like  to  attribute  the  meaning  of  an  initial  day,  if 
that  meaning  were  applicable  in  every  case.  Further,  the  glyph  (c) 
occurring  in  Oc,  136,  14c,  19c,  26c,  which,  although  it  seems  to  be  con- 
nected with  the  conception  of  a  death  bird  (owl) ,  is  still  very  far  from 
being  clearly  and  suitably  explained  in  every  instance.  The  same 
may  be  said  of  the  Caban  sign,  which  is  doubtless  often  used  to  indi- 
cate the  idea  of  earth,  here  2a,  3c,  246,  28c,  and  of  the  other  sign, 
found  in  Ic,  3c,  21c,  226,  24c,  so  often  combined  Avith  it,  as  I  have 
already  stated  in  my  article  regarding  page  24  of  the  manuscript. 
A  final  and  authoritative  solution  is  the  more  to  be  desired  ]:)ecause  all 
these  signs  recur  Avithout  the  least  regularity. 

In  certain  of  these  glyphs  (as  in  the  sign  25c,  occurring  only  once 


Fi<;.         (xlyphs  from  the  Dresden  codex. 


here,  but  continually  found  elseAvhere),  and  doubtless  also  iu  others, 
there  may  be  an  allusion  to  some  special  feast,  some  j^artir-ular  cere- 
mony, some  sort  of  sacrificial  offering,  or  CA'en  to  the  rank  of  some 
indiA^dual;  but  of  all  this  nothing  certain  is  knoAvn  at  present. 

It  is  delightful,  by  Avay  of  contrast,  to  see  this  pervasive  darknesi- 
occasionally  illuminated  by  a  full  or  CA^en  by  a  dawning  ray  of  light. 
Group  1  is  a  case  in  point.  For  the  glyph  \a  (d,  figure  108)  can  be 
explained  at  the  outset.  It  consists  of  four  j^arts:  On  the  upper  left 
side,  the  sign  kin,  ''sun  "  day  on  the  upper  right  side,  the  sign 
for  the  year;  on  the  loAver  right  side,  the  knife,  or  symbol  of  diAusion 
or  of  section;  on  the  loAver  left  side,  Avhat  is  particularly  decisiA^e,  the 
month  Cell.  I  therefore  read  he.  The  day  of  the  ucav  year  in  the 
month  Ceh.    Sign  16  is  the  Kin-Akbal  sign  (6),  Avhich  is  either  the 


forstemann] 


PAGES  71-73  AND  51-58,  DRESDEN  CODEX 


449 


initial  day  or  the  day  Akbal.  The  latter  would  siiriiify  a  Kan  year, 
for  which  I  hardly  see  a  reason. 

Further,  the  four  similar  groups,  4,  11,  18,  and  25  (e) ,  are  of  special 
importance.  The  cross  in  the  upper  glyph  may  here  be  a  compass, 
although  it  may  have  another  meaning  elsewhere.  I  regard  the  mid- 
dle glyph  as  a  Bacab,  or  a  deity  of  the  wind  and  the  cardinal  points, 
and  the  lower  glyph  as  ik,  "  wind  '\  AVe  have  long  known  that  each 
group  of  91  days  is  under  the  rule  of  a  special  Bacab. 

The  most  important  events  of  the  ye^r  are  clearly  the  sowing  of 
the  maize  and  the  maize  harvest,  as  well  as  the  beginning  and  the  end 
of  the  rainy  season.  Now,  we  find  the  first  two  in  the  maize  deity,  E 
(according  to  Schellhas),  Avho  appears  in  6c  and  18c,  which  are  91 
days  apart  and  denote  the  end  of  May  and  the  beginning  of  August, 
which  perhaps  applies  to  a  higher  region,  since  in  the  plains  but  60 
days  were  reckoned  between  seed  time  and  harvest.  The  other  signs 
of  the  two  groups,  familiar  as  they  are,  I  must  leave  unexplained. 

I  am  inclined  to  recognize  the  beginning  and  end  of  the  rainy  sea- 
son in  signs  Sc  and  16c  (/),  where  what  I  consider  three  rays  of  drops 
fall  from  a  square  signif^nng  the  heavens  (as  usual),  like  the  rain 
falling  from  the  clouds  represented  on  page  86  below  (second  pic- 
ture). The  serpent,  Sh  (</),  as  the  symbol  of  Avater,  may  also  be  an 
allusion  to  this,  as  it  is  often  combined  with  Akbal  (which  often 
stands  for  ''beginning'').  The  duration  would  be  104  days,  from 
June  to  September.  But  I  ought  to  remark  that  the  sign  in  which  I 
seek  a  suggestion  of  the  rain}^  season  is  very  like  another,  common  to 
both  the  Dresden  and  Troano  codices,  which  is  very  closely  connected 
with  the  idea  of  the  w^eek  of  13  days  (h). 

Some  other  views  I  desire  to  put  forth  as  merQ  conjectures. 

If  the  sign  Chuen,  7a,  is  reall}^  a  serpent's  jaw  it  might  refer  to  the 
beginning  of  the  astronomic  year  in  May,  as  the  serpent  very  often 
denotes  time.  In  dh  (i)  there  is  a  crouching  human  figure  beside  the 
sign  which,  as  I  have  mentioned  above,  is  regarded  as  that  of  the 
death  bird.  In  another  place  (Zur  Entzilferung  der  Mayahandschrif- 
ten,  IV)  I  have  regarded  a  human  figure  standing  on  its  head  (k) 
on  page  58  as  a  sign  for  the  planet  Mercury,  and  I  would  add  here 
that  I  am  inclined  to  consider  the  crouching  captive  on  page  60  as 
Mercury  subdued  by  Venus.  In  9?>,  Avhich  belongs  to  the  period  from 
the  one  himdred  and  fifth  to  the  one  hundred  and  seventeenth  days  of 
the  year,  a  115  days'  revolution  of  Mercury  is  completed.  I  consider 
page  53,  at  the  top,  as  a  parallel  to  this  passage,  where  the  Venus  sign 
occurs  quite  unexpectedly  in  the  period  in  which,  if  the  numbers  and 
glyphs  have  reference  to  each  other,  the  five  hundred  and  second  to 
the  six  hundred  and  seventy-fourth  days  elapse,  in  which,  therefore, 
a  Venus  revolution  of  584  days  is  completed.    A  crouching  figure,  as 

7238— No.  28—05  29 


450 


BUREAU   OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


in  d?j,  also  occurs  on  page  65a  in  the  second  series  of  91  days,  after 
11-|-13=24  days  of  this  series  have  expired ;  that  is,  directly  after  the 
115  days  of  the  apparent  revolntion  of  Mercury. 

In  106,  and  only  in  this  passage,  appears  the  glyph  of  the  chief  god 
of  our  manuscript,  B.  This  coincides  with  the  time  of  the  sun's 
greatest  power  and  of  the  civil  new  year,  July  16.  In  group  12  a  and 
c  represent  the  year  and  h  the  head  with  the  Akbal  eye.  Is  this  the 
beginning  of  the  civil  3^ear?  This  should  really  form  group  11,  but 
there  was  no  room  for  it,  as  the  signs  for  the  period  of  91  days  had  of 
necessity  to  stand  there. 

Signs  14«  and  15c  are  almost  alike  and  remind  us  of  la.  Are  they 
meant  to  express  the  middle  of  the  ritual  year,  the  time  of  the  autum- 
nal equinox,  September  10?  In  15a  two  hooks  diverge  from  a  sun 
sign.  Are  these  the  two  halves  of  the  year  and  is  the  numeral  3 
preceding  them  the  third  quarter  of  the  year? 

In  20b  we  have  the  sign  for  the  death  god.  A,  which  probably  does 
not  occur  by  chance  where  the  month  Xul  comes  to  a  close,  which 
signifies  the  end. 

In  23a  we  have  the  glyph  of  a  black  bird;  two  hooks  pointing 
up  and  dow^n  proceed  from  it ;  below  is  the  sign  for  the  year.  Is  this 
the  time  of  the  shortest  day,  when  darkness  prevails? 

This  is  all  that  I  can  say  at  present  with  regard  to  this  calendar; 
some  points  are  decided,  others  are  still  doubtful. 

I  find  nothing  in  Codices  Troano-Cortesianus  and  Peresianus  ^vhich 
corresponds  to  this  passage.  On  the  other  hand,  several  Central 
American  calendars  have  been  handed  down  to  us  from  Spanish 
times.  For  instance,  that  of  Pio  Perez  from  northern  Yucatan, 
wdiich  may  be  found  in  Stephens's  Travels  in  Yucatan,  in  the  Registro 
Yucateco,  and  in  Brasseur's  edition  of  Diego  de  Landa.  In  Brinton's 
Native  Calendar  of  Central  America  and  Mexico  (1893),  page  48, 
there  are  also  two  Chiapanec  calendars  from  Chiapas.  These  calen- 
dars append  a  few  ritual,  astronomic,  meteorologic,  and  economic 
notes  to  every  period  of  20  days.  We  might  believe  that  these  and 
other  similar  calendars  that  probably  exist  were  translated  directly 
from  such  ancient  calendars  as  the  one  which  is  presented  to  us  in 
the  passage  just  now  under  discussion,  only  with  the  old  pagan  weeks 
of  13  days  reduced  to  periods  of  20  days.  The  passage  from  the 
Dresden  codex  discussed  here,  when  once  it  can  be  fully  translated, 
will  very  much  resemble  these  more  modern  calendars. 

We  have  here  been  concerned  with  a  year  of  364  days,  the  middle 
of  which  consists  of  the  sacred  period  of  260  days,  while  at  the 
beginning  and  at  the  end  there  are  52  days  more,  104  together.  Is 
it  not  wonderful,  then,  that  in  close  proximity,  on  page  70,  on  the 
left,  above  and  below,  we  find  the  two  large  numbers  1,394,120  and 


FORSTEMANN]       PAGES  71-73  AND  51-58^  DRESDEN  CODEX 


451 


1,201,200,  both  of  which  are  exactly  divisible  by  364,  260,  and  104, 
and  therefore  also  by  their  common  multiple,  3,()40. 

The  Dresden  manuscript  has  another  remarkable  parallel  to  this 
passage,  which  I  shall  now  proceed  to  discuss.  On  pages  51  to  58 
there  is  an  extremely  complex  series  of  numbers,  which  I  have  already 
discussed  elsewhere  and  may  possibly  treat  later  in  still  greater  detail. 
It  is  interrupted  by  ten  pictures,  to  each  of  Avhich  belong  eight  or  ten 
glyphs,  placed  above  them.  This  series  begins  on  page  53,  at  the  top, 
and  proceeds  first  in  thirty  terms  to  the  top  of  page  58 ;  it  then  con- 
tinues on  page  51,  at  the  bottom,  and  goes  on  in  thirty-nine  more  terms 
to  page  58.  Now,  as  on  pages  71  to  73  the  twenty-eight  terms  are 
accompanied  each  by  three  signs,  placed  above  them,  so  here  we  have 
two  signs  above  each  of  the  sixty-nine  terms.  There,  as  here,  the 
numbers  certainly  have  no  connection  with  the  glyphs,  especially  as 
the  series  of  numbers  forms  a  clear  and  perfect  whole,  and  I  now 
wish  to  show  the  probable  interconnection  of  the  glyphs,  which  is 
wholly  different  from  that  of  the  numbers,  as  far  as  that  can  be  done, 
a  great  many  on  the  upper  part  of  the  leaf  being  destroyed. 

First,  I  will  show  the  positions  of  the  sixty-nine  groups  of  glyphs 
in  the  manuscript,  for  the  sake  of  greater  clearness : 

I'age  51  Page  52 

31    32    33    34  *  35    36  37    38    39  40 

I»age  53  I'^ge  54 

1      2      3     4     5      6  7     8     9    10    11    12  13 

41    42    43    44    45  46    47    48    49  50 

Page  55  I'age  56 

14    15    16    17    18  19    20    21  22 

51    52  .53    54    55    56    57    58  59    60    61  62 

Page  57  Page  58 

23    24    25    26  27    28    29  30 

63    64    65    66    67  68  69 

In  glancing  over  this  entire  series  of  glyphs  we  observe  that  group 
59  is  missing.  In  place  of  it  we  find  a  snaillike  sign,  to  which 
I  ascribe  the  meaning  of  zero,  as  on  page  64  a  very  similar  sign 
certainly  has  this  significance.  This  negation  seems  to  me  to  mean 
that  something  in  the  previous  passage  was  written  by  mistake 
in  a  wrong  place.  I  would  suggest  that  groups  54  to  59  should  be 
arranged  thus:  55,  54,  57,  56,  59,  so  that,  not  59,  but  58  is  the  one 
actually  missing,  and  I  hope  to  make  this  appear  in  some  degree 
probable  in  what  follows. 

Here,  as  in  the  passage  previously  treated,  I  shall  designate  the 
upper  glyph  of  each  group  as  a,  the  lower  one  as  h. 

The  hypothesis  advanced  by  me  is  as  follows:  These  sixty-nine 
groups  of  glyphs  refer  directly,  like  those  in  the  passage  previously 


452 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


treated,  to  a  year  of  364  days,  which  is  divided  into  four  quarters 
dedicated  .o  individual  Bacabs,  each  comprising  7  weeks  of  13  days 
each.  But  we  are  not  dealing  here  with  a  single  year;  but,  in  pro- 
portion to  the  space  occupied  b}^  the  groups,  with  a  period  of 
13X69=897  days;  that  is,  with  two  such  years  and  13  weeks.  Let 
us  try  to  prove  this. 

First  of  all,  in  group  37a  appears  a  human  figure  stretching  both 
arms  upward  (I)  ;  this  is  repeated  in  group  65a/  that  is  to  sa}^, 
twenty-eight  places  farther  on,  so  that  just  one  year  (13X28=364) 
lies  between  them.  We  see  the  same  human  figure,  more  complete, 
with  its  glyph,  on  page  36Z>/  a  bird  issues  from  its  head,  holding  a 
fish  in  its  beak.  The  preceding  year  should  begin  in  group  9(2,  but 
the  glyph  there  is  nearly  destroyed. 

But  now  in  that  year,  between  groups  37  to  65,  I  can  also  point  out 
the  four  Bacabs,  which,  however,  as  in  the  passage  on  pages  71  to  73, 
do  not  coincide  with  the  beginning  and  end  of  the  year.  For  the 
signs  39,  46,  53,  60  {b  in  every  case),  show  the  Bacab  sign  previously 
found  (m),  in  the  last  three  identical,  in  the  first  at  least  similar, 
always  after  an  interval  of  7  weeks.  We  should  expect  to  find  the 
same  sign  in  the  preceding  year  in  groups  4,  11,  18,  25,  and  32,  but  I 
can  not  point  it  out  there,  although  I  will  add  that  25a  shows  at  least 
the  glyph  which  was  combined  with  the  Bacab  sign  on  page  71. 

If  we  look  at  the 'groups  Avhicli  innnediately  precede  these  Bacab 
groups,  we  see  in  38,  52,  and  58  (which,  according  to  what  has  been 
said  above,  should  really  be  59),  in  the  lower  part  heads  like  those 
of  birds,  resembling  the  Bacab  sign,  which  all  resemble  each  other. 
A  similar  head  might  be  expected  in  group  45,  but  instead  we  find  a 
Moan  head,  which  is  likewise  a  bird's  head.  Thus  we  again  see 
intervals  of  7  weeks  between  each. 

In  all  of  the  eight  groups  mentioned,  38  and  39,  45  and  46,  52  and 
53,  59  (nominally  58,  as  before  mentioned)  and  60,  we  always  find 
the  glyph  Iniix  as  the  first,  or  at  least  a  part  of  the  first,  sign,  which 
is  another  confirmation  of  their  general  connection. 

But  these  are  not  the  only  instances  of  a  repetition  after  seven 
groups.  In  42a  and  49^  we  see  the  same  sun  sign  represented  be- 
tAveen  light  and  darkness.  In  17  and  24  the  same  head  occurs  as  the 
lower  sign ;  also,  it  is  true,  in  15,  29,  40,  44,  but  here,  too,  15  and  29 
agree  after  an  interval  of  2X7  groups.  Groups  15a  and  36a  agree 
after  3X^=21  groups;  after  a  similar  interval  10a  and  31a  show 
the  same  crouching  person ;  but  so,  also,  do  20a  and  30a. 

If,  according  to  m}^  proposition,  55  and  54  are  transposed,  then  the 
two  signs  of  33  and  34  will  exactly  correspond  to  these  after  3X7=21 
weeks ;  so,  too,  will  35  and  56  agree,  if,  as  I  have  also  proposed,  56  is 
put  in  the  place  of  57. 


FORSTEMANN]       PAGES  AND  51-58^  DRESDEN  CODEX 


453 


Nor  is  it  accidental  that  the  serpent  signs  in  8h  and  43rt  resemble 
each  other,  although  35  =  5 weeks  have  passed. 

The  perfect  agreement  between  41  and  47,  after  only  0  weeks  have 
elapsed,  might  indicate  that  an  exchange  had  taken  place  between 
two  neighboring  groups  in  one  of  the  two  passages.  In  41Z>  and  69^7 
the  same  head  at  least  occurs;  that  is,  after  a  space  of  twenty-eight 
groups,  or  a  year,  as  in  37  and  65. 

Perhaps  the  most  important  thing  thus  far  stated  is  the  probable 
discovery  of  the  sign  for  a  Bacab  repeated  eight  times.  It  is  further 
confirmed  by  a  ninth  instance,  on  page  72,  at  the  top,  in  the  second 
group  from  the  right,  but  the  glyphs  set  down  there  belong  to  a 
series  of  numbers  below  them,  the  difference  of  whose  separate 
terms  is  54.  In  the  third  member  of  this  series,  page  72,  at  the  left 
above,  that  is,  above  the  number  162,  the  lowest  glyph  is  associated 
with  the  character  for  the  month  Ceh  in  exactly  the  same  way  as 
group  1  in  the  passage  first  discussed,  but  the  Bacab  sign,  Avhich 
I  have  just  mentioned,  is  associated  with  the  eighth  term;  that  is, 
with  the  number  432.  Two  hundred  and  seventy  days  have  there- 
fore passed  since  the  Ceh  group,  and  in  this  time,  exactly  after  27'6 
days,  the  rule  of  a  new  Bacab  begins. 

It  is  remarkable  that  the  numeral  4  accompanies  this  newly  dis- 
covered Bacab  sign,  just  as  it  does  in  group  4  of  page  71,  in  the 
passage  first  discussed.  To  my  mind  this  numeral  4  can  only  be  an 
expletive  affirmation  that  one  of  the  four  Bacabs  is  actually  dealt 
with. 

Perhaps  it  may  yet  lead  to  further  discoveries  if  I  observe  that 
in  both  of  the  passages  discussed  in  detail,  pages  51  to  58  and  71  to 
73  (I  can  count  at  least  fourteen  instances,  in  spite  of  the  partial 


PAGES  3lA  TO  32a,  DRESDEN  CODEX « 


As  it  seems  that  the  niathematic  sohition  of  the  Dresden  codex, 
which  I  undertook  ^Yith  imperfect  success  eleven  years  ago,  has  been 
wholly  left  to  me,  I  will  here  more  closely  consider  the  especially  im- 
portant passage  that  almost  covers  the  upper  third  of  pages  31  and  32. 
This  passage  must  have  seemed  to  the  writer  of  the  manuscript  to 
have  particular  importance;  otherwise  he  would  not  have  repeated 
three  large  numbers  and  three  differences  which  occur  there,  on  pages 
62  and  63,  where  they  are  mixed  with  many  other  things.  This  repe- 
tition affords  us  the  welcome  opportunity  of  correcting  two  clerical 
errors  in  the  third  large  number  and  in  the  third  difference  which 
occur  on  page  31.  I  will  make  these  corrections  at  once,  in  order  not  to 
interrupt  the  exposition  later. 

The  writer  set  down  the  third  large  number  with  the  numbers  10, 
13,  3,  13,  2;  but  it  should  read  10,  13,  13,  3,  2;  or,  interpreted  in 
European  numerals,  1,538,342. 

The  third  difference,  standing  directly  under  this  number,  he  wrote 
with  7,  2,  then  a  black  14,  and  next  a  red  5.  This  was  due  to  lack  of 
space;  it  should  be  7,  2,  14,  19=51,419. 

Without  these  two  corrections  the  surprising  results  which  I  am 
about  to  communicate  would  be  impossible. 

Investigation  should  begin  at  the  right,  which  is  the  rule  in  all  pas- 
sages relating  to  arithmetic  series. 

On  page  32,  on  the  right,  we  see  the  glyphs  of  all  the  20  days,  in 
the  following  order: 

4    13     2  11 

8  17  6  15 
12  1  10  19 
16  5  14  3 
20     9    18  7 

Above  each  of  the  four  colimms  there  is  a  XIII  in  red,  which  means 
that  each  of  the  20  days  is  to  be  considered  as  a  thirteenth  week  day. 
The  20  days,  however,  form  a  regular  series  only  when,  beginning  at 
the  top  on  the  right  with  the  eleventh  day,  we  pass  to  the  fourth 
day,  and  then  proceed  in  the  same  way  in  the  following  rows,  ending 
with  the  twentieth  day  on  the  left  below.  Now,  it  appears  that  there 
are  91  days  between  day  XIII  11  and  day  XIII  2,  and  the  same  is 

"Dresden,  March  26,  1897. 

455 


456 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


true  of  all  the  succeeding  members  of  the  series.  The  real  zero  point, 
which  is  always  concealed  in  this  manuscript,  is  XIII  20,  the  same  as 
the  last  day  of  the  series.  This  da}^  is,  however,  the  new  year's  day 
which  recurs  every  52  years,  followed  by  I  1  as  the  second  day,  which 
gives  the  name  to  the  whole  year,  for,  according  to  the  Maya  view,  the 
new  year's  day  is  not  the  first,  but  the  zero  da}^  It  is  not  counted. 
Day  XIII  20  is,  therefore,  highly  significant  in  this  passage. 

The  difference  91  is  equally  significant.  It  is  a  Bacab  period,  a 
quarter  of  the  ritual  year  of  "M'A  days.  This  entire  list  of  20  days, 
therefore,  includes  a  period  of  20X^1  =  1,820,  or  7  tonalamatls. 

The  rest  of  the  upper  third  of  page  82  and  the  column  on  the  right 
of  page  31  are  filled  by  a  series  which  begins  with  91,  and  91  or  a 
multiple  of  this  number  always  appears  as  the  difference.  This 
shows  an  attempt  to  obtain  numbers  divisible  by  the  tonalamatl, 
260.  This  attempt  is  uniformly  adhered  to  in  all  these  series.  At 
thie  same  time  a  number  divisible  by  10-1  is  sought,  104  being  the 
remainder  of  a  ritual  year  of  364  days  when  a  tonalamatl,  260.  is 
subtracted  from  it.  This  division  of  the  year  into  260-|-104  recalls 
the  hypothesis  of  Mrs  Zelia  Nuttall,  wliich  assumes  that  the  Aztec 
year  was  separated  into  52-l-260-j-r)2.« 

It  is  unnecessary  to  repeat  the  entire  twenty  terms  of  the  series 
in  the  manuscript,  some  of  Avhich  are  destroyed,  since  it  concerns 
merely  an  auxiliary  calculation.  It  is  sufficient  to  give  the  principle. 
Here  the  two  numbers  728  and  3,640  on  page  32,  on  the  left,  need 
a  passing  allusion.  They  are  of  special  importance,  since  with  the 
former  the  combination  of  91  and  104  is  obtained  and  with  the  latter, 
besides  this,  the  agreement  with  260.    It  is  as  follows : 

728=8X91  (therefore  also  2x3()4)  =  7X  104. 
3,640=40x91  (therefore  also  10x364)=3.5X  104  =  14x260. 

Our  chief  concern  now  is  to  rej^resent  what  has  thus  far  been  stated 
as  the  germ  of  what  is  to  follow. 

The  writer  has  added  Iavo  superfluous  signs  at  the  end  of  the  five 
columns  of  page  31  which  belong  here,  in  order  to  avoid  an  empty 
space.  In  the  fourth  and  fifth  columns  he  tAvice  sets  doAvn  the  day 
XIII  20,  the  importance  of  which  is  already  sufficientl}^  conspicuous. 
In  the  first  three  columns  he  sets  down  the  day  IV  17  three  times,  and, 
besides,  on  the  first  and  second  he  has  tAvice  set  doAvn  the  sign  of  the 
eighteenth  month,  Cumku.  But  Ave  knoAV  that  only  the  beginning  of 
Maya  chronology,  upon  Avhich  all  numbers  are  based,  is  here  meant, 
for  it  fell  on  the  eighth  day  of  the  eighteenth  month  and  was  a  day 
IV  17  in  the  year  9  Ix. 

Before  Ave  consider  the  three  large  numbers  with  which  the  three 
first  columns  begin  I  must  make  a  more  general  observation.  The 

"  Note  on  the  Ancient  Mexican  Calendar  System,  Stockholm,  1894. 


forstemann] 


PAGES  31a-32a,  Dresden  codex 


457 


manuscript  recognizes  a  multitude  of  numbers  which  increase  from 
1,200,000  to  about  l,r)00,000.  A  part  of  these  are  actually  expressed 
in  the  manuscript,  and  another  part,  as  we  shall  see  presently,  are 
to  be  found  by  calculation.  Now,  all  these  numbers  fall  into  two 
distinct  divisions.  The  lesser  range  from  1,201,200  to  1,278,420. 
They  therefore  extend  over  297  tonalamatls,  or  211  years.  The 
larger,  on  the  other  hand,  begin  at  1,366,560  and  end  with  1,567,332, 
thus  extending  over  a  period  of  773  tonalamatls,  or  550  years.  There 
is  a  blank  space  between,  which  can  not  be  due  to  accident,  for  it  com- 
prises 339  tonalamatls,  or  242  years.  Fifteen  lesser  numbers  precede 
this  gap  and  twenty-four  greater  numbers  follow.  It  ma}^  be  sur- 
mised that  this  gap  is  the  present,  that  the  lesser  numbers  are  the  past, 
and  the  larger  numbers  the  future  for  purposes  of  prophecy.  The 
stelse  at  Copan,  which  I  have  mentioned  (Zur  Entzifferung  der  Maya- 
handschriften,  IV),  extend  from  the  date  1,375,200  to  1,414,800;  that 
is,  through  152  tonalamatls,  or  109  years.  They  signify  the  present, 
and  must,  therefore,  provided  the  zero  point  of  chronologic  computa- 
tion is  the  same,  be  more  recent  than  the  Dresden  codex,  in  which  the 
future  begins  about  Avhere  the  present  begins  in  Copan. 

Above  each  of  the  three  large  numbers  there  was  a  date  composed 
of  a  number  and  a  glyph,  but  with  the  exception  of  insignificant  rem- 
nants these  dates  are  destroyed.  Therefore,  I  can  only  regard  it  as 
a  bare  possibility  that  they  denote  the  sixteenth  day  in  the  first 
month,  the  eleventh  iii  the  seventh,  and  the  first  in  the  fourteenth, 
which  positions  belong  to  the  three  days  XIII  20  to  be  calculated 
afterwards. 

The  three  large  nmnbers  are  as  follow : 

1.  1,272,544.  This  is  a  day  IV  1,  the  seventeenth  day  of  the  sev- 
enth month  in  a  year  12  Muluc.  The  number  is  divisible  by  91  and 
104  : 13,984X91=-12,236X104.  Of  the  three  factors  sought,  260  is 
the  only  one  not  found  here. 

2.  1,268,540.  This  is  day  IV  17,  the  actual  starting  point  of 
chronology,  and  this  time  it  is  the  eighth  day  of  the  eighth  month 
in  the  year  1  Ix.  The  ntmiber  is  divisible  by  260,  which  is  always 
the  case  with  day  IV  17;  that  is,  it  is  4,879X260.  But  it  is  also 
divisible  by  17;  that  is,  it  is  74,620X17.  This,  too,  is  not  accidental, 
for  the  interval  between  XIII  20  and  IV  17  is  17,  and  we  often 
find  that  two  day  numbers  placed  in  close  proximity  with  each  other 
are  divisible  by  their  difference. 

3.  1,538,342.  This  is  a  day  IV  19,  the  fifteenth  day  of  the  eleventh 
month  in  the  year  12  Muluc.  Thus  the  year  has  the  same  designation 
as  that  of  the  first  number,  but  it  is  14  katuns  (14X18,980)  in 
advance  of  the  former,  and  the  day  in  it  is  78  days  in  advance,  for 
78  days  is  the  interval  between  IV  1  and  IV  19;  but  the  interval 


458 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


is  the  same  from  IV  19  to  IV  17,  so  that  there  is  the  same  interval 
between  the  three  days  in  the  three  numbers.  The  third  number 
is  neither  divisible  by  91,  104,  nor  260,  and  yet  this  is  the  very 
number  from  which  the  number  sought  is  to  be  obtained.  However, 
like  the  other  two,  it  is  at  least  divisible  by  13,  the  number  of  week 
days. 

Among  the  three  large  numbers  the  manuscript  shows  the  now 
familiar  sign  XIII  20.  This  means  that  those  three  numbers  are 
all  to  be  reduced  to  the  day  XIII  20  by  means  of  subtraction.  Now, 
the  distance  from  XIII  20  to  IV  1  is  121 ;  from  XIII  20  to  IV  17, 
17;  from  XIII  20  to  IV  19,  199.  The  first  two  of  these  numbers  are 
directly  subtracted,  but  the  third,  as  is  often  done,  is  first  increased 
by  a  multiple  of  2G0,  which  produces  no  alteration  in  the  position  of 
the  days.  Here  197X260+199=51,419  is  subtracted.  These  three 
numbers,  121,  17,  and  51,419,  the  last  being  in  accordance  with  the 
correction  which  I  gave  above,  are  actually  provided  in  the  manu- 
script with  the  red  ring,  which  indicates  the  subtrahend,  and  there- 
fore stands  for  the  minus  sign  with  the  Maya. 

By  this  subtraction  the  three  following  numbers  are  obtained : 

1.  1,272,423;  that  is,  day  XIII  20,  sixteenth  day  in  the  first  month,  year 
12  Muliic. 

2.  1,268,523;  that  is,  day  XIII  20,  eleventh  day  in  the  seventh  month, 
year  1  Ix. 

3.  1,486,923;  that  is,  day  XIII  20,  first  day  in  the  fourteenth  month, 
year  1  Kan.  This  day,  therefore,  divides  the  year,  as  was  previously 
pointed  out,  into  a  tontlamatl  of  260  days  and  a  period  of  104  days. 

These  numbers  are  not  in  the  manuscript,  but  as  usual  in  such  cases 
they  must  be  calculated  by  the  reader.  Why  were  not  260  days  less 
deducted  to  obtain  in  this  wa}^  the  beginning  of  a  katun,  the  first  day 
of  the  first  month  in  the  year  1  Kan  ?  I  believe  this  was  omitted  in 
order  to  avoid  the  unlucky  new  year's  day.  I  am  confirmed  in  this 
opinion  by  the  fact  that  the  same  date,  1,  fourteenth  month,  com- 
puted to  be  sure  from  IX  1  and  in  a  different  katun,  also  results  from 
the  black  numbers  of  the  fourth  serpent,  on  page  62. 

The  three  numbers  found  by  computation  now  stand  in  a  much 
clearer  relation  to  one  another  than  those  set  down  in  the  manuscript. 

1.  The  difference  between  the  first  and  the  second  number  is 
3,900=15X260. 

That  this  difference  is  intentional  is  confirmed  by  the  number  39,000 
resulting  from  the  two  numbers  in  the  serpent  on  page  69,  which  are 
nearly  ten  times  as  large  as  those  m.entioned  here.  There  the  two 
numbers  are  12,381,728  and  12,391,470,  from  which  must  be  subtracted 
the  differences  on  page  73,  34,732  and  83,474,  and  the  resulting  re- 
mainders are  12,346,996  and  12,307,996,  whose  difference  is  exactly 
39,000. 


FOrSTEiMANN] 


PAGES  31a-32a,  Dresden  codex 


459 


2.  The  difference  between  the  third  and  first  numbers  is  214,500; 
that  is,  exactty  fifty-five  times  3,900,  phiinly  proving  that  nothing  has 
been  left  to  accident  here. 

3.  The  difference  between,  the  second  and  third  numbers  nuist 
therefore  be  218,400,  oi-  fifty-six  times  3,900.  It  should  be  noted  here 
that  56=7X8  and  7 :  8 : :  91 : 104. 

Now,  in  this  218,400  are  united  all  the  properties  sought  in  the 
fundamental  series.  It  is  2,400X91  (therefore  also  equals  000X304)  = 
2,100X104=840X260."  To  be  sure,  3,640  already  contains  these  fac- 
tors, but  the  fulfillment  of  prophecy  was  not  sought  in  such  close 
proximity,  else  the  prophet  might  easily  have  been  held  accountable. 
In  addition,  218,400  has  the  desirable  property  of  being  composed  of 
600  ritual  years  of  364  days. 

The  number  218,400  appears  to  me  now  as  the  real  objective  point 
of  the  computation,  or  rather  as  its  starting  point,  for  the  original 
computer  must  have  begun  at  that  point  in  order  by  calculating  back- 
ward to  reach  the  three  apparently  unimportant  numbers  which  the 
manuscript  records,  and  then  evolve  from  them  such  a  remarkable 
result. 

In  the  last  column  but  one  of  page  31  our  passage  presents  a  num- 
ber, 2,804,100,  which  occupies  a  wholly  isolated  position  in  the  manu- 
script, as  it  is  nearly  twice  as  large  as  any  of  the  other  large  numbers, 
except  those  found  in  the  serpents.  This  number  ought  to  allude  to 
the  year  9  Muluc,  and  to  the  thirteenth  day  of  the  eighth  month,  yet 
that  seems  to  have  no  importance.  At  all  events  it  denotes  the  day 
IV  17.    On  considering  its  remarkable  properties  we  find : 

1.  It  is  equal  to  10,7S5x2e.O. 

2.  It  is  equal  to  17,975x156.    The  last  is  the  difference  between  the 
days  IV  1  and  IV  17.    From  this  follows: 

3.  It  is  equal  to  .35,950  x  78.    78  is  the  difference  between  IV  19  and 
IV  17,  and  between  IV  1  and  IV  19. 

4.  It  is  equal  to  719X3,900.    We  have  above  already  recognized  3,900 
as  a  very  important  number. 

But  2,804,100,  on  account  of  its  magnitude,  awakens  the  suspicion 
that  it  may  be  composed  of  two  of  the  ordinary  large  numbers. 
These  might  be — 

5.  It  is  equal  to  1,308,580+1,495,520;    that  would  signify  14,380X 
(91-1-101). 

6.  It  is  equal  to  1,380,600+1,423,500;  that  would  signify  3,900x  (354+ 
865.) 

This  shows,  as  was  evident  from  number  4,  the  important  3,900,  but 
it  divides  the  719  mentioned  there  into  the  lunar  year,  354=6 X 
29-|-6X30,  and  the  civil  year.    I  confess  I  have  met  this  nowhere 


«  185,120  +  33,280=218,400. 


460 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


else  with  the  Mayas,  except  in  the  Dresden  manuscript,  pages  51  to 
58,  where  we  find  the  often  repeated  177=854^2. 

We  might  inchide  here  the  tAvo  important  numbers  14,040  and 
18,980,  of  the  first  of  which  200  and  3G0  are  factors,  as  260  and  365 
are  of  the  second.    Then  we  see : 

7.  It  is  equal  to  147X18,980+14,040. 

8.  It  is  equal  to  200  X  14,040— 3,900. 

But  it  would  be  unsafe  to  attempt  to  penetrate  deeper  into  the 
sense  and  purpose  of  these  numbers  until  new  light  is  shed  from 
without. 

I  have  still  to  speak  of  the  upper  right-hand  corner  of  page  oIa,  the 
greater  part  of  which  is  unfortunately  destroyed.  The  fifth  and  last 
column  is  entirely  destroyed.  It  ma}^  have  contained  one  more  num- 
ber of  the  series,  Avhose  loss  is  not  to  be  deplored,  but  above  it  were, 
perhaps,  one  or  two  glyphs  whose  loss  is  sadly  felt. 

There  are  five  or  six  glyphs  in  the  fourth  colinnn  preceding.  Of 
these  onl}^  the  lower  four  are  to  be  seen,  the  first  two  only  indistinctly. 
I  have  alread}^  said  something  about  them  in  1801  in  the  Berlin  Zeit- 
schrift  fiir  Ethnologic,  volume  23,  pages  141  to  155. 

Of  these  four  signs  I  must  leave  unnoticed  the  second  from  the  top, 
where  we  see  a  red  6  peculiarly  introduced. 

The  first  sign  is  an  Imix  with  prefix  and  probabh^  also  a  sign  over 
it.  I  adhere  to  the  opinion  that  this  denotes  the  katun  period,  18,980 
days,  or  perhaps  a  multiple  of  it. 

I  have  attempted  to  explain  the  third  sign  as  24X365  days,  or  the 
triplicate  of  the  sacred  period  of  eight  years,  that  is,  the  so-called 
ahau  of  8,760  days,  and  I  still  consider  it  in  a  measure  a  probable 
solution,  especially  in  view  of  the  passage  on  page  73  at  the  top. 

Finally,  the  lowest  sign  is  undoubtedly  the  one  for  7,200  (20X360) 
days,  that  T  have  found  provided  with  a  prefix  in  manuscripts  and 
inscriptions,  Avhicli  probably  indicates  a  multiple  of  this  period. 

It  is  most  remarkable,  however,  that  these  three  signs  are  found 
ver}^  near  each  other  in  three  other  passages  of  the  manuscript.  On 
page  61  the  sign  for  8,760  occurs  in  the  eleventh,  the  sign  for  18,980 
in  the  twelfth,  place  in  the  second  column,  and  the  sign  for  7,200  in 
the  fourteenth  place  of  the  first  column.  On  page  70  the  sign  for 
18,980  occurs  in  the  fourth,  the  sign  for  8,760  somewhat  lower  in  the 
third,  column,  and  two  places  below  this  the  sign  for  7,200.  Finally, 
the  three  signs  all  occur  in  close  succession  on  page  73  at  the  top,  in 
the  same  order  as  on  page  31. 

It  is  therefore  my  opinion  that  a  prophecy  is  the  real  purpose  of 
this  passage,  as  of  all  similar  ones.  For,  of  course,  no  one  believes 
that  these  are  mere  exercises  in  arithmetic  or  directions  for  them. 


forstemann] 


PAGES  31a-32a,  Dresden  codex 


461 


But  now  the  question  naturally  arises,  What  is  actually  prophesied 
here?  We  find  nothing  said  about  it,  and  there  would  hardly  be 
room  for  it  in  the  manuscripts.  We  might  conjecture  that  an  omen 
was  connected  with  certain  numbers  and  with  individual  days,  as  we 
actually  find  such  omens  mentioned  in  the  calendar  of  Perez  given 
by  Stephens.  But  it  is  also  possible  that  the  cunning  priests  avoided 
committing  their  prophecies  definitely  to  writing  and  that  they  left 
then^  to  the  chances  of  verbal  transmission  and  tradition.  Finally, 
the  graphic  system  of  the  Maya,  which  never  even  achieved  the 
expression  of  a  plirase,  or  even  of  a  verb,  is  too  imperfect  to  serve  as 
a  medium  for  the  transmission  of  prophecies;  at  any  rate,  it  could 
only  have  done  so  very  inadequately. 


THE  SERIES  OF  NUMBERS,  DRESDEN  CODEX.  PAGES 

51  TO  58  « 

The  most  difficult  and  ingenious  number  series  of  the  Dresden 
codex,  which  occupies  the  upper  lialf  of  pages  58  to  58  and  the  lower 
half  of  pages  51  to  58,  has  already  V>een  discussed  by  me  several 
times,  the  first  time  and  most  minutely  in  1886  in  my  Erlauterungen, 
pages  33  to  34  and  68  to  70.  But  since  then  my  comprehension  of 
these  numbers  has  been  so  enlarged  that  a  new  treatment  of  this 
important  subject  seems  imperative. 

This  passage,  however,  is  organically  connected  with  the  immedi- 
ately preceding  pages  46  to  50,  page  24  having  briefly  treated  of  the 
contents  of  the  two  sections  (see  Zur  Entzifferimg  der  Ma3'ahand- 
schriften,  IV).  The  purport  of  pages  46  to  50  is  the  bringing  into 
harmony  of  the  apparent  Venus  year  of  584  days,  the  solar  year  of 
365  days,  and  the  tonalamatl  of  260  days,  and  this  is  accomplished 
by  means  of  three  series,  each  of  which  extends  over  37,960  clays,  for 
that  length  of  time  is  equivalent  to  65  Venus,  104  solar,  or  146  tona- 
lamatl years. 

The  corresponding  problem  on  pages  51  to  58  is,  first  of  all,  to  find 
an  agreement  between  the  apparent  Mercury  year  of  115  days  and 
the  tonalamatl  of  260  days,  and  this  agreement  is  afforded  by  the 
period  of  11,960  days=l64Xl  15=46X260.  Curiously  enough,  this 
period  includes  as  man}^  Mercury  years  as  the  preceding  period  con- 
tained solar  years. 

The  upper  part  of  pages  51  and  52  treats  of  these  11,960  days,  with 
regard  to  which  I  need  not  go  into  further  detail  here,  since  the 
greater  part  of  this  passage  is  occupied  by  a  series  whose  difference 
is  exactly  11,960. 

It  is  most  interesting  to  note  that  the  Maya  also  sought  to  bring 
the  revolution  of  the  moon  into  connection  with  this  period,  and  to 
observe  the  manner  in  which  they  did  it.  For  the  revolution  of  the 
moon,  which  we  assume  to  be  29.53  days,  in  any  case  demands  a 
fractional  computation,  of  which  the  Maya  either  knew  nothing,  or 
which  they  carefully  avoided,  just  as  did  the  ancient  Egyptians,  who 
were  familiar  only  with  fractions  having  1  for  their  numerator,  and 
at  the  utmost  with  the  fraction  |  (see  Hultsch,  Die  Elemente  der 
agyptischen  Teilungsrechnung,  1895,  page  16). 

But  the  Mayas  knew  the  revolution  of  the  moon  too  accurately  not 


"Zur  Entzifferung  der  Mayahandschriften,  VII,  Dresden,  Jan.  16,  1898. 

463 


464 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


to  have  seen  that  the  period  of  11,960  days  could  not  be  made  to 
coincide  with  a  multiple  of  lunar  revolutions.  With  105  lunar  revo- 
lutions they  obtained  only  11,958  days,  and  this  number  is  actually 
the  highest  of  the  series  on  the  second  half  of  page  58. 

In  order  to  make  the  series  of  11,958  days  applicable  to  one  of 
11,960  days,  they  employed  a  most  ingenious  device.  As  the  starting 
point  for  each  term  of  the  series  they  took  not  a  single  day,  but 
three  consecutive  days:  For  the  first  term,  XI  4,  XII  5,  XIII  6; 
for  the  last,  IX  2,  X  3,  XI  4.  So  the  first  day  of  the  first  term  was 
actually  11,958  days  distant  from  the  first  day  of  the  last  term,  but 
the  first  day  of  the  first  term  was  distant  11,960  days  from  the  third 
day  of  the  last  term. 

At  all  events,  the  whole  period  of  11,958  days  was  first  divided  into 
three  equal  periods  of  P),986  days  each.  In  order  to  divide  these 
smaller  periods  still  further  the  term  of  177  days  was  used,  as  far  as 
this  was  practicable ;  but  177  is  the  half  of  a  lunar  3'ear  of  354  days, 
which  is  composed  of  6  months  of  30  days  and  6  months  of  29  days: 
that  is,  to  each  month,  in  round  numbers,  are  allowed  29.5  days. 

177  is,  therefore,  equal  to  3X29+3X30;  but  the  average  of  29.5 
days  for  the  duration  of  a  lunar  revolution  is  a  little  too  small.  In 
order  to  raise  it  to  the  most  exact  value  possible,  in  certain  places  of 
the  series  of  two  other  numbers  were  introduced,  viz:  148=2X29-1- 
3X30  and  178=2X29-^4X30;  148  is  equivalent  to  5  months  of 
29.6  days  and  178  to  6  months  of  29.666-}-  days.  Now,  we  must  see 
in  what  proportion  these  148  and  178  days  were  distributed  among 
the  periods  of  177. 

First  we  see  that  the  term  of  3,986  days,  that  is,  a  third  of  the  whole 
period,  was  divided  into  three  sections  of  1,742,  1,034,  and  1,210  days 
in  the  following  manner : 

1,742  =  8X177+  148+  378 
1,034=  4X177+  148+  178 
1,210=  6X177+  148 

3,  986=18X177+3.  148+2.  178 

This  equals  135  months  of  29.526  days  each.  How  did  the  Maya 
express  this  fraction  ?  Perhaps  it  will  be  shown  in  the  future  that  in 
accordance  with  their  vigesimal  system,  they  approximately  denoted 

it  thus:  29  +  i+     +  do- 

The  whole  period  of  11,958  days  was  therefore  divided  in  the  fol- 
lowing way: 

3  X  1,742=24  X 177+3  X 148+3  X 178 
3X1,034=12X177+3X148+3X178 
3X1,210=18X177+3X148 


3X3,  986=54  X 177+9  X 148+6  X 178 


FORSTEMANN]         SERIES  OF  NUMBERS,  DRESDEN  CODEX 


465 


For  every  six  divisions  by  177  there  is,  then,  one  by  148 ;  for  every 
nine  divisions  by  177,  one  by  178. 

Since  177  and  178  each  embrace  (>  months  and  148,  on  the  other 
hand,  embraces  5  months,  the  whole  length  of  the  period  equals  405 
months,  which  are  divided  into  ()9  periods. 

All  this  had  to  be  discussed  before  I  could  connnunicate  the  entire 
series  itself.  I  will  here  set  down  the  numbers  and  join  to  them  the 
difference  between  each  number  and  the  preceding  one  (in  the  case  of 
the  first,  therefore,  the  difference  between  that  and  the  zero  point), 
just  as  they  are  given  in  the  manuscript.  I  have  placed  an  asterisk 
wdiere  I  have  corrected  a  number,  the  manuscript  in  the  correspond- 
ing places  containing  an  error  in  writing  or  in  computation.  The 
three  columns  correspond  to  the  three  thirds  of  3,986  days  each,  the 
two  horizontal  spaces  separate  the  periods  of  1,742,  1,034,  and  1,210 
days. 


(Page  53a) 

24 

4, 163* 

177 

47 

8,149 

177 

1 

177 

177 

25 

4,340 

177 

48 

8,326 

177. 

2 

354* 

177 

26 

4,488 

148* 

49 

8,474 

148 

3 

502 

148 

(Page  58a) 

50 

8,  651 

177* 

4 

679* 

177 

27 

4,665 

177 

(Page  55b) 

5.- 

  856 

177 

28 

4,842 

177 

51 

8,828 

177 

6 

1,034* 

178* 

29 

5,020 

178* 

52 

9,006 

178* 

(Page  54a) 

30 

5, 197 

177 

53 

9,183 

177 

7 

1,211 

177 

(Page  51b) 

54 

9,360 

177 

8 

1,388 

,  177 

31 

5,374 

177 

^  55 

9,537 

177 

9 

1,565 

177 

32.. 

  5,551 

177 

56_.. 

....  9,714 

177 

10-. 

....  1,742* 

177 

33.. 

 5,728 

177 

11 

1,919 

177 

34 

5,  905 

177 

57 

9,891 

177 

12 

2, 096* 

177 

35 

6,082 

177 

58. 

...  10,068* 

177* 

13. 

2,244 

148 

36 

6,230 

148 

(Page  56b) 

(Page  55a) 

(Page  52b) 

59 

10,216 

148* 

14 

2  422* 

178* 

37 

6,408 

178* 

60 

10, 394 

178* 

15 

2, 599* 

177 

38.. 

 6,585 

177 

61 

10, 571 

177 

16 

2,776 

177 

39 

6,762 

177 

62 

10,748 

177 

17 

2,953 

177 

40 

6,939 

177 

(Page  57b) 

18 

3, 130 

177 

(Page  53b) 

63 

10,925 

177 

(Page  56a) 

41 

7,116 

177 

64 

11,102 

177 

19 

3,278 

148 

42 

7,264 

148 

65 

11,250 

148 

20 

3, 455 

177 

43 

7,441 

177 

66 

11,427 

177 

21 

3,632 

177 

44 

7,618 

177 

67... 

-  .  11,  604 

177 

22.. 

.  ...  3,809 

177 

45 

7,795 

177 

(Page  58b) 

(Page  57a) 

(Page  54b) 

68 

11,781 

177 

23 

3,986 

177* 

46 

•  7,972 

177 

69 

11,958 

177 

No  one  who  is  familiar  with  the  carelessness  of  the  Maya  manu- 
scripts will  be  surprised  that  I  should  pronounce  20  of  the  138  num- 
7238— No.  28—05  30 


466 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


bers  of  the  manuscript  incorrect.  Moreover,  the  20  errors  are  lessened 
b}^  the  fact  that  six  of  them  are  really  one  and  the  same,  for  in  all 
of  these  six  cases,  where  the  difference  is  178,  the  writer  has  over- 
looked this  and  mechanically  written  down  the  usual  177,  although 
the  numbers  and  days  of  the  series  quite  correctly  indicate  178. 
Moreover,  the  three  errors  in  groups  58  and  59  are  only  one,  for  the 
author  had  confounded  the  differences  177  and  148,  and  was,  there- 
fore, obliged  to  write  the  number  10,039  instead  of  10,068,  which  will 
find  confirmation  later.  From  this  it  follows  besides  that  the  writer 
was  at  the  same  time  the  computer,  consequently  the  actual  author. 

I  must  further  call  attention  to  the  regular  position  of  the  differ- 
ences 178  and  148.  In  the  three  periods  of  1,742  days  178  is  ahvays 
in  the  sixth  place,  in  those  of  1,0?>4  days  it  is  always  in  the  fourth 
place.  It  appears,  therefore,  in  groups  0,  14,  29,  37,  52,  and  60,  that 
is  to  say,  at  intervals  of  8,  15,  8,  15,  8  groups;  in  the  periods  of  1,210 
days  it  is  wholly  wanting.  The  difference  148  in  the  nine  divisions  is 
alwaj^s  in  the  third  place,  that  is  to  say,  always  close  to  the  pictures, 
of  which  we  shall  presently  speak ;  therefore,  in  groups  3,  13,  19,  26, 
36,  42,  49,  59,  65,  that  is,  at  intervals  of  10,  6,  7,  10,  6,  7,  10,  6  groups! 
We  can  not  yet  look  further  into  the  causes  of  this  curious  fact. 

But  I  must  refer  to  a  pregnant  error.  Groups  22  and  23  quite 
correctly  have  the  difference  177,  but  the  writer  in  this  single  place 
sets  down  178  and  consequently  computes  the  three  days  belong- 
ing here  as  VII  11,  VIII  12,  IX  13,  instead  of  VI  10,  VII  11, 
VIII  12,  and  from  here  to  the  end  he  is  always  one  day  in  advance, 
so  that  group  69  ou  page  58  closes  with  the  days  X  3,  XI  4,  XII  5, 
which  ought  to  be  IX  2,  X  3,  XI  4. 

Now  it  is  important  to  determine  the  zero  point  -belonging  to  this 
series,  for  every  series  of  this  manuscript  conceals  it.  It  must  be  177 
days  before  the  first  group,  that  is,  before  da3^s  VI  1,  VII  2,  and 
VIII  3,  which  leads  to  the  days  XI  4,  XII  5,  and  XIII  6. 

•  Of  these  days  the  middle  one,  XII  5,  is  by  far  the  most  important; 
it  occurs  on  the  upper  half  of  page  51  six  times,  on  page  52  four  times. 

On  page  51,  in  the  first  column  on  the  left,  we  first  find  the  normal 
date  and  starting  point  of  the  computation,  the  day  IV  17,  as  the 
eighth  da}^  of  the  eighteenth  month  in  the  year  9  Ix,  but  under  it 
our  day  XII  5.  Below  the  latter  there  is  an  8,  beneath  this  number 
the  character  kin  ("  sun  ",  "  day  "),  and  combined  with  the  latter  the 
character  imix,  with  a  sign  above  it  clearly  denoting  "  combination  ", 
"  union  ".  In  the  Zeitschrift  fiir  Ethnologic,  1891,  page  152,  I  have 
already  ascribed  the  meaning  of  a  katun  (18,980—52X365  days)  to 
this  combination,  and  I  still  hold  this  opinion. 

This  group  may,  therefore,  signify  the  8  days  Avhich  elapse  between 
IV  17  and  XII  5,  but  it  may  also  denote  the  period  of  8X18,980= 
151,840  days;  probably  it  signifies  both  at  the  same  time. 


KORSTEMANN]         SERIES   OF   NUMBERS^   DRESDEN  CODEX 


467 


Two  iiuiiibers  are  set  down  with  this  day  XII  5,  one  in  red  and 
one  in  bhick:  1,578,988  on  page  51  and  1,412,848  on  page  52.  The 
first  number  points  to  the  sixth  day  of  the  eighteenth  month  [Cumku] 
in  the  year  0  Kan ;  the  second,  to  the  first  day  of  the  fifteenth  month 
[Moan]  in  the  year  6  Muluc. 

From  the  3^ear  G  Mnhic  to  the  year  6  Kan  there  are  39  years,  or 
14,235  days;  from  the  first  day  of  the  fifteenth  month  to  the  sixth 
day  of  the  eighteenth  month  there  are  05  days;  therefore  the  two 
dates  are  separated  by  an  interval  of  14,235-|-()5,  or  14,300  days,  unless 
a  round  number  consisting  of  multiples  of  a  katun  (18,980  days) 
comes  into  question.  But  1,578,988  —  1,412,848  equals  166,140. 
Again,  if  14,300  is  subtracted  from  this  last  number,  the  remainder  is 
15L840,  actually  then  8X18,980  or  416X365  (solar  years)  or  260X584 
(Venus  years)  or  52X2,920  (Venus-solar  periods).  Thus  I  am  justi- 
fied in  having  really  read  8  katuns  on  page  51. 

Moreover,  I  found  this  number  151,840  by  computation  once  l)efore 
in  the  manuscript.  Compare  my  fourth  article  in  this  series,  where 
I  pointed  out  that  it  is  the  difference  between  the  two  lunnbers 
185,120  and  33,280  on  page  24  of  the  manuscript.  On  the  last-named 
page,  if  my  restoration  of  the  effaced  passage  is  correct,  this  same 
number  stands  as  the  highest  of  the  series,  actually  set  down  as  the 
quadruple  of  37,960,  in  which  the  solar  year,  the  Venus  3^ear,  and  the 
tonalamatl  accord. 

All  these  remarks  relate  to  the  day  XII  5,  the  middle  one  of  the 
three  days  XI  4,  XII  5,  and  XIII  6.  But  the  third  day,  XIII  6, 
also  demands  consideration,  for  on  it  depends  the  great  series  that 
begins  on  page  58  at  the  right  and  extends  over  the  Avhole  of  page  59, 
which  has  for  its  difference  780,  in  Avhich  I  recognized  the  period  of 
the  apparent  revolution  of  Mars. 

We  must  now  leave  the  clear  domain  of  numbers  and  enter  a  mys- 
terious realm  in  which  science  thus  far  has  reaped  but  a  scanty  har- 
vest, and  on  which  I,  too,  can  throw  but  little  light.  As  on  pages  46 
to  50  at  the  end  of  each  period  of  2,920  days  there  are  three  pictures, 
so  there  are  pictures,  ten  in  all,  inserted  between  the  different  numbers 
and  symbols. 

One  of  these  pictures,  the  eighth,  on  page  56b,  stands  in  the  Avrong 
place  in  consequence  of  the  error  in  computation  which  I  discovered 
in  groups  58  and  59.  It  does  not  belong  before,  but  after,  group  59, 
the  first  on  page  56b.  This  the  manuscript  itself  suggests,  for  in 
group  59  the  two  glyphs  usually  standing  above  each  group  are  miss- 
ing, and  in  their  stead  we  find  a  character  resembling  a  snail.  But 
this,  according  to  my  Erlauterungen,  page  29,  is  nothing  more  than 
an  emphasized  zero,  Avhich  indicates  that  the  section  marked  by  a 
picture  closes  with  this  group. 


468 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


When  this  error  is  corrected,  we  see  that  the  ten  pictures  stand  thus 
on  the  following  pages  and  after  the  following  numbers  of  the  series : 

1  53a  502 

2  55a     2,  244 

3  5Ga     3,  278 

4  57a     4,  488 

5  52b     6,  230 

6  53b      7,  264 

7  54b     8,  474 

8  SGb    10,  216 

9  57b    11,  250 

10  58b    11,  958 

From  this  it  follows  that  a  picture  is  assigned  to  each  of  the  nine 
sections  which  form  the  series,  yet  never  at  the  beginning  or  end  of 
the  section,  but  only  after  the  expiration  of  502=2 X1T7+148 
days.  The  intervals  of  time  between  the  pictures,  therefore,  amount 
to  1,742,  1,034,  and  1,210  days,,  exactly  the  same  as  the  duration  of  the 
separate  nine  sections.  The  last  picture  alone  is  distant  708  days 
from  the  last  but  one,  and  besides  has  peculiar  characteristics,  and 
consequently  must  be  specially  discussed.  But  these  708  days  at  the 
end  and  the  502  days  at  the  beginning  again  quite  regularly  make 
1,210  days. 

Now  it  is  easy  to  suppose  a  new  series  in  these  nine  pictures,  which 
is  interpolated  in  the  original  one,  a  series,  in  fact,  whose  zero  point 
falls  on  the  day  502.  We  shall,  therefore,  always  have  to  subtract  502 
days  from  the  days  occurring  in  the  manuscript.  This  new  series  is 
then  represented  in  the  following  manner : 

1  53a  0  ' 

2  55a  1,742 

3  56a     2,  776 

4  .57a      3,  986 

5  52b     5,  728 

6  53b      6,  762 

7  54b      7,  972 

8  56b      9,  714 

9  57b  10.748 

We  are  struck  by  the  fact  that  the  final  number  10,748  corresponds 
so  closely  to  Saturn's  period  of  revolution,  which  is  computed  at 
10,753  days.  There  is  no  reason  wh}^  the  Mayas  might  not  have  been 
familiar,  not  merely  with  the  apparent,  but  also  with  the  actual  revo- 
lution of  this  planet,  first,  on  account  of  the  slowness  of  its  movement, 
and,  secondly,  on  account  of  the  absence  of  retrogradation,  which  is 
so  important  in  the  inner  planets.  Moreover,  the  apparent  revolu- 
tion of  Saturn  (378  days  from  one  superior  .conjunction  to  the  next) 
could  not  be  made  to  agree  with  the  length  of  the  solar  year.  I  will 
immediately  offer  a  further  proof  of  my  theory. 


fOrstemannI        series  OF  NUMBERS,  DRESDEN  CODEX 


469 


All  these  pictures  are  joined  at  the  top  to  those  rectangles  of  which 
1  have  spoken  in  my  Erlanterimgen,  page  10,  and  which  always  con- 
tain two  or  three  glyphs,  that,  with  much  hesitation,  I  was  inclined  to 
interpret  as  the  symbols  of  the  sun,  moon,  and  planets.  No  serious 
contradiction  of  this  theory  has  thus  far  ensued. 

As  the  symbol  of  Saturn,  I  indicated  in  the  article  mentioned  a  or 

figure  109 :  These  figures  are  actually  found  in  all  of  the  nine  pic- 
tures with  the  exception  of  the  first,  which  has  no  such  rectangle,  the 
place,  therefore,  where  the  zero  point  is  concealed,  according  to  the 
true  Maya  method. 

But  I  go  still  farther  in  my  bold  hypothesis.  The  time  assigned 
to  Jupiter  for  its  apparent  revolution  is  397  days.  I  believe  that  the 
Maj^as  adopted  398  days  for  the  period.  In  the  article  mentioned  I 
have  taken  to  be  the  symbol  of  Jupiter :  c  or  d,  figure  109. 

This  character  occurs  in  pictures  4,  6,  7,  and  9.    The  numbers 


/        <f         h  i        k        I         m  n 


o  p  q  r  s 

Fig.  105<.    Glyphs  from  the  Dresden  codex. 

belonging  to  them,  reduced  for  the  revolution  of  Saturn,  are  3,986, 
6,762,  7,972,  and  10,748.  But  in  addition  I  include,  as  the  zero  point, 
the  place  where  the  sign  has  been  suppressed,  the  picture  3,  that  is,  the 
number  2,776,  and  I  also  include  picture  10,  Avhich  is  not  reached  by 
the  revolution  of  Saturn  and  has  the  number  11,958. 

If  these  numbers  are  compared  with  398,  that  is,  with  the  appar- 
ent revolution  of  Jupiter,  then  we  have  the  following  result : 

3   2,776=  7X398—10 

4   3,986=10X398+  6 

6   6,762=17X398—  4 

7   7,972=20X398+12 

9  10,748=27X398+  2 

10  11,  958=30  X  398  +  18 

The  differences,  10,  6,  4,  12,  2,  18,  in  comparison  with  398,  are  all  so 
small  that  the  numbers,  2,776,  etc.,  might  very  well  have  been  consid- 
ered as  approximate  multiples  of  the  revolution  of  tTupiter.    Let  us 


470 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


compare  the  following  numbers^  which  do  not  come  near  coinciding 
with  it : 

1   502=  398+104 

2   1,742==  4x398+150 

5   5,728=^14x398+156 

8  9,714=24x398+162 

Those  belonging  to  the  latter  four  pictures  have  in  fact  no  Jupiter 
symbol.  Further,  the  regular  progression  from  the  seventh  to  the 
tenth,  seventeenth,  twentieth,  twenty-seventh,  and  thirtieth  multiple 
in  the  six  equations  given  above  somewhat  increases  the  credibility  of 
my  view. 

I  will  not  go  into  particulars  here  in  regard  to  the  rest  of  the 
glyphs  found  in  the  rectangles.  That  task  must  be  undertaken  some 
day  in  a  wider  connection.  For  these  rectangles  are  by  no  means  a 
peculiarity  of  the  Dresden  codex,  as  it  has  them  in  common  with  the 
other  Maya  manuscripts,  while,  excepting  one  trace  in  Codex  Teller- 
iano-Remensis,  I  have  not  found  them  in  the  Aztec  manuscripts. 

Concerning  the  pictures,  I  regret  that  I  have  only  detached  remarks 
to  offer,  and  not,  as  I  always  desire  to  do,  a  definite,  concise  result  of 
my  investigations.  I  find  human  figures  four  times,  not  counting 
the  tenth  picture,  as  follow  s : 

Picture  1,  page  53a,  has  the  death  god.  A,  sitting  and  pointing 
upward. 

Picture  2,  page  55a,  has  the  head  of  a  deity,  probably  I),  yet  with 
the  suggestion  of  a  beard,  and  on  his  brow  the  symbol  of  the  sun. 
The  head  is  surrounded  by  a  black  and  white  striped  ring. 

Picture  3,  page  56a,  has  the  head  of  B,  again  with  a  beard ;  above 
it,  kin  (the  sun).  The  head  is  encircled  b}^  a  stripe,  black  on  the  left, 
white  on  the  right. 

Picture  6,. page  53b,  has  a  hanged  female  figure,  Avhich  Schellhas 
(Gottergestalten,  page  11)  believes  to  be  the  Maya  goddess  Ixtab, 
the  goddess  of  the  halter ;  that  is,  of  the  hanged. 

The  suggestion  of  a  face,  perhaps  in  place  of  the  sign  ahau,  occurs 
in  picture  4,  page  5Ta,  as  the  center,  but  on  the  sides  the  surface  is 
black  and  Avhite. 

It  is  significant,  furthermore,  that  kin  ("  sun  '')  forms  the  center  of 
the  picture  four  times,  viz,  in  pictures  5,  T,  8,  and  9,  pages  52b,  54b, 
56b,  and  5Tb.  In  all  four  cases  we  see  beside  the  kin  one  black 
and  one  white  surface,  as  we  have  already  seen  them  in  picture  4 
and  similarly  in  picture  3.  Pictures  8  and  9  are,  as  it  were,  disgorged 
by  a  snake  draAvn  below  them.  In  pictures  5  and  8,  four  arrowlike 
symbols  diverge  from  the  kin  in  four  directions,  probably  the  four 
cardinal  points  or  the  four  Bacabs.    We  see  two  of  these  symbols 


FORSTEMANN]         SERIES   OF   NUMBERS,  DRESDEN  CODEX 


471 


also  in  picture  7  (page  54b),  but  only  on  the  black,  not  on  the  white, 
side. 

Figure  10  is  that  of  a  nondescript  creature.  It  has  a  human  form 
and  appears  to  be  diving  headforemost  from  the  two  symbols  of 
the  sun  and  moon,  against  which  it  presses  its  feet.  AboA^e  the  sun 
and  moon  symbols  is  a  rectangle  Avith  the  signs  of  Venus  and  Jupiter. 
Instead  of  a  head,  or  perhaps  as  a  mask  over  his  face,  this  creature 
lias  that  symbol  for  Venus  which  is  to  be  found  not  only  on  pages 
51  to  58,  but  also  on  pages  46  to  50,  and  above  this  there  is  a  kind  of 
crown.  Between  his  legs  is  a  symbol  which  forms  a  kind  of  tail  and 
is  suggestive  of  the  flint,  so  often  found  as  the  prefix  to  the  Venus 
sign,  only  here  it  is  so  well  formed  that  it  resembles  still  more  the 
Aztec  equivalent,  tecpatl. 

Of  the  glyphs  above  the  ])ictures  I  can  likewise  give  only  an  unsat- 
isfactory account.  There  are  properly  ahvays  ten  of  them,  among 
them  the  two  signs  for  the  sun  and  moon;  3^et  the  w^riter  has  added 
these  sun  and  moon  signs  to  pictures  1  to  4  only,  besides  the  more 
elaborate  picture  10.  From  pictures  5  to  9  he  has  omitted  them,  as 
being  understood,  in  order  to  make  the  remaining  eight  larger  and 
clearer.  Among  the  latter  are  several  glyphs  of  gods,  the  most  dis- 
tinct being  those  of  A  in  pictures  1,  5,  and  9,  and  of  H  in  picture  5, 
besides  which  there  are  other  uncertain  heads,  part  of  them  birds' 
heads,  as  in  pictures  1,  3,  5,  7,  8,  9. 

The  Ben-Ik  sign,  to  w^hich  I  have  ascribed  the  significance  of  a 
lunar  month,  Ave  see  Avith  pictures  4,  8,  9,  and  tAvice  Avith  pictures 
1  and  10. 

I  Avould  like  to  see  the  symbol  of  Mercury  Avith  the  figure  in  pic- 
tures 9  and  10,  especially  on  account  of  its  resemblance  to  the  glyph 
of  A^enus. 

Pictures  1,  7,  8,  and  10  shoAV  hands  grasping  a  glyph  (a  sign  for 
20  days?). 

The  enigmatic  numbers  before  the  glyphs  occur  several  times,  as  a 
1  in  pictures  1  and  10,  concerning  Avhich  I  shall  say  more  directly, 
a  4  tAvice  in  picture  8,  and  a  6  in  picture  3. 

I  have  already  discussed  the  hieroglyph  in  picture  10  (Zur  Ent- 
zifTerung  der  Mayahandschriften,  IV),  for  they  are  very  similar  to 
those  occurring  on  page  24.    I  denote  them  thus : 

1   6 


3   8 

4   9 

5  10 

Of  these,  5  is  certainly  the  sign  for  7,200,  and  6  that  for  13X360= 
4,680.    In  7  and  9,  on  account  of  the  Ben-Ik,  I  see  tAvo  months  of  29.5 


472 


BUKEAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


days,  that  is,  59  days  altogether,  and  in  4  I  see  the  sign  mentioned 
above  for  20,  together  with  the  1  that  is  before  the  fifth  glyph,  which 
is  advanced  one  place  by  a  little  cross,  hence  21.  From  this  the  fol- 
lowing result  is  obtained : 


the  number  arrived  at  in  this  Avhole  series. 

The  two  rows  of  glyphs  above  the  figures  on  these  pages  I  can 
not  consider  as  belonging  at  all  to  the  subject  under  discussion.  I 
have  considered  them  more  in  detail  in  Zur  Entziff'erung  der  Maya- 
handschriften,  V. 


7  and  9__ 
4  


5. 
6. 


7,  200 
4,  G80 
59 
21 


n,960, 


MAYA  CHRONOLOGY 

BY 

E.  FOT^STEMANlSr 


MAYA  CHRONOLOGY" 


By  E.  F(")rstemann 


All  previous  studies  of  the  Ma3^a  calendar  present  some  unexplained 
or  baffling  points  for  which  an  explanation  or  correction  must  be 
sought.  I  will  here  state  these  points  in  numbered  paragraphs  in 
order  that  I  may  afterwards  refer  to  them. 

1.  The  series  of  20  days  is  said  to  begin  either  with  Imix,  which 
view  is  supported  by  the  Aztec  arrangement,  as  well  as  by  various 
passages  in  Codex  Troano-Cortesianus,  or  with  Kan,  which  view  is 
based  on  the  express  testimony  of  Diego  de  Landa,  as  well  as  on  the 
Dresden  codex.^ 

2.  All  computation  of  long  periods  of  time  should,  according  to  my 
own  hypothesis,  which  I  advanced  in  the  year  1887,  begin  with  the 
eighth  day  of  the  eighteenth  month.  What  is  the  reason  for  the 
prominent  position  of  this  day? 

3.  The  periods  of  24  years,  the  ahaus,  are  said  to  begin  with  the 
second  day  of  the  Cauac  year.   Why  should  this  day  be  chosen  ? 

4.  The  day  XIII  20  is  decidedly  of  great  importance  in  the  Dres- 
den codex  in  cases  in  which  a  period  of  2G0  days  is  not  in  ques- 
tion, but  a  solar  year  divided  into  four  equal  parts  of  91  days  each. 
How  is  the  prominence  of  this  day  in  such  cases  to  be  explained? 

5.  Pages  25  to  28  of  the  Dresden  codex,  which  relate  beyond  a 
doubt  to  the  change  to  the  new  year,  are  said  actually  to  treat  only 
of  the  last  two  unlucky  intercalary  days  at  the  end  of  the  year.  Why 
of  these  only  ? 

6.  Calendar  dates  have  a  formula  like  this:  III,  2;  13,  3d  month. 
This  I  explained  in  1887  as  the  second  week  day  Chicclian  that  is 
followed  by  the  thirteenth  day  of  the  third  monthi  Although  I  have 
tried  to  establish  this  view,  it  still  seems  somewhat  forced.  How  is 
this  difficulty  to  be  obviated? 

I  have  recently  reached  the  conclusion  that  at  the  end  of  the  fif- 
teenth or  the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth  century  the  confusion  was 
observed  which  arose  from  the  fact  that  the  year  was  computed  only 


«  Ziir  Maya-Chronologie,  Zeitsclirift  fiir  Ethnologic,  Dresden,  1891. 

"  This  rule,  as  has  been  subsequently  shown,  does  not  apply  to  the  Dresden  codex.  C.  T. 

475 


476 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


at  365  whole  days.  In  earlier  times  such  confusion  was  perhaps  not 
possible,  because  the  chronology  was  probably  not  based  then  on 
the  solar  year,  but  on  the  period  of  260  days,  the  tonalamatl,  pos- 
sibly also  on  a  period  of  400  (20X^0)  days.  To  obviate  this  con- 
fusion I  think  they  did  what  has  been  done  under  similar  circum- 
stances by  other  peoples;  that  is,  they  intercalated  17  days;  and, 
instead  of  Imix,  which  had  hitherto  begun  the  series  of  days,  Kan, 
which  had  already  passed,  was  reintroduced  with  the  days  which  fol- 
lowed it.  Traces  are  found  in  Codex  Troano-Cortesianus  of  this 
older  arrangenient,  for  instance,  in  Cortesian  codex  on  ]:>age  31a,  and 
in  Troano  codex  on  page  31,  whether  this  is  older  than  the  Dresden 
codex  (which  my  correspondents  will  not  admit),  or  has  been  copied 
from  an  older  manuscript,  or  was  ])roduced  in  some  other  region 
which  still  preserved  the  Aztec  arrangement.  But  Landa,  who  un- 
questionably spoke  of  his  oAvn  time,  is  thoroughly  trustworthy  when 
he  gives  Kan  as  the  first  day,  especially  as  the  Dresden  codex  gives 
precedence  to  that  day.  I  need  only  recall  the  eight  highest  figures  in 
this  manuscript,  those  in  the  serpents  on  pages  (M  and  62,  which  are 
all  counted  from  a  day  Kan.   In  this  way  I  explain  number  1. 

Number  2  may  also  be  very  simply  explained.  Before  the  cor- 
rection of  the  calendar  that  eighth  day  of  the  eighteenth  month, 
from  which  all  computation  of  time  i)r()C(HHled,  Avas  the  twenty- 
fifth;  that  is,  the  last  day  of  the  eighteenth  month,  and  therefore 
of  the  whole  year.  At  least  this  was  the  case  every  four  years.  The 
Mayas  therefore  reckoned  how  many  days  had  elapsed  since  this  day 
as  the  zero  point.  The  years  which  followed  a  year  closing  with 
Ahau  quite  properly  began  with  Imix,  the  first  day  of  the  series;  the 
others,  with  Cimi,  Chuen,  and  Cib  (according  to  my  notation  3, 
8,  13).  It  would  be  interesting  if  we  could  discover  anything  to 
indicate  that  these  three  days  had  once  been  of  especial  importance 
(see,  for  instance,  Codex  Cortesianus,  pages  13b  to  18b,  where  four 
rows  of  52  successive  daj^s  begin  with  these  very  four  days,  each  row 
with  one  of  them). 

New  light  is  now  also  thrown  on  number  3.  From  this  starting 
point  of  all  chronology,  this  last  day  of  the  A-ear  beginning  with  Cib, 
the  period  of  24  years  then  beginning  (which  Avas  also  the  period  of 
15  apparent  Venus  years)  Avas  ahvays  computed.  The  fourth  ahau, 
for  instance,  began  Avith  the  year  5  Imix,  and  each  ahau  in  the  same 
Avay  with  this  first  day  until  everything  Avas  displaced  by  the  intro- 
duction of  the  17  days.  It  looks  like  a  modification  of  this  abrupt 
change  that  in  the  place  of  Imix,  "  maize  bread  its  synonym,  Kan, 
"  maize  kernel Avas  used,  the  tAvo  glyphs  occurring  countless  times 
closely  connected  in  the  manuscrij^t. 

While  the  first  three  points  are  thus  explained  by  my  theory  of  a 
correction  in  the  calendar,  the  other  three  may  be  explained  by  an 


KORSTEMANN.] 


MAYA  CHRONOLOGY 


477 


idea  which  Doctor  Seler  communicated  to  me  in  a  letter  of  December 
21,  18D0.  He  wrote  to  me  that  in  his  opinion  the  3^ears  in  the  Dres- 
den codex  did  not  begin  with  Kan,  Muhic,  Ix,  and  Cauac,  but  with 
Akbal,  Lanuit,  Ben,  and  Ezanab;  according  to  the  corrected  cak^n- 
dar,  therefore,  the  last  days  of  the  year  must  be  Ik,  Manik,  Eb, 
and  Caban.  But  Kan,  etc.,  still  rank  as  the  principal  days,  and  the 
years  are  designated  by  the  first  principal  day  encountered  in  them. 
For  instance,  they  are  distinctly  prominent  as  principal  days  in 
Codex  Cortesianus,  pages  3a  to  Ga  ;  Troano  codex,  pages  33c  to  32c  and 
23  to  20,  and  Dresden  codex,  pages  9b  and  29c. 

New  light  next  falls  on  number  4.  The  day  XIII  20  (Akbal), 
wherein  the  highest  Aveek-day  number  is  connected  with  the  last 
day  of  the  series,  is  nothing  more  than  the  new  year's  day  of  the  year 
1  Kan.  These  periods  of  91  days,  therefore,  arranged  in  groups  of 
four,  are  the  4X^1  days  which,  following  the  day  XIII  Akbal, 
make  up  the  year  1  Kan,  as,  for  instance,  in  the  Dresden  codex  on 
pages  32  and  64.  In  the  series  to  be  found  on  the  latter  page  the  sig- 
nificance of  the  solar  year  is  quite  apparent,  emphasized  by  the 
singularly  elaborated  sign  of  the  zero  in  the  fourth  and  the  eighth 
terms  of  the  series ;  that  is,  at  the  close  of  the  first  and  of  the  second 
years. 

As  Doctor  Seler  himself  writes  me,  number  5  can  also  be  simply 
explained.  For  the  Dresden  codex,  pages  25  to  28,  does  not  treat  of 
the  last  two  days  of  the  year,  but  far  more  naturally  of  the  last  day  of 
the  old  and  the  first  day  of  the  new^  year.  I  must  leave  it  to  Doc- 
tor Seler  to  establish  his  view  by  discussion  of  the  pictures  and 
glyphs. 

Lastly,  niunber  G  also  presents  a  more  satisfactory  asi^ect.  For  now 
III  2;  13,  3d  month  is  no  longer  called  3  Chicchan  which  is  followed 
by  the  thirteenth  day  of  the  third  month,  but  far  more  simply  3  Chic- 
chan Avhich  is  the  thirteenth  day  of  the  third  month.  The  normal 
date  IV  Ahau,  8,  18th  month  therefore  really  falls  on  the  eighth  day 
of  the  eighteenth  month  and,  in  fact,  as  I  have  always  believed,  in 
the  year  9  Ix,  which,  however,  according  to  the  new  theory  began 
with  8  Ben. 

The  next  step  is  to  attempt  further  conquests  in  this  realm  of 
glyphs,  starting  from  this  firm  basis  of  numbers  and  computations, 
and  the  first  thing  to  be  done  is  to  search  for  pictures  which  express 
the  conceptions  of  year,  the  change  to  a  new  year,  the  beginning  of 
the  year,  and  the  close  of  the  year.  As  the  serpent  pictures  have  an 
undeniable  reference  to  periods  of  time,  so  the  most  perfect  symbol 
for  the  year,  it  seems  to  me,  is  a  serpent  forming  a  closed  ring.  Such 
a  serpent  is  found  in  Codex  Cortesianus,  page  3a,  and  inscribed 
within  it  the  numeral  18,  which  I  am  inclined  to  interpret  as  mean- 
ing the  eighteen  months.    Likewise  in  Codex  Cortesianus,  pages 


478 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


4a,  5a,  and  6a  we  always  encounter  a  serpent  with  the  18  inscribed 
within  its  ring,  so  that  these  four  leaves  readily  suggest  the  four 
kinds  of  years. 

So,  too,  I  believe  I  have  found  a  very  perfect  picture  of  the  change 
of  years  in  Dresden  codex,  page  68,  above  on  the  left,  in  the  two  fig- 
ures of  gods  leaning  back  to  back  and  sitting  on  a  series  of  astronomic 
signs,  arranged  almost  like  the  roof  and  wall  of  a  house.  But  this 
picture  belongs  to  a  large  section,  which  begins  on  page  65  and  ends 
on  the  left  side  of  page  69.  I  must  here  dwell  more  particularly  on 
this  section  than  I  could  in  my  Erlauterungen  (Dresden,  1886). 

The  real  nucleus  of  this  section  consists  of  four  rows  of  91  days 
each,  that  is,  of  a  year,  of  which  the  detailed  explanation  is  found  in 
six  rows  of  glyphs  and  twenty-six  pictures.  Now,  believing  that  I 
can  complete  the  top  row,  which  is  ahnost  wholly  obliterated,  from 
the  still  existing  remnants,  I  read  these  four  rows  as  follows : 

9  XII,  5  IV,  1  V,  10  II,  6  VIII,  2  X,  11  YIII.  7  II,  3  V,  12  IV,  8  XII,  4 
III,  13  III. 

11  1.  13  I,  11  XII,  1  XIII,  8  VIII,  6  I,  4  V,  2  VII,  13  VII,  6  XIII,  6  VI, 
8  I,  2  III. 

11  XI,  13  XI,  11  IX,  1  X,  8  V,  6  XI,  4  II,  2  IV,  13  IV,  G  X,  6  III,  8  XI, 
2  XIII. 

9  IX,  5  I,  1  II,  10  XII,  6  V,  2  VII,  11  V,  7  XII,  3  II,  12  I,  8  IX, 
4  XIII,  13  XIII. 

The  stud}^  of  these  four  rows  shows  that  the  end  of  each  one  of  them 
can  again  be  very  well  joined  to  its  own  beginning,  and  also  that  a 
good  connection  occurs  between  the  end  of  the  fourth  and  the  be- 
ginning of  the  third,  and  likewise  between  the  end  of  the  second  and 
the  bednnins:  of  the  first,  also  vice  versa  between  the  end  of  the  third 
and  the  beginning  of  the  fourth,  and  between  the  end  of  the  first  and 
the  beginning  of  the  second.  But  the  second  and  third  rows,  on  the 
contrary,  stand  in  no  such  connection. 

We  further  see  that  the  final  point  of  the  first  two  rows  is  a  day  III, 
that  of  the  last  two  a  day  XIII.  AVhat  is  more  natural  than  to  think 
of  the  two  days  III  2  and  XIII  20,  which  are  of  such  great  impor- 
tance on  pages  62  to  64?  Our  section,  pages  65  to  69,  then  appears 
like  an  introduction  to  pages  62  to  64  and  one  part  of  our  manu- 
script is  again  made  to  harmonize  with  another. 

Each  row  is,  as  we  see,  divided  into  13  periods  of  time,  whose 
average  duration  is  7  days;  the  four  rows  therefore  form  52  periods 
of  time.  Now,  we  find  26  pictures  on  these  pages ;  the  half  of  these 
periods  of  time  is  apparently  without  a  picture.  Thirteen  of  the 
pictures  are  between  the  second  and  third  row  and  13  below  the 
fourth,  but  this  probably  has  reference  only  to  the  symmetric  arrange- 
ment of  the  pages. 


FORSTEMANN.] 


MAYA  CHEONOLOGY 


479 


It  further  appears  that  if  we  begin  at  the  top  with  the  first  row 
and  advance  to  the  second,  Init  begin  at  the  bottom,  on  the  other 
hand,  with  the  fourth  and  join  it  to  the  third,  both  rows  proceed  quite 
in  the  same  way,  and  the  intervening  spaces  between  the  separate  days, 
designated  by  Arabic  numerals,  are  found  to  be  precisely  the  same. 
Thus,  therefore,  the  26  pictures,  in  certain  circumstances,  might  hold 
good  for  both  rows,  that  is,  for  all  the  52  periods,  although  the 
starting  points  are  different.  Still  I  am  inclined  to  think  that  the 
pictures  as  well  as  the  glyphs  all  refer  to  the  two  lower  rows  only; 
that  is,  to  the  more  important  of  the  tw^o  days,  XIII  20. 

Now,  on  page  65  at  the  beginning  (the  left)  of  the  lowest  row 
of  glyphs  we  have  9  Kan.  Is  not  this  the  year  here  meant,  which, 
moreover,  is  perhaps  not  by  accident  the  middle  one  of  a  katun 
beginning  with  9  Ix?  For,  as  I  have  set  forth  in  the  Compte 
rendu  of  the  Congress  of  Americanists  at  Berlin,  page  742,  the  begin- 
ning of  the  Maya  chronology  seems  to  lie  in  the  year  9  Ix.  But 
the  day  XIII  20  is  the  first  day  of  the  eleventh  month  in  the  year  9 
Kan  (according  to  the  new  theory  making  9  Kan  the  second  day  of 
the  year)  ;  this  would  be  the  beginning  of  the  fourth  row.  If  we 
continue  to  count  with  the  differences  9,  5,  1,  etc.,  in  this  fourth  row, 
it  ends  with  the  twelfth  day  of  the  fifteenth  month,  and  the  third 
row  begins  with  the  third  day  of  the  sixteenth  month.  The  ninth 
member  of  this  third  row  would  be  the  twenty-first  day  of  the 
eighteenth  month,  the  tenth  the  second  day  of  the  first  month;  that 
is,  the  day  10  Muluc,  which  gives  the  name  to  the  new  year.  And 
precisely  in  this  place,  page  68,  above  on  the  left,  we  find  that  Janus 
picture.  To  make  the  meaning  of  this  still  more  clear  there  are  two 
characters  above  the  gods  strongly  resembling  a  horizontal  8  (qo  ) 
figure  109).  I  think  this  is  the  hieroglyphic  abbreviation  for  tw^o 
contiguous  serpents,  that  is,  two  years;  and  among  the  glyphs  above 
them,  the  first  in  the  top  line  is  nothing  more  than  the  graphic- 
ally abbreviated  repetition  of  the  two  persons  leaning  against  each 
other  (/,  figure  109).  But  to  the  right  of  this  we  find  a  very  com- 
posite glyph,  one  part  of  which  again  very  closely  resembles  the 
horizontal  8,  h.  I  hope  that  we  are  standing  on  a  firm  basis. 
Indeed,  even  the  preceding  ninth  picture  (page  67,  above  on  the 
right)  ]nay  be  an  allusion  to  the  close  of  the  year;  it  is  a  striding 
god,  at  whose  feet  lies  a  little  deity  apparently  inclosed  in  a  sack. 
Therefore  this  may  represent  the  old  year  and  the  young  year  which 
has  not  yet  cre]3t  out  of  its  shell. 

It  seems  evident  to  me  that  this  new  year  is  a  Muluc  year  from  the 
continuously  pouring  rain  of  the  tenth  to  the  thirteenth  pictures, 
as  well  as  from  the  storm  or  lightning  beast  and  its  attendant  in 
picture  11,  known  to  us  particularly  from  the  Dresden  codex,  pages 


480 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


44  to  45  (see  Seler's  article  in  this  journal,  1888,  pages  68  and  69  of 
the  special  reprint). 

Two  pictures  occurring  in  this  place  can  also  be  seen  in  another 
passage  of  this  manuscript.  First,  Ave  find  the  two  figures  seated 
back  to  back  on  page  22,  on  the  lower  right,  as  the  last  of  the  upper 
row  of  glyjDhs.  Here  is  more  distinctly  to  be  seen  than  in  the  passage 
just  mentioned  that  instead  of  heads  they  have  two  half  (rising  or 
setting)  suns.  I  can  not  positively  assert  that  there  is  a  reference 
here  to  a  new  year,  since  I  have  not  succeeded  thus  far  in  under- 
standing the  calendar  date  of  the  beginning  of  the  various  tonala- 
matls  of  the  manuscript  (which  would  be  a  very  important  step 
in  advance) .  A  single,  apparently  quite  naked,  person  of  this  form 
often  appears  in  the  manuscript;  for  instance,  there  is  one  on  page 
58  on  the  right,  and  even  with  head  downward,  together  with  a 
Venus  sign,  on  pages  57b  and  58b.  If  this  should  not  be  intended 
to  represent  persons,  but  cloud  pictures  behind  which  a  star  rises  or 
sets,  my  interpretation  in  regard  to  the  new  year  would  not  be 
affected.  I  may  add  that  Doctor  Seler,  in  his  Charakter  der  Maya- 
Handscliriften,  page  D  of  the  special  reprint,  really  regards  them  as 
representations  of  human  beings. 

We  might  compare  the  picture  on  the  left  of  the  page  33c  with  the 
deity  inclosed  in  a  sack;  but  we  must  observe  that  Doctor  Seler 
(Charakter  der  Maya-Handschriften,  page  88  of  the  special  reprint), 
probably  correctly,  takes  this  to  be  a  hollow  in  a  tree  (the  cloud  tree). 

I  am  inclined  to  see  another  kind  of  designation  for  the  close  of 
the  year  on  page  53,  below,  of  the  Dresden  manuscript,  to  which  1 
must  here  confine  myself.  There  we  see  a  dead  woman  suspended 
by  a  rope,  which  is  fastened  to  astronomic  signs.  Above  her  are 
eight  glyphs  arranged  in  groups  of  four  in  two  perpendicular  rows. 
The  third  glyph  in  the  second  row  has  in  the  middle  the  same  8- 
shaped  figure,  but  this  time  in  a  perpendicular  position.  I  take  the 
sign  attached  to  the  right  of  this  to  be  the  abbreviated  glyph  for  the 
west  or  the  Ix  3^ear  (see  Schellhas,  Die  Maya-Handschrift  zu  Dres- 
den, 1886,  page  TO)  ;  but  the  one  added  on  the  left,  it  seems  to  me, 
IS  not  the  expected  sign  for  the  north,  but  a  human  arm,  as  if  it  were 
an  allusion  to  the  hanged  woman.  Is  not  the  hanging  figure  intended 
for  the  water  goddess  Xnuc,  and  the  whole  meant  to  represent  the 
death  or  end  of  a  Muluc  year,  the  beginning  of  an  Ix  year?  It  is 
probably  meant  for  13  Muluc  and  1  Ix,  but  this  is  not  absolutely  cer- 
tain, especially  as  the  periodic  series,  which  is  singularly  composed  of 
54X177,  9X148,  and  6X178  days,  still  puzzles  me  greatly  (see 
another  conception  of  the  hanged  woman  in  Schellhas,  same  place, 
page  45 ) . 

In  the  two  passages  which  have  been  discussed  more  in  detail, 
pages  68  and  53,  we  see  the  sign  resembling  an  oo  ,  and  this  we  must 


FORSTEMANN.] 


MAYA  CHRONOLOGY 


481 


consider  further.  On  page  2b,  on  the  left,  we  find  it  very  distinct  as 
the  headdress  of  a  god,  but  Avhether  here,  too,  it  has  reference  to  the 
new  year  is  uncertain.  Tn  other  passages  I  believe  that  the  sign 
figure  109,  is  a  mere  abbreviation  of  it,  as  on  page  38a  on  the  right. 
There  the  picture  represents  the  god  with  the  serpent's  tongue  hold- 
ing the  sign  Kan  in  his  hand;  above  is  the  usual  glyph  of  the  god, 
and  above  this  a  composite  sign,  h;  that  is,  the  character  referred 
to  here,  with  the  usual  dots  that  signify  movement  or  progression; 
to  the  left  of  it  is  the  sign  for  the  east,  the  Kan  year.  Does  this  sig- 
nify the  end  of  a  Kan  year?  Then,  on  page  41b,  on  the  right,  below, 
IS  the  picture  of  a  new  god  (the  god  of  the  new  year?),  apparently 
being  carved  out  of  a  tree.  The  first  among  the  glyphs  is  that  of 
the  w^est,  probably  combined  with  the  sign  for  the  close  of  the  year, 
which  we  shall  meet  with  later  (the  pile  of  stones  on  which  the  image 
of  the  god  is  being  erected).  Again,  on  page  52b,  where,  1,034  days 
before  the  picture  of  the  hanged  woman,  we  see  i  as  the  first  glyph. 
To  this  belongs  a  heraldic  figure  below,  beneath  astronomic  signs,  of 
which  the  left  side  is  colored  yellow  and  the  right  side  black,  and 
which  bears  the  sign  for  the  sun  in  the  center.  It  is  not  improbable 
that  this,  too,  may  mean  the  new  year,  since  there  is  a  margin  of  178 
days,  which  would  warrant  it,  but  more  than  that  can  not  be  asserted. 

Here  I  would  like  to  point  out  another  sign,  which  perhaps,  like 
the  preceding  one,  originated  from  the  serpent,  and  therefore  perhaps 
also  refers  to  the  year.  I  mean  the  spiral,  or  snail-shell  line,  k. 
We  encounter  it  on  page  29c  both  in  the  middle  picture  and  in  the 
one  on  the  right.  In  the  former  we  find  it  in  the  water,  at  the  foot 
of  a  black  divinity ;  beside  it,  the  sign  kan,  over  which  lies  an  alliga- 
tor. Among  the  glyphs  above  we  see  the  abbreviation  for  tlie  east 
(the  Kan  year)  ;  on  the  right  above  it,  the  entire  sign  for  the  west. 
Concerning  the  god  seated  on  the  right  (the  same  as  the  one  with  the 
serpent's  tongue,  only  white  here),  we  observe  over  his  head  the  sign 
kan  and  a  fish  above  that ;  in  his  right  hand,  a  bird's  feather ;  in  his 
left,  the  spiral,  combined  with  the  abbreviated  glyph  for  the  west 
and  south.  Among  the  glyphs  above  is  that  of  the  south  in  both  full 
and  in  abbreviated  form. 

This  group  is  continued  on  page  30c,  where  the  god,  at  whose  feet 
there  is  an  animal,  holds  a  spear  in  his  left  hand,  point  downward; 
directly  above  it  we  find  our  spiral  combined  with  the  abbreviated 
glyphs  for  the  west  and  south.  Among  the  glyphs  above  we  again 
find  those  for  the  west  and  south. 

These  three  pictures,  however,  are  preceded  by  a  fourth,  which 
completes  the  whole  row.    Here  the  god  is  in  a  boat;  close  by  his  head 
is  the  picture  of  a  bird's  head ;  among  the  glyphs  above  we  find  that 
7238— No.  28—05  31 


482 


BUKEAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


of  the  north;  the  spiral  is  absent.  For  the  rest,  there  is  an  inter- 
val of  16  days  betAveen  each  picture  and  the  next  one. 

Let  me  note  incidentally  that  this  passage  29c  to  30c  is  directly 
connected  with  29b  to  30b,  possibly  with  29a  to  30a,  which  may  help 
us  to  find  a  solution ;  but  this  is  not  the  place  for  further  details. 

In  close  proximity  to  this  group,  on  pages  33  to  35b,  aa^c  find  the 
spiral  in  a  second  group,  which  here,  as  Avell  as  in  the  other,  forms  the 
end  of  a  roAv  of  a  tonalamatl.  On  each  of  these  pages  on  the  left  sits 
the  same  god  in  the  jaws  of  a  coiled  serpent.  In  the  circle  formed  by 
the  serpent  there  is  AA^ater,  and  in  the  AA^ater  invariably  the  numeral  19 
(see  the  18  in  the  passage  from  Codex  Cortesianus,  Avhich  we  took  as 
our  starting  point).  The  glyphs  aboA^e  invariably  contain  the  spiral 
with  the  numeral  9  before  it.  I  have  spoken  of  the  series  of  days 
belonging  to  this  passage  in  my  Erlauterungen,  page  57. 

We  began  Avith  the  serpent  and  have  insensibly  returned  to  it.  I 
will  here  also  mention  page  5()b,  Avhere,  as  the  last  glyph  in  the  loAvest 
row,  we  find  one  Avhich  consists  of  the  abbreviated  sign  for  the  south 
and  a  serpent.  This  is  tlie  same  series  in  AAdiich  Ave  find  the  woman 
hanged  b}^  the  neck,  and  it  is  3,484  days  after  the  period  of  time  to 
Avhich  that  refers.  If  I  am  right  above  in  determining  that  period  of 
time  then  this  refers  to  a  year  10  Cauac,  and  Cauac  certainly  corre- 
sponds to  the  south. 

It  may  further  be  mentioned  here  that  the  serpent  often  occurs  as  a 
head  ornament,  as  on  page  9c  on  a  god,  and  on  pages  15b,  20a,  and  23b 
on  a  Avoman.  In  the  third  of  these  four  passages  the  glyphs  are 
obliterated;  in  the  second  the  glyph  of  the  Avoman  is  combined  with 
the  sign  for  the  north ;  in  the  Iavo  others  I  find  nothing  relating  to  a 
period  of  time. 

Here  Ave  leave  the  domain  of  the  serpent  and  come  to  a  wholly  dif- 
ferent sign,  Avhich  Ave  can  perhaps  regard  more  definitely  as  a  sign 
of  the  change  of  years,  but  ncA^er  of  the  year  itself.  I  mean  the  sign  X 
or  iX- ,  the  elements  of  Avhich,  according  to  Maya  usage,  may  of  course 
be  placed  vertically  as  Avell  as  horizontally  beside  each  other.  If  this 
really  indicates  the  change  of  years,  then  it  is  quite  natural  to  find  it 
combined  generally  Avith  tAvo  glyphs  of  adjacent  cardinal  points. 
With  Kan-Muluc  Ave  should  expect  to  find  east-north,  etc.  It  must  be 
said  at  once,  hoAvcA^er,  that  as  a  rule  west-south  is  preferred,  as  if  it 
Avere  not  at  all  essential  to  designate  the  particular  cardinal  points 
Avith  exactness.  So  Ave  find  it  in  the  center  of  page  27,  Avhere  Ave 
might  expect  south-east. 

On  page  18c  Ave  see  it  with  these  cardinal  points  as  the  glyph  of 
a  woman  Avho  carries  the  sign  Avest-south  on  her  back.  The  tona- 
lamatl to  Avhich  it  belongs  begins  Avith  the  normal  day  IV  17.  If  this 
day  is  really  the  normal  date,  the  eighth  day  of  the  eighteenth  month, 
then  the  picture  may  coincide  exactly  Avith  ncAv  year's  day  10  Cauac, 


fOrstemann.] 


MAYA  CHRONOLOGY 


483 


for  the  series  of  days  announces  that  15  clays  have  elapsed  and  that  33 
are  yet  to  elapse.  Kere,  too,  the  cardinal  points,  west-south,  are 
appropriate. 

On  the  same  page,  18a,  at  the  top.  a  woman  bears  in  her  hands  the 
signs  for  both  cardinal  points,  above  which  our  sign  once  more 
appears.  The  glyphs  belonging  to  it  are  effaced,  and  nothing  can  be 
determined  from  the  series  of  days. 

The  next  page,  19c,  again  shows  the  signs  west-south  on  the  })ack  of 
a  Avoman.  with  our  sign  combined  with  these  in  the  glyphs. 

Very  peculiarly  combined  with  the  west  and  the  sign  cir.ji,  but 
varying  somewhat  from  its  usual  form,  it  appears  on  page  8c  in  th(^ 
first  row  of  glyphs. 

We  have  still  to  consider  j^ages  4()  to  50,  on  which  we  should  ex])ect 
to  find  this  sign  before  all,  as  here  terrestrial  and  Venus  years  are 
made  to  accord.  We  find  it  at  onc(^  on  page  4G  in  the  last  place  in  the 
lowest  line.  The  date  2,  IT  month,  ought  to  be  here,  but  the  writer 
has  placed  the  little  cross  between  the  two  dots  of  the  2,  possibly  to 
indicate  that  a  Venus  year  of  584  days  closes  here.  On  the  right  of 
the  same  page  the  line  before  the  last  again  begins  with  our  sign,  as  if 
to  join  it  to  the  passage  already  mentioned.  If  this  belongs,  as  it 
seems  to  do,  to  the  third  row  of  calendar  dates,  then  it  certainly  coin- 
cides with  a  transition  from  the  Kan  to  the  Muluc  years. 

The  next  tliree  pages  lack  this  gly[)h,  but  on  page  50  it  occurs 
almost  in  the  ^same  place  in  which  we  found  it  on  page  4G  (on  the 
right  side,  the  first  sign  in  the  lowest  row),  here  again  combined  with 
the  glyphs  for  west  and  south  where  the  fifth  Venus  year  has  ex- 
pired concurrently  with  the  eighth  terrestrial  year,  although  not 
exactly  at  the  close  of  the  latter. 

So  nuich  for  the  cross  between  two  dots.  The  dot  between  two 
crosses,  which  also  occurs,  seems,  on  the  contrary,  not  to  belong  here. 
One  dot  with  one  cross  might  easily  be  an  abbreviation  for  the 
n.umeral  20. 

We  noAv  come  to  another  sign  for  year,  but  Avhich  is,  as  T  nuist 
state  at  once,  that  for  the  old  official  year  of  360  daA^s,  Avhich  does  not 
include  the  5  unlucky  days  intercalated  at  its  close.  I  mean  the 
glyph  which  sometimes  has  three  dots  as  a  suffix,  sometimes  Avith 
other  appendices.  I  shall  in  future  call  it  the  3G0  sign  for  the  sake  of 
brevity. 

Turning  next  to  pages  25  to  28  of  the  manuscript,  Avhich  assuredly 
treat  of  the  change  of  A^ears,  Ave  find  this  sign  on  each  of  them  beloAV 
on  the  left,  instead  of  the  pile  of  stones  on  Avhich  the  gods  of  the  3^ear 
Avere  placed  at  the  close  of  the  year.  It  also  occu.rs  on  every  page  in 
the  roAv  of  gh^phs  Avhich  cliA^ides  the  second  section  from  the  third, 
even  tAvice  on  page  27.  It  appears  also  in  the  partially  obliterated 
upper  lines  of  pages  26  to  28,  on  page  26  actually  three  times,  once 


484 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


with  the  sign  Ix  as  a  prefix,  and  once  with  Caiiac,  and  this  particular 
page  treats  of  the  transition  from  Ix  to  the  Cauac  years.  Thus  the 
meaning  of  the  sign  seems  here  sufficiently  established. 

Let  us  now  turn  to  page  50.  Here  we  find  once  more  the  same  fig- 
ure as  the  second  sign  in  the  first  line  of  calendar  dates,  with  a  pre- 
fix which  signifies  the  number  20  and  a  somewhat  unintelligible 
superior  affix.  The  whole  must  mean,  as  I  have  already  stated  in  my 
Erliiuterungen  (1880),  page  12,  the  tAventieth  day  of  the  eighteenth 
month,  the  official  close  of  the  year.  This  is  another  confirmation  of 
my  theory. 

There  is  certainly  a  reason,  although  it  is  still  unknown  to  me,  why 
this  360  sign  agrees  wholly  or  almost  wholly  with  the  glyph  for  the 
sixteenth  month,  often  rendering  it  difficult  to  decide  with  which 
one  of  the  tAvo  we  have  to  deal.  In  my  Erliiutennigen  I  still  con- 
founded the  two  and  besides  confused  them  with  a  third  sign,  which 
I  will  now  discuss. 

According  to  the  Maya  numeral  system  the  number  800  is  the  unit 
of  the  third  degree;  that  of  the  fourth  is  7,200.  May  not  this  also, 
that  is,  the  period  of  20  official  years,  be  represented  among  the 
glyphs?  I  think  T  recognize  this  glyph  in  an  expansion  of  the  BOO 
sign,  m.    We  will  call  this  figure  the  7,200  sign. 

In  order  to  establish  this  theory  w^e  next  turn  to  page  58.  In  its 
lower  half,  on  the  left,  a  series  of  11,958  (more  exactly  11,9()0)  days 
closes  Avith  a  most  striking  picture.  Abo\^e  this  picture  stand  ten 
glyphs  in  the  folloAving  order: 

1  G 

2  7 

3  8 

4  9 

5  10 

The  middle  signs,  according  to  position  3  and  8,  are  the  sun  and 
moon,  but  the  middle  ones  in  the  series  of  numbers,  5  and  6,  are  the 
7,200  and  360  signs,  the  former  provided  Avith  a  1  (or  a  20,  if  we 
so  read  the  1  Avith  a  little  cross  under  it) ,  the  latter  Avith  a  13.  But  the 
Maya  figures  for  11,958,  the  number  belonging  here,  are  1,  13,  3,  18. 
Nothing,  I  think,  could  be  more  natural  than  to  recognize  the  signs 
for  7,200  and  13X360=4,680  in  the  Iavo  glyphs.  Together  this  would 
be  11,880.  I  can  not  yet  determine  Avhether  the  remaining  signs  indi- 
cate the  78  Avhich  are  lacking  to  the  sum  total. 

Let  us  next  consider  page  61,  Avith  its  tAvo  roAvs  of  glyphs  running 
from  the  top  to  the  bottom.  The  fifth  line  from  beloAV  is  here  formed 
by  the  7,200  sign  with  the  number  15  and  the  360  sign  Avith  the  num- 
ber 9.  Taken  together,  this  Avould  signify  111,240  days.  More  num- 
bers from  the  lines  above  and  beloAv  should  doubtless  be  added,  but 


fOrstemann.] 


MAYA  CHRONOLOGY 


485 


we  can  not  determine  which  because  we  do  not  know  in  what  relation 
the  whole  stands  to  the  preceding  row  (on  the  right)  or  to  any  of  the 
other  numbers.  We  ma}^  conjecture  that  the  glyph  standing  below 
the  7,200  sign,  consisting  of  the  day  Chuen  with  prefix  and  snffix  and 
the  anterior  1,  is  meant  for  the  month  of  20  days.  The  Chuen  sign 
would  not  be  wholly  inappropriate  for  this  signification,  as  it  begins 
the  second  half  of  a  month  beginning  Avith  Imix  and  thus,  as  the  mid- 
dle of  it,  it  represents  in  a  certain  sense  the  Avh^ole  month.  Below  the 
360  sign,  however,  we  see  the  sun,  kin,  with  a  suffix  and  a  prefixed  3. 
This  would  indicate  that  kin.  in  the  sense  of  "  day  ",  ends  the  Avhole 
number,  as  yet  unknown  to  us,  with  three  units.  Such  a  number  be- 
longs indeed  to  tlie  most  important  day  of  this  part  of  the  manuscript, 
the  day  XIII  20,  for  the  day  17  (Ahau)  always  corresponds  to  a 
number  ending  with  0. 

On  the  same  page,  61,  in  the  same  vertical  row,  the  sixth  line  frcan 
the  top  again  forms  our  7,200  and  360  signs,  the  latter  forming  part 
of  a  face  and  accompanied  by  an  8.  Here  again  we  at  least  recognize 
that  these  tAvo  belong  together. 

As  I  have  proved  the  parallelism  of  the  two  sections  in  my  essay 
Zur  Entzifferung  der  Maya  Handschriften,  II,  we  may  expect  to  find 
in  the  last  part  of  the  manuscript  (pages  69  to  73)  something  analo- 
gous to  that  which  we  have  encountered  in  this  section.  Thus  on  i^age 
69  we  find  the  same  two  vertical  rows  of  glyphs  and  in  them  again,  in 
the  fifth  line  from  below,  the  7,200  and  360  signs,  the  former  again 
with  15,  the  latter  again  with  9 ;  below  them,  the  chuen  sign,  this  time 
with  4,  and  the  kin  sign,  this  time  again  with  4.  We  are  justified 
therefore  in  surmising  some  large  number  ending  Avith  4,  such  as  the 
principal  day  of  this  section,  the  day  IX  11,  really  ought  to  ha\^e,  if 
we  begin  once  more  at  Ahau=0. 

Glancing  carelessly  farther  up  the  same  page  Ave  not  merely  find 
there  our  Iavo  signs,  but  Ave  also  recognize  that  the  upper  16  glj^phs 
draAvn  in  a  blue  field  correspond  exactly  to  those  on  page  61,  save  for 
slight  A^ariations  and  the  substitution  for  the  Moan  head  of  a  sign  of 
similar  meaning  often  used  in  its  stead. 

The  association  of  the  gl^^phs  for  7,200  and  360  days  is  not  a  pecu- 
liarity of  the  Dresden  codex;  it  also  extends  to  the  inscriptions  on 
stone,  Avhich  differ  so  Avidely  from  the  manuscripts.  The  inscription 
on  the  Cross  at  Palenque  contains  the  tAvo  in  close  proximity  almost  a 
dozen  times,  the  one  beside  or  beloAV  the  other. 

Where  the  tw^o  signs  do  not  occur  in  such  immediate  proximity  the 
matter  becomes  uncertain  from  the  fact  of  the  almost  perfect  simi- 
larity of  the  360  sign  to  that  for  the  month  of  Pax.  I  therefore  leave 
the  latter  quite  out  of  the  question.  For  the  7,200  sign  I  refer  to 
page  24,  first  column ;  page  70,  third  column,  third  sign  from  the  bot- 


486 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


torn ;  page  73,  at  the  top,  second  column  from  the  right.  It  occurs  in 
specially  large  dimensions  on  page  60b,  which  is  executed  in  a  unique 
manner.  But  I  will  abstain  here  from  making  more  remarks,  though 
many  suggest  themselves,  in  order  not  to  build  farther  on  a  founda- 
tion which  might  give  way  under  our  feet. 

In  order  to  proceed  I  must  premise  the  observation  that  the  Avhole 
front  side  of  Codex  B  (pages  -1-G  to  60)  now  seems  to  me  to  be  closely 
interconnected,  the  wholly  isolated,  peculiarly  enigmatic  page  60 
forming  the  conclusion.  We  know  now  that  pages  46  to  50,  the  first 
third  of  this  whole,  is  a  continuation  of  page  24.  It  treats  of  the 
agreement  of  the  apparent  Venus  year  of  584  days  with  the  solar,  or 
terrestrial,  year  of  365  days.  This  is  done  in  three  sections,  each  of 
Avhich  treats  of  13  times  8  terrestrial  years  or  5  Venus  years;  that  is, 
13  times  2,020  days,  equal  to  37,960  days  or  two  katuns  or  104  years. 

The  second  section  (pages  51  to  58)  correspondingly  treats  of  104 
apparent  Mercnry  years  of  115  days;  that  is,  the  period  of  11,960 
days. 

Thus  i3repared,  let  us  turn  to  the  upper  half  of  page  52,  beginning 
with  the  fourth  colunm.  Here,  at  the  very  top,  we  find  another  calen- 
dar date,  unfortunately  partially  obliterated,  and  beneath  it,  com- 
bined again  in  the  manner  that  I  pointed  out  when  discussing  pages 
61  and  69,  the  Chuen  sign  and  the  3()0-day  sign,  the  former  combined 
with  1,  the  latter  with  5.  According  to  my  suggestion,  this  would 
signify  1,820=7X260.  It  might  be  explained  by  the  illegible  date 
above,  but  it  may  refer  to  the  seven  quite  identical  columns  of  days  on 
the  left,  each  260  days  apart  from  the  next  ones,  thus  affording  a 
slight  confirmation  of  my  theory. 

But  directly  below  it  we  see  the  sign  n.  that  is,  Imix  with  a  mark 
above  it  which  looks  like  a  union,  a  tying  together,  perhaps  a  variant 
of  the  sign  composed  of  the  rattles  of  the  rattlesnake,  which  often 
seems  to  indicate  a  period  of  time.  I  take  this  to  be  the  sign  of  the 
katun  (52X365=18,980  days) ,  the  period  at  the  end  of  which  each  day 
(here  represented  by  the  former  initial  day  Imix)  once  more  returns 
to  the  same  position  in  the  year.  In  this  passage,  therefore,  there  is 
reference  to  two  katuns,  the  very  period  of  time  which  Ave  found  to 
be  the  subject  of  pages  46  to  50.  Below  this  sign  we  find  a  red  13 
repeated  13  times.  This  can  only  mean  that  the  two  katuns  are  to  be 
divided  into  13  parts,  each  of  which,  therefore,  as  on  pages  46  to  50, 
contains  2,920  days.  The  101  terrestrial  years  are  here  placed  close 
])eside  the  104  Mercury  years.  I  think  there  can  be  no  delusion  about 
this.  This  presumj^tive  discovery  of  the  katun  sign  seems  to  find 
confirmation  close  by,  in  the  first  column  of  page  51.  Here  we  read 
at  the  top  the  two  calendar  dates  IV  17 ;  8,  18th  month  and  XII  5,  and 
below  them  the  group  in  o. 


FORSTEM  ANN.] 


MAYA  CHRONOLOGY 


487 


The  8  with  the  kin  beneath  it  may  denote  the  8  days  which  have 
elapsed  between  IV  IT  and  XII  5;  but  it  may  rather  (for  it  quite 
accords  with  TVIaya  usage  to  have  one  number  refer  to  several  sij^ns) 
belong  to  the  katun  sign,  for  the  following  reasons: 

The  point  of  departure  in  the  Mercury  series  (which  I  regarded  as 
a  Saturn  series  in  my  Erlauterungen)  is  the  day  XII  5.  This  date 
occurs  with  two  numbers:  1,412,81:8,  that  is,  yenr  G  Muluc;  1,  15th 
month,  on  page  52 ;  and  1,578,988,  that  is,  year  G  Kan ;  (>,  18th  month, 
on  page  51.  The  first  of  the  two  large  numbers  occurs  166,140  days 
before  the  second,  but  the  hrst  date  occurs  39  years  65  days—- 14,)^00 
days  before  the  second.  If  we  add  to  this  14,o00  the  number  151,840, 
that  is,  8  katuns,  the  result  is  actually  166,140,  an.d  to  that  this  group 
of  signs  seems  to  me  to  point. 

I  merely  allude  in  passing  to  the  fact  that  this  Ivatun  sign  also 
occurs  in  the  columns  on  pages  61  and  69  discussed  above  close  beside 
the  other  glyphs  referring  to  a  period  of  time. 

If  we  look  more  closely  at  the  passage  on  page  ()1  just  mentioned, 
Ave  find  directly  above  the  katun  sign  a  new  glyph  not  yet  men- 
tioned, p. 

We  Avill  now  look  at  the  last  column  but  one  on  the  upper  half  of 
page  73.  The  uppermost  sign  is  destroyed.  Then  follow  the  katun 
sign,  the  new  sign,  the  7,200  sign,  and  the  number  34,732. 

Now,  everything  seems  to  point  to  the  probability  that  the  new 
sign  is  the  ahau  sign  of  the  value  24 X -^65  =  8,760.  Let  \\^  now  add 
the  three  numbers : 

18,  980 
8,  760 
7,  200 

34,  940 

It  all  refers  to  the  day  IV  9.  .  But  this  occurs  208  days  before  the 
normal  date  IV  17,  and  to  it  therefore  rightly  belongs  a  — ^208,  and 
34,940—208  is  really  34,732. 

In  the  lower  part  of  the  third  column  of  page  70  are  five  signs,  one 
above  the  other.  The  first  of  these  is  the  ahau  sign  (of  8,760  days)  ; 
the  third,  the  7,200  sign;  and  the  fifth,  the  360  sign.  We  are 
prompted  to  seek  the  meaning  of  the  second  and  fourth. 

Glyph  q  shows  us  the  second  sign.  It  is  the  Chicchan  head,  with 
a  prefix,  probably  phallic,  which  we  know  as  an  element  of  the 
months  Yaxkin  and  Yax,  of  the  sign  for  the  south,  etc.  ^sow,  when 
we  see  that  the  same  Chicchan  head,  with  the  same  prefix,  also  occurs 
on  page  61,  in  the  middle  of  the  first  column,  and  on  page  69,  in 
the  middle  of  the  third  colunm,  in  a  connection,  too,  quite  similar 
to  this  one  on  pages  21c  and  23b,  but  in  very  different  surroundings, 


488 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


we  readily  reach  the  concbision  that  here,  too,  a  period  of  time  is 
meant.  We  find  this  combination  nowhere  else  in  our  manuscript. 
It  now  becomes  probable  that  the  period  of  time  which  we  are  seek- 
ing must  have  a  close  connection  with  the  above-mentioned  supposed 
ahau,  for  in  this  place  we  see  the  phallic  prefix  divided  into  two  parts 
and  furnished  with  two  marks  above  it.  Might  it  not  therefore 
mean  one-third  of  the  ahau,  that  is,  2,920  days,  that  important  period 
of  8  terrestrial  or  5  Venus  years  which  plays  so  great  a  part  on  pages 
24  and  46  to  50  ?    If  we  turn  to  those  pages  we  find  the  sign 

The  figure  on  the  forehead  seems  to  be  only  an  abbreviation  of  the 
prefix,  seen,  as  it  were,  from  the  other  side.  The  passages  in  ques- 
tion are  on  page  24,  second  column  above  the  middle;  page  49,  fourth 
column,  in  the  middle;  and  page  50,  on  the  left  below.  I  find  it 
nowhere  else.  We  might  perhaps  mention  that  the  Chicchan  head,  as 
Doctor  Schellhas  states  in  his  Die  Maya-Handschrift  (1886),  page 
64,  belongs  to  the  picture  of  a  serpent  on  page  35b,  but  has  different, 
somewhat  indistinct,  prefixes  and  superior  affixes.  The  windings 
of  the  serpent  run  in  five  different  directions,  and  on  its  body  are 
8  spots  resembling  bosses?  Can  this  be  an  allusion  to  the  5  Venus 
and  8  terrestrial  years.  This  might  be  going  too  far.  Suffice  it  to 
say  that  there  are  some  reasons  for  thinking  that  we  have  really  the 
period  of  2,920  days  before  us. 

A  glance  at  page  31a  shows  us  how  all  these  last-mentioned  signs 
belong  together.  There  is  the  number  2,804,100  in  the  second  column 
from  the  right.  Above  this  there  must  have  been  six  signs.  The 
two  upper  ones  are  effaced;  then  follows  a  trace  of  Imix,  probably 
the  katun  sign  with  a  number  before  it;  then,  a  very  much  stained 
glyph,  perhaps  the  2,920  sign  just  discussed;  and  last,  but  quite 
plain,  the  8,760  and  the  7,200  signs.  The  destruction  or  indistinctness 
of  the  uppermost  signs  is  especially  to  be  regretted  here,  as  in  all 
probability  these  signs  stood  in  the  closest  relation  to  the  large  num- 
ber before  mentioned. 

So  much  for  the  second  of  the  five  signs  below  on  page  70.  I  will 
now  hazard  a  modest  conjecture  in  regard  to  the  fourth  as  well.  It 
has  the  form  s. 

It  probably  originated  in  a  bird's  head.  In  place  of  the  eye  we 
find  a  figure  which  looks  almost  exactly  like  the  360  sign.  The  lines 
beneath  it  strongly  resemble  those  in  the  Imix  katun  sign.  Now, 
this  fourth  sign  occurs  between  the  third,  the  old  ahau  of  20X360, 
as  it  were  (an  ahau  of  20  years  has  actually  been  found  in  the  original 
sources) ,  and  the  fifth,  the  old  year  of  360  days.  Now,  nothing  seems 
more  natural  than  that  the  fourth  sign  should  likewise  refer  to  the 
ancient  computation  of  time,  and  it  is  easy  to  suppose  this  to  be  an 
ancient  katun =52X360=^  (72X^60) .    According  to  this  supposition, 


KOIISTEMANN.] 


MAYA  CHRONOLOGY 


489 


by  no  means  positively  asserted,  but  merely  suggested,  the  five  signs 
should  have  the  following  values  of  time : 

8,7G0  r=  1  ahau  =  24  X  305 
2,920  =  i  ahau  =  8  X  3G5     5  X  584 
7,200     1  old  ahau  =  20  X  360 
18,720  =  1  old  katun  =  52  X  300  =  72  X  200 
300  =  1  old  year 

37,900  =  2  katuns  (2  X  52  X  305     2  X  73  X  200) 

The  period  of  2  katuns,  however,  has  often  j^roved  very  impor- 
tant ;  for  instance,  on  pages  46  to  50.  It  is  also  divisible  by  the  Venus 
year  of  584  days,  which  is  not  the  case  with  1  katun. 

It  should  not  seem  very  surprising  that  the  old  designations,  which 
must  have  been  already  hallowed  by  use,  were  not  discarded  after  the 
introduction  of  the  year  of  365  days,  and  the  ahau  of  24  years.  A 
greater  variety  of  glyphs  enhanced  the  mystery  of  writing  and  the 
awe  with  which  the  priests  were  regarded. 

But  here  I  pause.  Above  the  five  signs  just  now  under  discussion 
there  are  four  others  arranged  in  pairs. 

I  have  already  expressed  the  opinion  that  these  signs  signify  a 
period  of  not  less  than  652  katuns  and  have  tried  to  give  grounds  for 
this  view,  but  it  must  rest  on  a  firmer  foundation  before  I  can  pro- 
mulgate it.  I  have  perhaps  already  advanced  more  than  will  admit 
of  proof. 


THE  TIME  PERIODS  OF  THE  MAYAS 

BY 

E.  FORSTEMAlSrisr 


491 


THE  TIME  PERIODS  OF  THE  MAYAS" 


By  E.  Forstemann 


Nature  suggested  only  periods  of  20  days  to  the  Maya,  because 
these  they  could  count  on  their  fingers  and  toes,  in  four  divisions  of 
five  each.  From  this  tlie  representation  in  writing  of  all  numbers  up 
to  20  followed  as  a  matter  of  course. 

The  second  thing  they  observed  was  that  the  sun,  and  with  it  the 
vegetation,  returned  to  its  former  condition  after  about  eighteen  of 
such  20-day  periods.  From  this  resulted  the  most  ancient  solar  year, 
consisting  of  360  days,  which  in  later  periods  was  always  preserved 
by  the  exceptional  position  of  the  5  intercalary  daj^s,  but  soon  ceased 
to  be  practically  employed. 

Upon  tliis  is  based  the  numeral  system  which  was  subsequently  in 
use,  in  which  the  unit  of  the  second  degree  is  20  and  that  of  the  third 
degree  360.  That  of  the  fourth  degree  (7,200)  and  that  of  the  fifth 
(144,000)  had  little  or  no  relation  to  the  actual  year,  and  were  prob- 
ably added  later  without  regard  to  the  length  of  the  year,  although 
the  fourth  degree  may  have  given  rise  to  the  erroneous  statement  that 
the  Mayas  counted  by  aha  us  of  20  years. 

These  various  units  were  governed  by  various  gods  called  "  lords 
of  the  cycle  " ;  see  "  Lord  of  the  Cj^cle  "  in  Thomas's  Study  of  the 
Manuscript  Troano,  page  29.  We  find  the  heads  of  these  lords  of 
the  cycles  of  144,000,  7,200,  360,  and  20  days,  for  instance,  at  the 
beginning  of  the  inscription  on  the  Cross  of  Palenque  (A  and  B, 
3  to  6),  together  witli  tlie  glyphs  representing  these  periods.  The 
fifth  period,  the  single  day,  has  no  head  of  a  deity,  but,  quite  appro- 
priately, only  the  instrument  of  numeration,  a  hand  with  its  five 
fingers.  The  earliest  of  the  inscriptions  at  Copan,  given  in  Mauds- 
lay's  book,  contain  similar  figures,  and  these  beginnings  plainly  give 
us  the  dates  of  the  inscriptions. 

The  Dresden  codex  shows  a  decided  improvement  on  this  method, 
inasmuch  as  the  heads  of  the  lords  and  the  glyphs  are  omitted  as 


«  Die  Zeitperioden  der  Mayas,  Globus,  v.  63,  n.  2,  1893. 


493 


494 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


super duous,  and,  as  with  us,  the  value  of  the  numbers  is  indicated  by 
their  position.  This  is  also  the  case  in  Codex  Peresianus,  but  I  can 
not  interpret  the  numbers,  owing  to  the  condition  of  the  manuscript. 
In  Codex  Troano-Cortesianus  we  find  only  timid  attempts  at  num- 
bers consisting  of  many  figures,  as  in  the  page  which  connects  both 
parts  and  in  the  Troano  codex,  pages  20  to  23. 

"VVTien  at  last  it  became  patent  that  360  days  by  no  means  consti- 
tuted a  full  year  the  numeric  system  could  not  be  changed,  because 
a  multiple  of  20  was  needed  for  the  third  degree ;  but  in  order  to  be 
able  to  compute  by  years  it  was  necessary  to  add  to  the  length  of  the 
year.  In  all  probability  the  number  364  was  chosen  because  it  is 
divisible  by  4,  and  thus  had  a  certain  relation  to  the  four  cardinal 
points  and  to  everything  connected  with  them  in  mythology. 

Many  portions  of  the  Dresden  codex  are  based  upon  this  year  of 
4X91  da^^s,  most  distinctly  on  pages  65  to  69,  as  I  have  shown  in 
the  Zeitschrift  fiir  Ethnologic,  1891,  page  144.  To  it  also  pertain 
the  series  with  the  difference  91  on  pages  31  to  32  and  63  to  64.  The 
number  364,  however,  is  not  only  4X91,  but  also  28X13,  and  this 
seems  to  have  given  rise  to  the  custom  of  dividing  the  year  into  periods 
of  13  da3^s  each,  just  as  the  period  of  20  days  was  a  natural  division 
of  the  360-day  year.  ¥or  nature  does  not  seem  to  have  furnished 
the  mmiber  13,  unless  the  most  important  parts  of  the  human  body, 
perhaps  the  ten  fingers,  together  with  e3^e,  ear,  and  mouth,  might  have 
suggested  it.  Otherwise,  there  may  have  been  a  mythologic  basis 
(13  heavens?)  for  the  number  13. 

There  may  have  been  a  time  when  they  wavered  between  the  360- 
and  the  364-day  year,  and  consequently  between  the  periods  of  20  and 
of  13  days.  In  order  to  meet  the  difficulties  arising  from  this,  it 
was  necessary  to  introduce  a  period  which  could  be  divided  by  both  20 
and  13  days.  Thus  doubtless  originated,  not  among  the  people,  but 
among  the  priesthood,  the  sacred  tonalamatl  of  260  days,  which  had 
no  connection  with  the  duration  of  either  the  one  or  the  other  year. 
I  believe  that  I  have  found  a  glyph  which  represents  the  tonal- 
amatl, combined  with  the  figure  8,  in  the  inscription  of  the  Cross  of 
Palenque,  C,  2.  The  days  of  the  20-day  period  were  then  designated 
by  their  already  established  glyphs  and  those  of  the  later  13-day 
period  by  merely  adding  numbers;  thus  260  different  characters  for 
days  were  easiW  obtained,  just  as  they  are  in  the  Aztec,  which  there- 
fore thus  far  agrees  both  with  the  method  of  the  Mayas  and  with  that 
of  the  Kiches. 

The  need  must  now  have  been  felt  of  bringing  these  periods  of 
260  days  into  accord  with  the  year,  and  particularly  with  the  old 
year  of  360  days.  For  this  a  period  of  4,680  days  would  have  been 
sufficient,  in  Avhich  the  tonalamatl  is  repeated  18  times,  the  360  days 
13  times,  that  is,  a  period  in  which  the  13-day  period  recurs  360  times. 


rORSTEl\[ANN.] 


TIME  PERIODS  OF  THE  MAYAS 


495 


But  this  period  of  4,680  clays  seems  never  to  have  come  into  actual 
use;  the  triple  of  it,  14,040  days,  having  been  preferred,  a  period 
which  certainly  lends  itself  with  marvelous  adaptability  to  an  immense 
number  of  the  most  various  divisions.  Like  4,080,  it  is  divisible  by 
2,  3,  4,  5,  6,  8,  9,  10,  12,  13.  But  it  also  admits  of  still  more  important 
divisions:  (1)  It  is  divisible  by  13,  and  by  the  most  diverse  multiples 
of  that  number,  26,  39,  52,  65,  78,  etc.;  (2)  it  may  be  divided  by  20 
and  by  its  multiples  40,  60,  120,  180;  (3)  it  is  divisible  by  18,  the 
number  of  the  so-called  months  of  the  year,  and  by  several  of  its 
multiples,  as  36  and  54. 

It  is,  of  course,  equal  to  54 X 260-day  and  39 X 360-day  periods.  It, 
therefore,  properly  forms  the  very  nucleus  of  the  last  section  of  the 
Dresden  manuscript  and  appears  conspicuously  large  in  the  right- 
hand  column  of  page  73  with  its  Maya  ciphers : 

1 

19 
0 
0. 

From  this  column  proceed  tAvo  rows  of  figures,  one  of  which  has  the 
difference  65 ;  that  is,  a  fourth  of  260,  a  two-hundred-and-sixteenth  of 
14,040;  the  other  increases  by  54,  the  triple  of  18,  which  is  the  two- 
hundred-and-sixtieth  part  of  14,040. 

14,040  is  also  concealed  elsewhere  in  the  same  manuscript.  Thus  on 
page  24,  at  the  bottom  of  the  left-hand  column,  there  are  three  dates, 
of  which  the  right-hand  one  is  11,960  days  distant  from  the  middle 
one,  and  the  middle  one  2,200  days  from  the  left-hand  one.  There- 
fore the  two  extreme  dates  represent  together  14,160  da3^s,  or,  bearing 
in  mind  the  intervals  of  days  belonging  to  them,  I  Ahau  and  IV 
Ahau,  14,040  days  from  each  other. 

It  is  Avell  known  that  pages  46  to  50  are  closely  connected  w4tli  this 
passage.  It  need  not  seem  surprising,  therefore,  that  14,040  can  here, 
too,  be  obtained  by  computation,  as  I  may  hereafter  be  able  to  demon- 
strate. Thus  the  ends  of  the  periods  recorded  in  the  first  serpent  also 
have  the  ditference  14,040  (see  my  treatise  Zur  Entzifferung  der 
Mayahandschriften,  II).  Hence  the  period  of  14,040  days  must  have 
been  of  the  utmost  importance  before  the  introduction  of  the  year 
of  365  days,  and  was  doubtless  designated  by  a  word,  which  we 
unfortunately  do  not  know. 

It  was  presently  discovered  that  the  solar  3'ear  actually  consists  of 
365  days,  and  an  attempt  was  at  once  made  to  harmonize  it  with  the 
tonalamatl  of  260  days.  The  well-known  katun=73  tonalamatls  or 
52  solar  yea  rs= 18,980  days  was  thus  obtained,  a  period  after  the 
expiration  of  which  each  day  date  again  recurs  in  the  same  place  in 
the  year.    In  accordance  with  this,  the  katun  seems  to  be  expressed 


496 


BUKEAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


by  a  glyph  which  contains  a  certain  day  (Imix)  as  its  principal  part, 
but  as  a  superior  affix  a  figure  which  expresses  a  tieing  together.  I 
have  hazarded  this  conjecture  in  the  Zeitschrift  fiir  Ethnologic,  1891, 
pages  152  and  153.  The  selection  of  Imix  for  this  sign  must  there- 
fore have  occurred  at  a  time  when  Imix  was  accounted  the  first  of  the 
20  days. 

The  creation  of  time  periods  did  not  cease  here.  The  movement  of 
the  most  conspicuous  planet,  Venus,  was  also  taken  into  consideration, 
and  it  was  found  that  its  apparent  revolution  embraced  a  period  of 
584  days.  This  had  now  to  be  harmonized  with  the  newly  discovered 
solar  year,  which  could  be  easily  done:  5X584=8X365=2,920.  We 
find  this  latter  number  clearly  indicated  as  the  basis  of  the  calcula- 
lations  on  page  24,  as  well  as  on  pages  40  to  50  of  the  Dresden  codex.. 
Then  the  Aztecs  after  every  8  sohir  years  celebrated  the  greatest 
s])lendor  of  Venus,  when  Venus  smokes  "  (see  Anales  del  Museo 
Xacional  de  Mexico,  volume  2,  1882,  page  342).  As  we  saw  above, 
tlie  Mayas  proceeded  from  4,680  to  its  triple,  14,040,  in  order  to  obtain 
greater  divisibility ;  so,  too,  they  advanced  from  2,920  to  its  triple, 
8,760,  which  is  divisible  by  3,  6,  and  12.  This  is  the  ahau  of  24  years 
of  365  days  each,  so  often  mentioned,  virtually  the  principal  period 
in  Maya  history.  Here  Ave  are  indebted  to  Cyrus  Thomas,  who,  by  his 
full  investigation  of  the  subject,  laid  the  foundation  for  further  re- 
search (see  A  Study  of  the  Manuscript  Troano,  pages  28  to  58). 

Both  the  period  of  2,i)20  and  that  of  8,760  days  still  had  a  defect. 
They  did  not  harmonize  with  the  tonalamatl  of  260  days.  The  double 
katun  of  2X18,980=37,960  days,  or  104  solar  years,  was  therefore 
introduced,  as  we  see  it  especially  in  the  Dresden  manuscript,  pages 
46  to  50,  where  three  such  periods  are  computed,  in  each  of  which  260, 
365,  and  584  are  factors. 

The  next  task  was  to  find  a  period  in  which  both  the  ahau  and  the 
katun,  as  well  as  the  revolution  of  Venus,  that  is,  8,760,  18,980,  and 
584,  are  contained.  Accordingly,  the  triple  of  the  period  just  men- 
tioned, the  double  katun,  was  employed,  which  resulted  in  the  ahau 
katun  of  113,880  days=6  katuns=13  ahaus=195  Venus  years=312 
solar  3^ears=438  tonalamatls. 

But  the  utmost  perfection  was  attained  in  the  period  of  12  ahau 
katuns=  1,366,560  days,  divisible  not  merely  by  tonalamatl=260,  solar 
year=365,  Venus  year=584,  ahau— 8,760,  and  katun=18,980  days, 
but  also  by  9,  all  important  in  Maj^a  mythology,  and  hence  by  the  old 
year  of  360  days.    This  important  period  with  the  figures 

9 
9 
16 
0 
0 


fOrstemann.] 


TIME  PERIODS  OF  THE  MAYAS 


497 


occupies  the  first  place  among  the  large  numbers  in  the  Dresden 
codex  on  page  24,  as  14,040  occupies  the  last  place  on  page  73.  The 
other  large  numbers  in  the  Dresden  codex,  except  those  in  the  five 
serpents,  are  in  strikingly  close  proximity  to  this  high  number,  just 
like  the  dates  on  the  stelae  at  Copan.  Thus  we  shall  soon  be  able  to 
determine  all  these  numbers  according  to  our  computation  of  time, 
which  will  be  a  step  of  the  greatest  importance.  Indeed,  I  believe 
that  to  all  intents  and  purposes  this  step  has  already  been  taken  in 
the  ingenious  exposition  of  Cyrus  Thomas  (see  A  Study  of  the  Manu- 
script Troano,  1882,  pages  187  to  197). 

The  Aztecs  do  not  seem  to  have  been  familiar  with  the  great  periods 
of  12X312  years  just  mentioned.  According  to  the  Anales  del  Museo 
Nacional  de  Mexico,  volume  2,  1882,  pages  347  and  349,  they  had  a 
cycle  of  10X104  years  and  the  triple  of  it,  10X312  years;  therefore, 
here,  too,  multiples  of  8  years  Avere  ahvays  employed. 

Apparently,  side  by  side  with  this  interconnected  series  of  periods, 
there  is  another  quite  distinct  one.  It  was  noted  that  Mercury  per- 
formed its  apparent  revolution  around  the  sun  in  115  days,  and  to 
reconcile  this  115  Avith  the  tonalamatl  of  260  days,  is  the  task  of  the 
number  adverted  to,  11,960:^:104X115=46X260.  The  two  dates  on 
page  24  of  the  Dresden  codex  at  the  left  below,  I  Ahau,  18,  third 
month,  and  I  Ahau,  18,  seventeenth  month,  are  this  distance  apart, 
and  this  interval  also  forms  the  basis  of  the  wonderful  series  on 
pages  51  to  58.  Thus,  that  which  was  only  represented  in  brief  on 
page  24  is  carried  out  more  fully  on  pages  46  to  50,  and  also  on  pages 
51  to  58. 

Yet  this  11,960  is  most  curiously  connected  Avith  the  numbers  before 
discussed.  The  double  katun  (37,960)  has  the  same  relation  to 
11,960  that  the  solar  year  (365)  has  to  the  Mercury  year  (115),  for 
both  are  multiples  of  104,  and  have  the  ratio,  therefore,  of  73  to  23. 
Thus  the  two  numbers  are  distant  from  one  another  by  just  100  (a 
round  number  to  us,  but  not  to  the  Mayas)  tonalamatls.  Further,  if 
we  subtract  from  the  double  katun  twice  11,960  (=23,920),  the  result 
is  nothing  more  nor  less  than  the  remarkable  14,040. 

The  apparent  revolution  of  Mars,  indeed,  which,  strange  to  say, 
comprises  just  3  tonalamatls =780  days,  seems  to  be  the  basis  of  the 
Dresden  series,  on  pages  43  to  44  and  59,  and  that  remarkable  14,040 
IS  equal  to  18  of  these  Mars  years,  while  the  113,880  equals  146  of 
them.  Here  w^e  must  not,  hoAve\^er,  feel  too  secure.  Jupiter  and 
Saturn  seem  never  to  have  been  included  in  the  computation  at  all, 
with  their  apparent  revolutions  of  397  and  380  days,  respectiveh^ 
(between  Iavo  superior  conjunctions),  which  closely  approximate  the 
solar,  year. 

7238— No.  28—05  32 


498 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


Not  until  long  after  all  I  have  thus  far  explained  became  clear  to 
me  did  I  recognize  that  the  Mayas  had  also  very  naturally  turned 
their  attention  to  the  period  of  the  moon's  revolution.  The  wonder- 
ful series  on  pages  51  to  58  of  the  Dresden  codex,  already  mentioned, 
only  arrives  at  the  number  11,960;  or,  when  we  take  into  consideration 
that  there  are  three  day  signs  with  every  number,  the  highest  number 
there  is  in  reality  only  11,958.  This  number,  however,  is  arrived  at 
because  periods  of  177,  148,  and  178  days  follow  each  other  strangely 
mixed ;  indeed,  the  177  occurs  fifty-four  times,  the  148  nine  times,  the 
178  six  times.    But  now 

177=3X29+3X30 
148=2X29+3X30 
178=3x29+3x30+1 

The  entire  series,  therefore,  is  constructed  thus : 

54X177=162X29+162X30  =  9,558 
0X148=  18X29+  27X30  =.1,332 
0X178=  18X29+  18x30+6=  1,068 

198  X  29 + 207  X  30 + 6 = 1 1 ,958 

There  is,  I  think,  nothing  more  natural  here  than  to  see  alternate 
months  of  29  and  30  days,  just  as  they  alternated  with  the  Greeks. 

The  198  months  of  the  one  kind  and  the  207  of  the  other  together 
make  405  months.  But  if  we  divide  11,958  by  this  405,  we  find  the 
length  of  the  moon's  revolution  as  observed  by  the  Mayas  to  be  29.526 
days. 

But  the  actual  synodical  revolution  of  the  moon  is  29.53  days.  The 
Mayas,  therefore,  made  it  too  short  by  only  four-thousandths  of  a 
day ;  surely  an  amazing  achievement.  If  they  had  employed  merely 
the  period  of  177  days,  the  month  would  only  have  amounted  to  29.5 
days;  by  the  addition  of  the  nine  periods  of  148  days,  only  to  29.512. 
The  six  periods  of  178  days,  containing  the  intercalary  days,  were 
thus  quite  essential  in  order  to  reach  this  singularly  accurate  result. 

Thus  we  see  combined  on  pages  46  to  50  of  the  Dresden  codex  the 
revolutions  of  the  sun  and  Venus  and  on  pages  51  to  58  those  of  the 
moon  and  mercury,  that  is,  the  revolutions  of  the  four  heavenly  bodies 
most  conspicuous  in  their  movements  combined  in  pairs;  on  the  one 
hand,  the  two  slower  ones,  on  the  other,  the  two  of  swifter  motion,  but 
of  comparatively  less  brilliancy.  Page  59  may  refer  to  the  revolution 
of  Mars  alone,  while  page  60,  the  final  page  of  this  front  side  of  Codex 
Vaticanus  B,  seems  lastly,  but  in  a  wa}^  as  yet  unexplained,  to  con- 
dense, as  it  were,  the  entire  contents  of  this  section.  Perhaps  above 
we  here  see  the  contest  between  these  heavenly  bodies,  and  below  the 
victory  of  the  one  over  the  other. 


THE  MAYA  GLYPHS 

BY 

E.  FORSTEMAlSnST 


THE  MAYA  GLYPHS 


By  E.  Forstemann 


FIRST  PAPER  « 

It  is  well  for  the  traveler  occasionally  to  cast  a  backward  glance 
over  the  road  upon  which  he  is  journeying,  and  the  same  holds  good 
of  the  path  along  which  science  is  advancing.  From  the  vantage 
ground  of  that  which  has  already  been  attained  we  can  see  more 
clearly  what  should  be  the  next  step  and  what  is  still  to  be  attained. 
The  wonderful  hieroglyphs  which  occur  on  the  stone  monuments  and 
in  the  ancient  manuscripts  of  Guatemala,  Chiapas,  and  Yucatan, 
which  but  a  few  decades  ago  were  a  perfect  enigma,  are  to-day  one 
after  another  becoming  intelligible  and  call  all  the  more  for  such  a 
retrospective  view  because  in  them  pre-Columbian  America  attained 
its  highest  state  of  culture. 

The  birth  year  of  the  decipherment  of  these  glyphs  was  1863. 
In  that  year  the  Abbe  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  discovered  at  Madrid 
the  manuscript  of  the  Relacion  de  las  cosas  de  Yucatan  by  Diego  de 
Landa  (bishop  of  Merida  in  Yucatan  from  1573  to  1579),  which  he 
published  in  1864.  In  this  manuscript  were  found  the  signs  of  the 
numerals  from  1  to  19,  the  twenty  day  signs  of  the  20-day  period,  and 
the  eighteen  signs  of  the  periods  of  this  kind  which  make  up  the  year. 
All  these  signs,  apart  from  numerous  variants,  were  actually  met  with 
again  on  the  inscriptions  and  in  the  manuscripts,  so  that  by  the  dis- 
covery of  this  manuscript  the  corner  stone  was  laid,  and  building 
could  proceed.  I  do  not  wish  further  to  discuss  these  glyphs  here 
nor  to  copy  them  since  they  are  the  undisputed  possession  of  science 
and  have  been  reproduced  in  many  places,  for  example,  in  my 
Erlauterungen,  published  in  1886.  No  one  will  misconstrue  my 
silence  with  regard  to  the  so-called  alphabet  of  Diego  de  Landa. 

The  next  addition  to  this  material  was  made  in  1876  by  Leon  de 
Rosny  in  his  Essai  sur  le  dechiflrement  de  I'ecriture  hieratique  de 
I'Amerique  centrale,  in  which  we  find  interpreted  the  well-known 
signs  which  unquestionably  denote  the  four  cardinal  points.  This  dis- 
covery was  made  simultaneously  in  America  by  Cyrus  Thomas. 

In  two  of  these  four  signs  and  in  one  of  the  eighteen  signs  of  the  20- 
day  periods  was  found  the  symbol  for  the  sun,  as  if  it  were  a-matter  of 

"Die  Mayahieroglyphen,  Globus,  1894,  v.  60,  n.  5,  pp.  78-80. 

501 


502 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


course,  as  Leon  de  Rosn}^  himself  acknowledged.  The  word  for  sun, 
kin,  however,  also  denotes  day,  and  it  was  proved,  though  somewhat 
later,  that  this  sign  is  also  used  with  the  latter  meaning. 

In  the  preface  to  my  first  edition  of  the  Dresden  manuscript  (1880) 
I  did  not  take  occasion  to  express  any  opinion  in  regard  to  the  meaning 
of  the  signs,  and  yet  that  very  edition  was  a  great  stimulus  to  me  and 
to  others  for  further  research.  It  was  especially  my  acquaintance  and 
subsequent  collaboration  (in  person  and  by  letter)  with  my  friend  Doc- 
tor Schellhas,  of  Berlin,  that  proved  a  source  of  manifold  light  to  us 
both.  Thus  we  soon  found  ourselves  studying  the  sign  in  which 
Schellhas  recognized  the  moon  (and  at  the  same  time  M.  Pousse  in 
the  i^ublications  of  the  Societe  Americaine),  the  period  of  20  days. 
Both  interpretations  were  correct.  For,  either  the  moon,  being  con- 
sidered dead  during  the  period  of  new  moon,  was  assumed  to  be  alive 
only  20  days  at  a  time,  or  the  moon  was  conceived  of  as  man,  for  in 
the  Maj^a  language  "  vinak  "  means  both  20  and,  from  the  number  of 
fingers  and  toes,  man.  I  was  also  on  the  point  of  finding  a  second 
symbol  for  20  (Erlauterungen,  page  12)  which  was  positively  recog- 
nized as  such  by  Doctor  Seler  in  1887. 

It  was  a  source  of  special  satisfaction  to  me  that  in  April,  1885,  I 
was  able  to  determine  the  sign  for  zero  and  soon  afterward  to  dis- 
cover the  Avay  in  which  the  Mayas  expressed  the  higher  numbers,  so 
that  they  can  now  be  read  from  zero  up  to  millions.  Upon  this  dis- 
covery is  based  the  largest  part  of  my  later  researches. 

Closely  connected  with  this  discovery  was  that  of  the  glyph  for 
the  planet  Venus,  of  the  certainty  of  which  we  are  constantly  receiv- 
ing fresh  proof. 

Having  already  communicated  all  these  signs  in  the  year  1886,  in 
my  Erlauterungen,  I  can  omit  them  here  to  save  space,  only  remark- 
ing that  the  attempt  I  made  in  that  article  to  determine  the  signs  for 
the  rest  of  the  planets  seems  to  me  now,  as  it  did  then,  very  uncertain. 

Two  papers  of  Doctor  Schellhas  should  have  special  mention  here, 
Die  Mayahandschrift  der  Koniglichen  Bibliothek  zu  Dresden  (1886, 
in  the  Berlin  Zeitschrift  fiir  Ethnologic,  page  12)  and  Die  Gotter- 
gestalten  der  Mayahandschriften  (1892,  in  the  same  journal,  page 
101).  As  it  is  not  necessary  to  speak  here  of  the  merits  of  these 
writings  except  so  far  as  they  are  connected  with  the  determination  of 
glyphs,  I  merely  mention  that  in  these  articles  we  find,  first,  four 
little  signs  interpreted  beyond  a  doubt,  which  often  appear  as  pre- 
fixes to  other  glyphs.  The  office  of  these  prefixes  is  to  place  the 
glyphs  in  their  respective  relation  to  the  four  several  cardinal  points, 
thus  making  it  unnecessary  to  use  the  actual  signs  of  these  mentioned 
above.  But  of  much  more  importance  is  the  second  discovery  due 
to  the  efforts  of  Doctor  Schellhas,  viz,  that  about  twenty  different 
glyphs  are  recognized  as  the  designations  of  twenty  different  deities. 


FORSTEMANN.] 


THE  MAYA  GLYPHS 


503 


Those  occurring  most  frequently  were  deterniined  with  absohite  cer- 
tainty, the  others  with  more  or  less  probability.  Schellhas,  how- 
ever, has  not  applied  any  of  the  traditional  names  to  these  gods,  but 
has  simply  designated  them  provisionally  by  letters,  and  in  doing 
so  he  is  right,  for  the  Olympus  of  the  Mayas  and  Aztecs  has  so  many 
intersecting  paths  and  byways  that  it  is  almost  unavoidable  not  to 
go  astray,  especially  since  it  is  difficult  to  discriminate  between  the 
universal  and  the  local  deities. 

I  am  now  compelled  to  speak  of  nwself.  Since  the  appearance  of 
my  Erlauterungen  (188f)),  I  have  published  eight  different  treatises 
on  the  Maya  science : 

1.  Three  essays  entitled  Zur  Entzifferung  der  Mayahandschriften, 
1887,  1891,  1892,  in  pamphlet  form,  which  w^ere  at  first  only  intended 
for  private  circulation.  These  will  soon  be  followed  by  a  fourth, 
which  is  to  be  presented  to  the  Congress  of  Americanists  at  Stockholm. 


a  h  c  d  e  f 


(ajg> 


g  h  i  h  i  m 

Pig.  110.   Grlyphs  from  the  Dresden  codex. 

2.  Zur  Maya-Chronologie  (1891)  in  the  Zeitschrift  fiir  Ethnologie. 

3.  The  preface  to  my  second  edition  of  the  Dresden  manuscript 
(1892). 

4.  Three  articles  in  Globus,  volume  63,  number  2,  and  volume  65, 
numbers  1  and  15 :  Die  Zeitperioden  der  Mayas,  Zum  mittelamer- 
ikanischen  Kalender,  and  Die  Plejaden  bei  den  Mayas. 

As  this  material  is  so  widely  scattered,  and  as  I  still  wish  to  speak 
of  some  signs  not  discussed  in  the  above-mentioned  articles,  I  will 
here  give  the  form  of  a  few  glyphs  which  have  been  recently 
determined,  omitting,  for  the  sake  of  brevity,  those  which  are  still 
doubtful.  As  I  have  proceeded  from  the  mathematic  standpoint, 
these  glyphs  chiefly  concern  certain  periods  of  time. 

The  first  (a,  figure  110)  is  the  sign  for  the  year  of  360  days,  long 
since  recognized  as  the  sign  of  the  20-day  period  Pax.  As  such,  how- 
ever, it  generally  appears  with  three  balls  added  below,  which,  I  am 
inclined  to  consider  as  a  representation  of  the  most  conspicuous  point 
in  the  celestial  equator,  the  three  stars  in  the  belt  of  Orion,  with 
which  the  sun  is  in  conjunction  in  Pax. 


504 


BUKEAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


The  second  (h)  represents  the  period  of  20  years,  20X360=7,200 
days.  Both  these  signs  (with  variants)  are  common  to  both  manu- 
scripts and  inscriptions.  From  the  latter  1  give  here  for  the  first 
time  two  characters  (in  the  form  in  which  they  occur  on  the  Cross 
of  Palenque)  :  Number  3  (c),  the  period  of  20X7,200=144,000  days, 
and  number  4  (d),  the  period  of  20  days.  To  these  I  add  from  the 
manuscripts  number  5  (e),  the  period  of  52X365=18,980  days,  after 
which  each  day  recurs  in  the  same  place  in  the  year.  Hence  this 
glyph  is  the  da}^  sign  Imix,  which  is  usually  considered  the  first  of 
the  day  signs,  with  the  so-called  rattlesnake  ornament  which  here 
and  in  other  cases,  as  I  will  incidentally  remark,  signifies  a  tying 
together,  a  union. 

I  will  here  pass  over  in  silence  the  signs  for  the  periods  of  260, 2,920 
(8X365),  and  8,760  (24X365)  days,  which  I  think  I  have  discovered, 
but  am  not  yet  sufficiently  certain  to  publish  a  statement  regarding 
them. 

It  is  important  to  ascertain  whether  other  stars  and  constellations 
besides  the  sun,  moon,  and  Venus  have  not  their  special  symbols.  I 
have  already  attempted  in  this  journal  to  show  that  the  Pleiades  are 
probably  designated  by  ch^i  Moan  head  and  its  representative  signs. 
I  think  Mercury  may  be  recognized  in  a  Venus  sign  before  which 
a  human  figure  with  head  downward,  /,  is  drawn  (Dresden  codex, 
pages  57  and  58).  Doctor  Seler  has  already  shown  (1887)  that  in  all 
probability  the  firmament  is  commonly  denoted  by  the  day  sign  Akbai 
(night),  g,  with  a  circle  of  dots  around  it. 

With  the  chronologic  and  astronomic  signs  the  ideas  of  beginning 
and  end  are  closely  connected,  and  for  both  these  ideas  I  think  I  have 
found  the  g^^ph. 

These  in  the  main  are  two  heads,  the  first  of  which,  A,  has  for  an 
eye  the  day  sign  Akbal,  just  mentioned,  with  which,  according  to  the 
most  recent  discovery,  the  20-day  periods  may  begin.  Below  are  the 
familiar  footprints  denoting  a  movement  forward.  The  second  sign, 
«,  agrees  with  Xul,  the  seventh  of  these  periods,  and  Xul  really 
means  the  end.  From  pages  61,  62,  and  70  of  the  Dresden  manuscript 
in  particular,  but  also  from  other  passages,  we  learn  how  these  two 
signs  are  contrasted  with  one  another. 

Of  the  small  signs  which  appear  as  prefixes,  suffixes,  etc.,  to  the 
larger  characters  I  hav^e  alread}^  mentioned  the  four  relating  to  the 
cardinal  points  and  the  rattlesnake  ornament  denoting  a  tying  to- 
gether, k.  In  contrast  to  the  latter  is  the  sign  of  division,  I  or 
m,  denoting  the  obsidian  knife,  which  was  recognized  by  Doctor 
Seler  in  1887.  I  have  already  tried  to  prove  in  this  journal  that  the 
superior  affix,  occurring  so  frequently,  and  common  to  both  manu- 
scripts and  inscriptions,  which  consists  of  the  day  signs  Ben  and  Ik, 
probably  denotes  single  lunar  months  of  28  and  29  days,  and  I  exj)ect 
still  further  to  confirm  this  view. 


FORSTEMANN.] 


THP:  MAYA  GLYPHS 


505 


The  representations  of  particular  objects  in  Maya  literature  are 
not  in  question  liere,  and  they  will  be  considered  only  in  so  far  as 
they  appear  as  actual  glyphs  in  the  series  with  the  rest.  To  this 
class,  for  example,  belong  the  four  animal  figures  which  often  occur 
in  close  proximity — a  portion  of  a  mammal,  a  bird's  head,  a  lizard, 
and  a  fish — possibly  designating  various  offerings. 

An  important  glyph  is  the  hand,  which  so  often  occurs  in  both 
manuscripts  and  inscriptions.  It  appears  sometimes  in  the  act  of 
grasping,  with  the  thumb  bent  forward,  and  sometimes  as  pointing, 
with  the  thumb  close  to  the  hand.  The  first  really  appears  to  denote 
a  tying  together  like  the  ornament  mentioned  above,  to  which  I  intend 
to  refer  in  my  forthcoming  essay  Zur  Entzifferung  der  Mayahand- 
schriften,  IV;  the  second  can  hardly  denote  anything  but  a  move- 
ment in  space  (as  it  does  on  our  finger  posts)  or  a  lapse  of  time, 
as  in  the  many  examples  in  the  Dresden  codex,  pages  46  to  50. 

This  is  practically  all  the  treasure  that  has  thus  far  been  secured 
from  the  writings  of  the  Mayas.  It  probably  comprises  the  most  im- 
portant ones,  but  by  no  means  the  majority  of  the  signs.  Let  us 
hope  that  in  the  near  future  these  glyphic  treasures  may  increase, 
though  hitherto  there  has  been  a  lack  of  laborers  in  this  field. 


a  h  c  d  e 


f  g  h  i  k 

Fig.  111.    Glyphs  from  the  Dresden  codex. 

SECOND  PAPER « 

In  volume  66,  number  5,  pages  78  to  80,  of  this  journal,  under  the 
same  title,  I  published  a  short  article  which  was  intended  to  show  in 
hasty  review  what  progress  had  been  made  in  the  interpretation  of 
these  signs.  Two  or  three  years  have  passed  since  then,  and  now  I 
have  been  unexpectedly  called  upon  to  summarize  the  progress  which 
has  been  made  in  this  work  during  the  time  which  has  elapsed,  par- 
ticularly Avhat  I  believe  has  been  accomplished  by  myself.  I  shall 
be  obliged  to  speak  more  of  myself  than  is  usually  my  custom. 

(1)  (2,  figure  111.  All  that  can  be  said  concerning  this  figure  is  only 
partially  new,  for  Schellhas  has  proved  in  his  fundamental  treatise 


"  Die  Mayahieroglyphen,  Zweiter  Artikel,  Globus,  1897,  v.  71,  n.  5,  pp.  78  to  81. 


506 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


Die  Gottergestalten  der  Mayahandschriften  that  it  is  the  glyph  of 
the  god  C,  and  that  it  is  a  star,  the  polar  star,  in  fact.  I  have  recog- 
nized this  meaning  from  the  first,  but  I  would  prefer  to  call  it  the 
polar  constellation  (Ursa  Minor).  Now,  it  happened  while  I  was 
recently  examining  the  remarkable  tonalamatl  in  the  Dresden  codex, 
pages  4a  to  10a,  that  I  discovered  in  it  a  peculiar  displacement  of 
time.  As  a  fixed  point  of  departure  I  found  groups  14  and  15,  the 
former  representing  the  tiger,  the  latter  the  vulture,  with  an  interval 
of  2  days  between  them.  There  is  just  the  same  interval  between 
the  Aztec  day  Ocelotl  (jaguar)  and  Cozcaquauhtli  (vulture).  This 
was  a  very  gratifying  discovery,  because  it  revealed  a  new  point  of 
contact  between  the  Aztec  and  Maya  systems.  Now  if  we  reckon 
back  from  this  passage  23  days  to  group  5  (page  5)  we  find  god  C 
with  his  glyph,  and  are  forced,  on  account  of  the  distance  of  the 
days,  to  place  this  group  with  the  Maya  day  Chuen  or  Aztec  Ozo- 
matli  (monkey).  Finding  this  to  be  the  case,  the  question  at  once 
flashed  through  my  mind.  Does  not  this  glyph  in  the  main  repre- 
sent a  monkey's  skull?  Does  it  not  present  an  indication  of  the  lat- 
eral nasal  aperture  of  the  American  monkey?  The  Aztec  day  sign 
Ozomatli  has  a  certain,  though  distant,  resemblance  to  this  sign.  But 
how  are  the  monkey  and  Ursa  Minor  to  be  connected?  I  fully  be- 
lieve that  the  former  is  more  appropriate  here  than  the  latter.  The 
polar  star  is  the  last  star  in  the  tail,  but  the  monkey,  after  the  fashion 
of  its  kind,  clings  with  its  tail  to  a  fixed  point,  around  which  it 
swings  the  rest  of  its  body.  But  I  already  hear  the  opponents  of  this 
conception,  and  pass  on  to  a  second  glyph. 

(2)  h.  After  I  had  printed  my  treatise,  Zur  Entzifferung  der 
Mayahandschriften,  V,  in  1895,  I  next  undertook  the  task  of  ex- 
amining the  28  groups  belonging  together  on  pages  71  to  73  of  the 
Dresden  codex,  each  consisting  of  three  glyphs,  and  found  that  they 
had  no  connection  with  the  adjacent  numbers,  but  represented  a  rit- 
ual year  of  3G4  days,  divided  into  28X13  days.  Then  I  forthwith 
noticed  that  groups  4,  11,  18,  and  25  contained  the  glyph  given  above, 
in  several  variants,  at  intervals  of  91  days.  Hence  nothing  was 
more  natural  than  to  see  in  this  sign  h  a  Bacab,  a  deity  of  the  wind 
and  the  cardinal  points,  since  we  have  long  known  that  each  period 
of  91  days  is  under  the  dominion  of  a  particular  Bacab.  This  was 
fully  confirmed  by  a  comparison  of  the  69  groups  of  glyphs  on  pages 
51  to  58,  in  which  I  likewise  recognized  weeks  of  13  days.  Although 
the  groups  are  very  often  destroyed,  especially  in  the  first  half,  the 
sign  appeared  again  in  groups  39,  46,  53,  and  60,  and  I  attached 
to  this  fact  various  observations  concerning  repetitions  after  every 
seven  groups.  In  a  third  series  of  glyphs  on  i^age  72  at  the  top,  I 
again  found  the  Bacab  in  the  eighth  member.    The  number  4  fre- 


fOrstemann.] 


THE  MAYA  GLYPHS 


507 


quently  occurring  before  this  sign  proves  abundantly  that  one  of  the 
four  Bacabs  is  intended. 

(3)  c.  On  i^age  ()  of  my  treatise  just  referred  to  in  connection 
with  the  preceding  glyph  I  mentioned  the  discovery  of  the  character 
given  here  as  c  in  the  eighth  and  sixteenth  of  the  28  groups.  I  had 
reasons  for  making  the  ritual  year  reconstructed  there  begin  with  the 
spring  equinox,  and  the  consequent  positions  indicated  for  the  two 
signs  Avere  June  and  September;  that  is,  the  beginning  and  the  end 
of  the  rainy  season.  It  seems  to  me  to  represent  a  cloud  from  which 
three  streams  of  water  are  falling  upon  the  earth.  The  obsidian 
knife  added  below  may  here  indicate,  as  it  often  does,  a  division,  or 
period,  of  time.  On  page  36c  of  the  Dreden  codex  we  see  the  figure 
of  a  god  standing  in  the  water  and  looking  upward,  upon  whom 
similarly  drawn  raindrops  are  falling  from  a  rain  cloud,  clearly 
distinguishable  as  such. 

(4)  d.  This  sign  occurs  very  frequently,  with  different  variants,  in 
the  manuscript,  but  probably  never  in  the  inscriptions.  In  the 
treatise  mentioned  in  connection  with  the  preceding  glyph,  I  have 
already  cursorily  pointed  out  that  a  somewhat  similar  sign  seemed  at 
least  to  approximate  the  idea  of  the  week  of  13  days,  and  I  would  like 
to  speak  more  in  detail  concerning  it.  I  will  first  remark  that  even  in 
the  manuscripts  I  can  point  out  this  glyph  only  in  those  sections  which 
contain  tonalamatls.  It  is  therefore  missing  in  the  entire  second  part 
of  the  Dresden  codex,  from  page  46  onAvard ;  also  in  the  first  part 
from  page  25  to  28,  and  likewise  in  the  Troano  codex  on  those  pages 
which  correspond  to  the  last-named  pages,  that  is,  23  to  20,  etc.  It 
occurs  more  frequently  with  day  XIII  than  with  any  other  week  day, 
as  in  the  Dresden  codex,  pages  11c  and  41a,  and  in  the  Troano  codex, 
pages  15c,  16a,  30c  to  29c  and  31*b.  Furthermore,  it  appears  after 
the  period  of  13  days,  as  in  Troano  codex,  page  16c,  and  after  6+7 
days  in  the  Dresden  codex  at  least,  page  23c.  But  it  is  used  especially 
at  the  close  of  the  divisions  of  the  tonalamatl,  as  after  2X13=26  days 
in  the  Dresden  codex,  page  14c,  in  the  Troano  codex,  page  31*b,  and  in 
the  Cortesian  codex,  page  29b;  after  4X13=52  days  in  the  Dresden 
codex,  pages  11c,  22b;  after  5X13=65  days  in  the  Dresden  codex, 
page  16b,  and  in  the  Troano  codex,  page  7*c.  Indeed,  in  the  Troano 
codex,  pages  30c  to  29c,  it  appears  to  be  added  to  each  of  the  five  divi- 
sions of  13  days  each,  which,  however,  is  uncertain  on  account  of  the 
careless  drawing.  And  in  the  Troano  codex,  pages  8c  to  7c,  where  the 
52  days  are  divided  into  five  sections  (4X10+12)  it  is  likewise  em- 
ployed five  times.  Finally,  I  call  attention  to  it  in  the  Dresden  codex, 
page  30b,  where  it  closes  10X13=130  days.  I  think  these  examples 
are  sufficient  to  warrant  me  in  ascribing  to  this  glyph  the  function  of 
denoting  the  week  of  13  davs  or  the  close  of  such  a  week  having  the 
day  XIII. 


508 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


I  have  still  a  word  to  say  concerning  the  remarkable  tonalamatl  in 
the  Dresden  codex,  pages  4a  to  10a,  where  twenty  of  the  first  52  days 
are  rendered  prominent  by  pictures  and  groups  of  glyphs.  Here  this 
character  appears  in  tJie  groups  1,  5,  11,  and  16;  that  is,  with  the  sec- 
ond, fifteenth,  twenty-ninth,  and  forty-fourth  days  of  the  260-day 
period.  That  might  mean  that  a  new  13-day  period  had  begun  mean- 
time, though  not  exactly  with  these  days.  The  character  (e)  appears 
besides,  in  a  somewhat  different  position,  it  is  true,  in  the  fourteenth 
group  (the  thirty-eighth  day)  ;  that  is,  after  the  expiration  of  13 
groups.  It  is  also  remarkable  that  this  day,  as  we  saw  aboA^e,  is  the 
day  Ix  of  the  Mayas,  Ocelotl  (tiger)  of  the  Aztec,  and  this  day,  if  we 
begin  the  series  as  usual  with  Imix,  stands  in  the  fourteenth  place  at 
the  beginning  of  a  new  week.  Indeed,  it  should  be  observed  that 
this  character,  resembles  no  day  glyph  of  the  Mayas  more  closely 
than  Ix;  and  here  there  is  possibly  a  forgotten  original  connection. 
The  sign  Ix,  hitherto  entirely  unexplained,  almost  suggests  the  idea 
that  in  it  two  lines  radiate  from  an  Imix,  between  which  three  dots 
are  placed;  noAV  two  lines  and  three  dots  form  the  number  sign  13 
(2X5+3).    However,  I  do  not  wish  to  assert  any  conclusion. 

(5)  This  glyph,  /,  is  the  familiar  sign  for  the  thirteenth  20-day 
period  of  the  year;  that  is,  the  so-called  month  Mac.  But  I  believe 
I  was  right  when  I  assigned  a  second  meaning  to  this  sign  in  my 
treatise  Zur  Entzifferung  der  Mayahandschriften,  IV.  I  examined 
there  page  24  of  the  Dresden  codex,  the  object  of  which  is  to  link  to- 
gether the  solar  year,  the  Venus  year,  and  the  tonalamatl,  and  inci- 
dentally the  lunar  month  and  the  Mercury  year  as  well.  Here  I 
found,  first  of  all,  in  the  series  of  glyphs  on  the  left,  several  signs 
relating  to  the  solar  and  Venus  years,  and  then,  in  the  eleventh  and 
twelfth  places,  this  glyph  wherein  I  was  inclined  to  see  the  tonalamatl, 
for  which,  strange  to  say,  no  sign  has  as  yet  been  discovered.  This  sign 
IS  repeated,  w^hich  may  possibly  denote  the  recurring  tonalamatl.  How 
does  the  period  Mac  happen  to  have  this  meaning  ?  The  chief  reason 
is  that  260  days  of  the  year  have  really  elapsed  at  the  end  of  the 
period  Mac;  but  the  form  of  this  glyph  also  furnishes  a  certain 
justification  for  connecting  it  with  this  meaning,  for  in  reality  it  is  a 
variant  of  the  familiar  Imix  which  stands  at  the  head  of  the  series  of 
days.  This  sign  has  a  suffix  which  originally  seems  to  have  indicated 
a  bird's  feather  and  possibly  still  occurs  in  the  manuscripts  with  this 
meaning.  A  bird's  feather,  however,  is  one  of  the  most  fitting  sym- 
bols supplied  by  nature  to  designate  the  plural.  Thus,  in  my  opinion, 
this  glyph  denotes  Imix,  in  that  the  day  constantly  returns  until  it 
regains  its  original  position  in  the  week. 

One  place  where  I  think  I  find  a  sign  for  the  tonalamatl  is  in  col- 
umns A  und  B  of  the  Cross  of  Palenque.    After  the  well-known 


FORSTE.MANN.] 


THE  MAYA  GLYPHS 


509 


superscription  we  find  there,  always  combined  with  the  pictures  of 
the  gods  belonging  to  them,  the  signs  of  the  periods  of  1M,000,  7,200, 
360,  and  20  days;  then,  the  single  day  counted  off  on  the  subjoined 
fingers;  after  that,  the  principal  day  Ahau  in  the  eighth  place,  with 
the  picture  of  god  D,  to  whom  it  is  dedicated,  which  is  often  the  case, 
as  for  instance,  in  the  Dresden  codex,  page  9a,  on  the  left. 

Should  we  not  expect  to  find  the  tonalamatl  among  the  succeeding 
glyphs  on  pages  9  to  12  ?  I  commend  this  passage  to  the  student  for 
further  consideration.  In  addition,  the  moon's  revolution  and  the 
point  at  which  Maya  chronology  begins  are  represented. 

(6)  First  of  all,  at  the  top  is  the  sign  of  a  number,  which  I 
will  leave  for  the  present  undetermined.  Below  it  are  two  glyphs,  the 
probably  phallic  yax  ("vigor",  "strength")  and  the  kin  ("sun") 
signs.  We  are  reminded  of  the  month  Yaxkin,  which  corresponds  ap- 
proximately to  our  November,  and  consequently  can  not  take  its  name 
from  the  power  of  the  sun,  but  rather  from  a  particular  deity  or  sacri- 
fice. This,  not  the  month,  was  thought  of  in  connection  with  the  sign, 
as  is  demonstrated  by  the  following  six  passages  of  the  Dresden  manu- 
script where  it  occurs. 

On  page  18a  is  a  woman  holding  the  glyph  (yax  placed  above  kin) 
in  her  hand,  like  an  offered  sacrifice.  The  glyphs  above  the  picture 
are  destroyed,  but  probably  contained  the  same  sign  once  more.  On 
page  18c  a  woman  carries  this  figure  on  her  back.  Such  a  sign 
usually  indicates  a  particular  deit}^  The  glyphs  found  above  repeat 
the  sign.  On  page  19c  is  the  same  representation  as  on  the  preceding 
page.  The  woman  has  a  hair  ornament  of  flowers.  On  page  27b  the 
sign  is  placed  on  a  vessel,  a  kind  of  bowl.  This  means  food  offered  as 
a  sacrifice.  The  two  remaining  examples,  on  pages  46b  on  the  right 
and  50c  on  the  right,  are  placed  under  different  glyphs,  most  probably 
denoting  gods,  at  the  beginning  and  end  of  the  great  representation 
which  treats  of  the  period  of  2,920  days,  in  which  five  apparent  Venus 
years  (5X584)  coincide  with  8  solar  years.  Each  time  the  adjacent 
sign  is  the  Moan,  in  which  I  have  surmised  the  end  of  the  year  and  the 
Pleiades. 

Four  examples,  in  which  this  sign  occurs  in  Codex  Troano-Cort- 
tesianus  (Cortesian  codex,  page  35b,  and  Troano  codex,  pages  21a, 
22*a,  and  14*b),  owing  to  the  inexactness  prevailing  in  this  manu- 
script, would  demand  a  long  discussion  without  advancing  the  matter. 

We  must  now  observe  the  number  sign  which  stands  above  the 
glyphs  yax  and  kin,  g.  For  this  purpose  I  will  call  attention  to  the 
example  cited  above  from  the  Dresden  codex,  page  27b.  The  four 
pages  25  to  28  treat  of  the  last  day  of  the  four  kinds  of  years  and 
of  the  first  day  of  the  succeeding  years,  but  still  offer  a  great  many 
enigmas.    The  numerals  scattered  through  the  different  parts  of  the 


510 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


pages  are  especially  to  be  counted  among  these  riddles.  I  will  here 
show  the  positions  of  these  numerals. 


Pages 

25 

26 

27 

28 

a 

9  7 

7  16 

11 

5 

6  6 

b 

8 
9 

13 

2 

13 

c 

7 

X- 

6 

d 

19 

9 

.16 

15 

I  would  like  to  place  the  9  of  page  25b  in  page  25c,  for  it  would 
produce  greater  uniformity. 

Numbers  9,  7,  11,  and  6  of  division  a  are  connected  with  a  sign  in 
AA^hich  there  is  an  ik  ("wind*'  or  "fire")  ;  the  other  four  numbers 
belong  to  a  glyph  of  which  the  chief  factor  is  the  moon. 

In  division  b  there  belongs  to  each  number  a  group  formed  of  a 
chuen  repeated  three  times,  that  wonderful  sign,  the  interpretation  of 
which  would  be  so  great  a  step  in  advance. 

In  c  each  number  refers  to  a  vessel  containing  sacrificial  gifts. 

Lastly,  in  d,  on  page  25,  the  number  appears  above  a  large  kettle, 
which  seems  intended  to  be  used  for  cooking  the  sacrificial  flesh  (the 
slaughtered  fowl  near  it?),  while  on  pages  26  to  27  it  is  also  joined 
with  olferings,  but  most  directly  in  each  case  with  the  yet  unex- 
plained sign  ^,  Avhose  chief  factor  is  the  glyph  of  the  moon. 

All  the  numbers,  of  which  there  are  20,  seem  to  have  been  arbitra- 
rily chosen ;  at  least,  with  the  greatest  pains  I  have  not  yet  succeeded 
in  discovering  the  law  that  governs  them.  The  fact  that  the  sum  of 
the  first  numbers  in  division  a  is  33  and  that  of  the  second  numbers  34 
did  not  even  help  me. 

The  pages  deal  with  the  possible  52  years  of  a  katun  period.  Now, 
it  is  striking  that  the  sum  of  the  fi^^e  numbers  on  page  25  is  exactly 
62,  and  uncertainty  as  to  whether  this  result  is  intentional  or  not  van- 
ishes at  once  when  we  see  that  also  on  page  26  the  sum  is  52.  With 
this  fact  in  mind  we  proceed  to  page  27  and  find  here  ll+5-|-24-16= 
34.  If  here,  too,  52  is  the  result  intended,  as  Ave  must  certainly  wish 
it  to  be,  then  the  hitherto  unknown  numeral  must  be  an  18,  an  abbre- 
Adation  for  the  awkward  form  standing  literally  for  duodeviginti 
(20  —  2)  in  the  Maya  writing  18. 


FOUSTEMANN.] 


THE  MAYA  GLYPHS 


511 


Finally,  on  page  28,  the  sum  of  the  numbers  is  only  46,  and  this 
leads  us  to  surmise  that  somewhere  there  should  have  been  written 
6  units  more,  in  division  a. 

Thus  we  are  compelled  to  recognize  in  the  number  18  a  number 
pertaining  to  a  deity,  somewhat  as  13  belongs  to  god  S  and  11  to  god 
1".  We  should  find  more  examples  if  the  remains  of  Ma^^a  literature 
handed  down  to  us  wiere  more  voluminous;  18,  however,  is  also  the 
number  of  the  20-day  periods  which  make  the  year. 

But  which  god  belongs  to  the  number  ?  I  think  he  is  to  be  found 
close  beside  this  gly])h  in  the  Dresden  codex,  page  27b.  It  is  the 
"old  god  ",  D,  that  moon  and  birth  god,  who,  perhaps,  as  Izamna, 
was  supreme  among  the  Mayas,  and  as  Tonacatecutli  prominent 
among  the  Aztecs  and  as  Hunahpu  among  the  Cakchikels.  But  why 
is  the  number  never  added  to  his  picture,  as  far  as  we  have  seen, 
but  only  to  the  sacrifices  offered  to  him?  His  glyphs  already  had  a 
determinative  sufficiently  plain,  the  day  sign  Ahau,  Avhich  denotes 
the  most  important  of  all  days  and,  as  is  well  known,  the  beginning 
of  all  Maya  chronology.  The  other  chief  gods,  A,  B,  and  C,  likewise 
require  no  numbers  to  determine  them  more  clearly. 

Where  duodeviginti  occurs  one  might  expect  undeviginti  also.  I 
present  here  for  consideration,  without  being  able  to  prove  anything, 
the  sign  ^  found  in  the  Dresden  codex,  page  3,  at  the  top  on  the 
right.  In  this  passage  it  is  near  the  sign  of  the  serpent  deity,  H, 
which  corresponds  to  the  day  Chicchan. 

But  I  would  say  by  way  of  caution  that  the  sign  X  which  in  the 
Dresden  codex,  page  58,  lower  half,  stands  before  the  glyph  for  7,200 
days,  must  not  be  interpreted  in  the  same  way  as  those  last  discussed, 
for  the  cross  here  only  signifies  that  the  dot  does  not  belong  in  this 
place,  but  to  the  glyph  above,  wihere  there  was  no  room  for  it.  A 
comparison  with  the  last  glyph  but  one  of  the  first  column,  Dresden 
codex,  page  24,  confirms  this  observation. 

(7)  k.  It  is  advisable  in  attempts  at  deciphering  to  turn  our  atten- 
tion to  the  glyphs  which  occur  most  frequently,  as  the  difference  of 
their  environment  may  sometimes  give  us  the  right  clue.  It  will  cer- 
tainly be  of  value  to  consider  all  the  details  of  their  occurrence,  even 
if  an  actual  interpretation  is  not  finally  reached.  To  these  fre- 
quently occurring  signs  belongs  the  one  given  here,  A;,  which  we  Avill 
follow  through  the  Dresden  codex,  which,  owing  to  its  careful  execu- 
tion, gives  more  promise  of  success  than  the  inexact  Codex  Troano- 
Cortesianus. 

This  glyph  occurs  on  page  3,  near  the  tonalamatl  combined  with 
the  picture  of  a  human  sacrifice,  beside  the  sign  of  the  god  B,  the 
most  frequent  in  the  manuscript.  The  great  tonalamatl,  pages  4a 
to  10a,  shows  the  sign  not  less  than  five  times,  in  the  sixth,  fifteenth, 


512 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


twenty-third,  thirty-third,  and  forty-eighth  of  the  52  days,  with  the 
gods  B,  C,  H,  K,  and  E,  successively  in  the  sixth,  fourth,  fifth,  sixth, 
and  fifth  places  of  each  of  the  six  glyphs.  On  page  5c  we  find  it 
placed  with  the  god  D,  page  6b  with  E,  Tc  with  H,  10b  with  B,  11a 
Avith  H,  lib  with  L,  11c  with  E,  12a  with  K,  13b  with  C,  14c  with 
D,  iTb  with  an  undetermined  female  deity,  likewise  19b  and  20c,  21b 
with  A,  21c  with  I),  22b  perhaps  with  I,  23c  with  D  and  with  three 
female  personages.  Here,  in  every  case,  the  gh^ph  is  in  a  tonalamatl. 
It  is  wholly  lacking  on  the  astronomic  page  24,  notwithstanding 
that  it  contains  40  glyphs.  Of  the  four  calendric  pages,  25  to  28, 
containing  no  tonalamatl,  only  page  26  contains  this  sign,  where  it 
stands  in  the  middle  row  between  the  glyphs  of  E  and  U.  In  the 
large  section  devoted  to  god  B,  which  contains  so  many  tonalamatls, 
it  is  missing,  strange  to  say,  on  all  the  pages  from  29  to  37  and  then 
appears  again  three  times,  on  3Sb,  o9a,  and  40a,  each  time  with  the 
picture  of  this  god.  The  last  five  pages  of  the  first  part  of  the 
manuscript,  41  to  45,  again  entirely  lack  this  character,  although 
gods  and  tonalamatls  abound  in  them. 

In  the  second  division  of  the  Dresden  codex,  pages  46  to  74,  the 
ritual  year  becomes  of  secondary  importance  and  the  astronomic  year 
becomes  more  prominent.  Accordingly,  we  rarely  find  this  glyph 
here.  On  pages  46  to  50,  on  Avhich  the  Venus  and  solar  years  are 
made  to  agree,  it  is  found  only  once,  on  page  48  at  the  top  on  the 
right,  directly  in  the  center  of  the  20-membered  period  of  2,920  days, 
beside  its  tenth  member.  In  the  large  section  pages  51  to  60  this 
sign  is  wholly  lacking.  We  first  find  it  again  on  page  65,  in  the  lower 
half.  Here  the  period  treated  of  is  the  ritual  year  of  364  days,  the 
actual  year  9  Kan,  it  would  seem,  the  sign  of  which  is  on  the  left  of 
the  glyph  under  discussion.  However,  9  Kan  is  the  middle  point  of 
the  great  world  epoch  beginning  with  the  year  9  Ix.  At  the  end  of 
the  same  section,  91  days,  or  a  quarter  of  a  year  later,  lower  half  of 
page  69,  this  glyph  appears  again.  But  what  it  may  mean  above 
on  the  same  page,  likewise  at  the  end  of  91  days,  w^here  it  is  connected 
with  the  ordinary  sign  of  the  owl  (death  bird)  we  must  leave  quite 
undecided.  This  section,  which  I  have  discussed  more  fully  in  the 
Zeitschrift  fiir  Ethnologic,  1891,  presents  special  difficulties.  Finally, 
in  the  last  example  offered  by  our  manuscript,  page  73,  in  the  middle, 
our  glyph  stands  directly  under  the  sign  of  the  death  god  A  in  the 
twentieth  member  of  a  series,  each  member  of  wdiich  denotes  13  days ; 
that  is,  after  13X20  days,  just  a  tonalamatl  from  the  beginning  of  the 
year. 

So  much  we  know  concerning  the  different  circumstances  under 
which  this  glyph  appears  in  the  Dresden  codex,  and  yet  we  have 
hardly  formed  an  opiniojj  concerning  its  meaning,  to  find  which  must 


FORSTEMANN.] 


THE  MAYA  GLYPHS 


513 


be  our  chief  object.  We  can  only  make  the  negative  assertion  that  it 
can  not  possibly  denote  a  particular  cleit}^,  a  particular  sacrifice,  or  a 
particular  period.  Almost  the  only  other  supposition  is  that  it  must 
denote  a  particular  ceremony.  Was  it,  perhaps,  the  sprinkling  three 
times  with  the  aspergill  ?  Or  are  we  to  think  of  the  three  steps  which 
the  priests  had  to  take  ?  The  chief  part  of  the  glyph  is  the  day  sign 
Oc,  which,  to  be  sure,  means  the  foot,  therefore,  perhaps,  also  a  step. 
Some  one  once  suggested  a  "  third  order  of  priests  ",  of  which,  how- 
ever, nothing  has  ever  been  known.  In  any  event,  this  communication 
will  supply  acceptable  material  for  the  final  solution  of  the  question. 
7238—  No.  28—05  33 


THE  CENTRAL  AMERICAN  CALENDAR 

BY 

E.  FORSTEMANlSr 


515 


THE  CENTRAL  AMERICAN  CALENDAR" 


By  E.  Forstemann 


Dr  Daniel  G.  Brinton,  professor  of  American  archeology  and 
philology  in  the  University  of  Pennsylvania,  besides  making  many 
investigations  in  other  directions,  has  since  the  year  1869  furnished 
numerous  valuable  contributions  to  his  special  branch  of  the  science. 
Among  these  is  his  recent  booli  The  Native  Calendar  of  Central 
America  and  Mexico  (Philadelphia,  1893).  This  calendar  is  in 
every  essential  point  identical  in  the  territory  of  the  Nahuas  in  the 
valley  of  Mexico  and  in  Guatemala  and  Nicaragua,  among  the  Mayas 
of  Yucatan  and  their  kindred  in  Chiapas  and  the  surrounding  region, 
hence  among  tribes  which  are  linguistically  unrelated.  The  chief 
feature  of  this  book  of  Brinton's  is  an  investigation  of  the  names 
which  in  very  different  ways  have  been  given  by  these  peoples  to  the 
20  single  days  and  to  the  18-day  and  20-day  periods  of  the  year, 
erroneously  called  months.  Certainly,  no  one  is  able  to  carry  out 
a  linguistic  investigation  of  this  kind  more  thoroughly  than  Doctor 
Brinton,  since  he  has  access  to  numerous  manuscript  vocabularies 
of  the  language,  some  of  them  in  the  library  of  the  American  Philo- 
sophical Society  and  others  in  his  own  possession.  With  the  aid 
of  these,  he  seeks  in  this  book  to  determine  the  fundamental  mean- 
ing of  the  diiferent  words  by  which  a  certain  day  is  designated ;  with 
the  so-called  months  no  such  agreement  is  found.  This  meaning  can 
always  be  found  in  the  living  forms  of  transmitted  speech  in  Nahuatl, 
while  in  Maya,  Tzental,  Kiche,  Cakchikel,  and  in  the  Zapotec  these 
words  mostly  have  an  archaic  character,  which  points  to  a  greater 
antiquity  of  the  calendar  than  it  has  in  Nahuatl  and  naturally  leaves 
room  for  much  doubt.  Now,  it  seems  as  if  this  investigation  might 
be  materially  aided  by  the  study  of  the  appertaining  glyphs,  but  Doc- 
tor Brinton  does  not  admit  this,  for,  according  to  his  view,  the  glyphs 
have  nothing  whatever  to  do  with  the  meaning  of  the  word,  but  only 
Avith  the  sound,  as  if  we  Avere  to  attempt  to  represent  the  English 
pronoun  "  I  by  an  eye  or  the  word  matron  "  by  a  mat  and  a  per- 
son running.  I  do  not  den}^  such  a  process,  but  accept  it  in  the  cases 
where  an  old  day  name  has  vanished  from  the  living  language;  thus, 

"  Zum  mittelamerikanishchen  Kalender,  Globus,  1894,  v.  65,  p.  20. 

517 


518 


BUKEAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


for  example,  the  first  day  is  called  in  Nahiiatl  Cipactli,  undoubtedly  a 
kind  of  fish.  Imix,  or  Imox,  in  the  Maya  language  must  have  had 
the  same  meaning,  although  the  glyph  seems  to  me  to  indicate  the 
female  breast  ("  im  breast,  and  "  ix  feminine  suffix) .  Does  it,  how- 
ever, necessarily  follow  that  the  meaning  was  always  so  forgotten? 
The  Maya  glyphs  for  Chicchan,  Cimi,  Ezanab,  for  example,  indicate 
clearty  enough  the  serj^ent's  skin,  the  death's-head,  and  the  stone  lance 
point.  However,  without  this  aid  of  the  glyphs,  Brinton  has  dis- 
covered much  that  is  new  and  important,  and  it  is  only  in  consequence 
of  the  brief  space  allotted  me  that  I  am  obliged  to  deny  myself  the 
pleasure  of  discussing  it  more  in  detail.  Nor  can  I  touch  upon  his 
subtle  observations  concerning  the  so-called  month  names.  But  let 
me  remark  here  that  a  study  of  the  glyphs  would  lead  to  and  establish 


m 


n 


P 


u 


w  X  .   y  z 

Fig.  112.    Day  signs  from  the  Maya  codices. 


aa 


many  things.  For  example,  that  the  sixth  month,  Xul,  actually 
means  "  end  ''  is  directly  proved  by  the  instances  in  which  its  glyph 
stands  at  the  end  of  long  periods  of  time,  as  it  does  seven  times 
among  the  calendar  dates  discovered  by  me  in  the  Dresden  manu- 
script, page  61  to  the  bottom  of  page  62.  and  in  many  other  places. 
Moreover,  it  is  remarkable  that  there  have  been  no  names  handed 
down  to  us  for  the  actual  lunar  months,  which  must  have  been  very 
Avell  known  to  these  tribes,- as  I  have  shown  in  volume  63,  number  2, 
of  this  journal.  Still  I  think  that  I  have  now  found  at  least  the 
glyphs  for  these  months  in  the  twelve  or  more  different  signs,  com- 
mon to  both  the  manuscripts  and  the  inscriptions,  having  affixed 
above  them  a  combination  of  the  day  signs  Ben  and  Ik  («,  figure 
112),  Ben  being  separated  from  the  second  Ik  following  it  by  29 


FORSTEMANN.] 


CENTRAL  AMERICAN  CALENDAR 


519 


days.  In  the  practical  calendar  the  inconvenient  number  29  conhl  not 
well  be  used,  but  only  the  convenient  divisor  -2^  (28Xl'^  =  '^<)-t).  On 
pages  6  and  7  Brinton  also  touches  on  this  division  of  the  year,  on 
which,  I  am  sorry  to  say,  I  must  not  permit  myself  here  to  dwell. 
1  am  also  forced  to  leave  the  last  chapters  of  his  book,  The  sym- 
bolism of  the  day  names  "  and  "  Greneral  symbolic  significance  of  the 
calendar without  any  discussion  whatever,  especially  as  I  am 
unable  to  follow  the  author  in  his  lofty  flights.  (For  the  twenty  day 
glyphs  see  g  to  aa,  figure  112.) 


THE  PLEIADES  AMONG  THE  MAYAS 

BY 


521 


THE  PLEIADES  AMONG  THE  MAYAS" 


By  E.  Forstemann 


In  volume  64,  number  22,  of  this  journal,  the  editor  published  an 
article.  Die  Plejaden  im  Mythus  und  in  ihrer  Beziehung  zum  Jah- 
resbeginn  und  Landbau,  in  which  he  sets  forth  the  importance  of 
this  constellation  in  the  life  of  widely  different  peoples.  This  article 
inspired  me  to  write  down  some  thoughts  which  have  long  been  in  my 
mind  concerning  the  Maya  tribes  of  Central  America;  that  is,  con- 
cerning the  acme  of  all  American  civilization. 

Peter  Martj^r,  in  his  book  entitled  De  nuper  sub  D.  Carolo  repertis 
insulis  Basilea^,  1521,  page  34,  says  of  the  tribes  living  in  and  about 
Mexico:  Annum  ab  occasu  eliaco  vergiliarum  incipiunt  et  mensibus 
claudunt  lunaribus.  This  refers  to  a  new  year's  day  which  comes  in 
May,  as  is  recorded  of  the  Chiapanecs  in  Chiapas,  differing  widely 
from  the  Maya  year  as  we  know  it,  which  begins  on  the  16th  of  July. 
It  refers  also  to  the  fact  that  the  year  is  not  divided  into  the  well- 
known  20-day  periods,  but  into  13  actual  lunar  months.  28  days 
long  [?],  as  I  have  already  assumed  in  volume  65,  number  1,  of  this 
journal.  At  present  I  shall  express  no  opinion  regarding  the  relative 
antiquity  of  the  two  calendars  or  regarding  the  spread  of  each  among 
the  different  tribes  or  the  probability  that  they  may  have  existed  side 
by  side. 

Now.  the  period  of  about  40  days  during  which  the  Pleiades  dis- 
appear must  coincide  for  the  greater  part  Avith  the  fifteenth  of  the  18 
20-day  periods  of  the  Maya,  the  so-called  Moan  month,  from  the  22d 
of  April  to  the  12th  of  May.  This  month  is  designated  hieroglyph- 
ically  by  the  head  of  an  unknown,  probably  mythical,  bird  (6,  figure 
112).  The  signs  c  and  d  also  occur,  apparently  having  the  same 
meaning,  and  of  these  the  second  may  indicate  a  bird's  wing,  raised 
up,  while  the  first  perhaps  shows  the  intersecting  paths  of  two 
heavenly  bodies. 

The  editor  has  shown  in  the  essay  referred  to  above  that  with  dif- 
ferent peoples  the  Pleiades  are  designated  by  a  bird  or  even  a  flock  of 


«  Die  Plejaden  bei  den  Mayas,  Globus,  1894,  v.  65,  p.  246. 

523 


524 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


birds.  But  with  the  Mayas  these  pictures  display  an  attribute  which 
furnishes  a  striking  argument  in  favor  of  a  connection  between  the 
Moan  head  and  the  Pleiades.  It  is  the  numeral  13  {e,  figure  112), 
and  rarely  any  other,  which  is  placed  before  the  signs  in  question. 
We  see  it  thus  accompanying  tlie  Moan  head  in  the  Dresden  manu- 
script, pages  8b,  10c,  18b,  and  the  second  sign  in  pages  Tc,  10a,  12a, 
etc.  I  think  this  can  only  mean  that  there  is  no  reference  here  to 
the  20-day  period  Moan,  or  to  a  deity  belonging  to  it,  but  to  the 
thirteenth  (last)  lunar  month  of  the  year. 

This  view  is  supported  by  evidence  from  still  another  direction. 
Pax,  as  the  sixteenth  period,  follows  the  20-day  period  Moan.  Others 
may  have  already  observed  that  the  sign  of  this  period  (/,  figure  112) 
is  the  same  as  the  sign  for  the  year  of  360  days.  This  sign  and  its 
unmistakable  variants  are  common  to  both  manuscripts  and  inscrip- 
tions. It  has  long  been  thought  that  they  stood  for  the  stone  (tun) 
which  was  set  up  at  the  confines  of  the  villages  at  the  beginning  of 
the  new^  year;  for  example,  in  the  Dresden  codex,  pages  25  and  28. 
I  see  in  the  two  broad,  vertical  ?;tripes  a  reference  to  the  columns  of 
glyphs  which  always  cover  the  monuments  of  the  Maya  in  pairs. 
Where  two  fishes  (as  happens  sometimes  on  the  stone  monuments) 
or  at  least  two  fins  (as  is  sometimes  the  case  in  the  inscriptions  and 
always  in  the  manuscripts)  are  portrayed  above  this  year  sign,  the 
sign  means  20X360  —  7,200  days,  as  I  pointed  out  some  time  ago  in 
the  Zeitsclirift  fiir  Ethnologic,  1891,  pages  141  to  153. 

According  to  Perez's  dictionary,  cay  means  "  fish  "  in  the  Maya 
language.    Thus  a  fish  placed  upon  a  stone  might  be  read  caytun. 
Can  this  be  an  approximate  representation  of  the  word  "  katun 
which,  it  is  well  knoAvn,  was  used  to  designate  periods  of  time  (vary- 
ing probably  at  different  times  and  in  different  parts  of  the  country)  ? 

Thus  Pax  proves  to  be  that  period  whicli,  after  the  reappearance 
of  the  Pleiades,  or  probably  a  little  sooner,  begins  the  year  of  13 
months,  the  previous  one  having  ended  with  Moan.  Therefore,  at  the 
time  when  the  20-da3^  periods  were  introduced  Moan  and  Pax, 
belonging  to  an  earlier  period  of  time,  seem  to  have  been  retained 
to  mark  the  former  new  year,  while  for  others  a  few  new  signs  at 
least  had  to  be  created. 

Proceeding  from  the  present  communication,  further  research 
must  not  lose  sight  of  two  important  points:  (1)  The  meaning  of 
the  signs  of  the  20-day  periods  and  their  probable  reference  to  con- 
stellations; (2)  the  cases  where  certain  glyphs  lacking  calendar  dates 
are  combined  with  preceding  numbers. 

At  all  events  the  number  of  Ma3^a  glyphs  whose  meaning  is  becom- 
ing clear  to  us  is  increasing  constanth^  It  is  true,  however,  that  avc 
liave  not  progressed  as  far  with  the  inscriptions  as  with  the  manu- 
scripts. 


CENTRAL  AMERICAN  TONALAMATL 

BY 

E.  FORSTEMANN 


525 


CENTRAL  AMERICAN  TONALAMATL" 


By  E.  Forstemann 


One  of  the  most  important  devices  common  to  both  the  Aztecs  and 
the  Mayas,  thus  doubtless  a  conmion  possession  of  all  Central  America, 
IS  unquestionably  the  tonalamatl,  that  260-day  period  in  Avhich  the 
13  week  days  are  repeated  twenty  times ;  but  these  two  peoples  differ 
widely  in  the  manner  of  representing  this  period  of  time.  The  Aztecs 
mechanically  copied  the  pictures  of  the  20  days  in  the  order  of  their 
succession  in  constant  repetition,  designating  the  position  of  every 
day  in  the  13-day  week  by  a  number,  and  finally  adding  the  represen- 
tations of  the  deities  dominating  the  days  and  the  weeks.  To  cite 
only  one  example,  it  is  thus  we  see  it  in  the  Tonalamatl  of  Aubin,  on 
which  Doctor  Seler  has  contributed  an  unusually  full  report  in  the 
Compte  rendu  of  the  Berlin  Americanist  Congress  of  1888. 

The  Mayas,  to  whom  I  shall  confine  myself  here,  proceeded  very 
differently.  They  first  divided  the  tonalamatl  into  quarters,  fifths, 
or  tenths;  that  is,  into  periods  of  five,  four,  or  two  weeks  each,  or 
65,  52,  or  26  days.  They  represented  the  first  day  only  in  every  divi- 
sion with  its  sign,  and  these  stand  off',  one  below  the  other,  thus 
requiring  for  the  whole  tonalamatl  only  four,  five,  or  ten  signs. 
Above  these  a  number  sign  indicates  once  for  all  the  place  in  the 
week  occupied  by  these  days.  Furthermore,  not  the  whole  tonala- 
matl, but  only  the  first  of  its  divisions  of  65,  52,  or  26  days,  was  divided 
into  a  number  of  equal  or  unequal  parts,  which  were  separated  from 
each  other  by  days  on  which  apparently  some  particular  business  was 
performed  or  particular  feasts  were  celebrated.  These  events  are 
explained  by  pictures  and  glyphs.  We  are  justified  in  supposing 
that  the  other  parts  of  the  tonalamatl  were  regarded  as  divided  in 
exactly  the  same  way  as  the  manuscripts  show  the  first  part  to  be 
divided. 

It  might  not  seem  necessary  to  express  myself  otherwise  than  briefly 
here,  as  I  have  already  treated  the  subject  in  my  Erlauterungen 
treating  of  the  Dresden  manuscript  in  1886,  and  Mr  Cyrus  Thomas 
has  discussed  it  still  more  thoroughly  in  his  Aids  to  the  Study  of  the 
Maya  Codices  in  1888,  but  the  accumulation  of  material  since  that 


«  Das  mittelamerikanische  Tonalamatl,  Globus,  1895,  v.  67,  n.  18,  pp.  283-285. 

527 


528 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


time  and  the  rate  at  which  knowledge  of  the  subject  has  in  the  mean- 
time progressed  emphatically  demand  a  fresh  exposition. 

The  matter  is  the  more  important  because  a  large  part  of  the  sur- 
face of  the  manuscripts  is  covered  with  tonal amatls  of  this  kind.  To 
be  sure,  in  those  sorry  remains  which  we  call  Codex  Peresianus  I  find 
in  one  place  only  (page  17)  a  tonalamatl,  of  five  parts,  which  seems 
to  begin  with  the  day  VII  7.  The  Dresden  codex,  however,  abounds 
in  such  examples,  since  it  contains  in  its  first  part  (not  in  the  second, 
which  is  more  astronomic)  not  fewer  than  about  70  of  these  tonal- 
amatls.  Their  nimiber  can  not  be  determined  with  perfect  accu- 
racy on  account  of  the  destruction  of  certain  passages,  the  careless- 
ness of  the  scribe,  and  other  causes  of  uncertainty.  Codex  Troano- 
Cortesianus,  however,  is  richest  in  tonalamatls;  all  its  parts  indeed 
abound  in  them.    It  presents  not  fewer  than  about  223  examples. 

In  order  that  this  matter  may  not  be  too  difficult  for  the  compre- 
hension of  the  reader,  I  will  here  give  examples,  taken  from  Codex 
Troano-Cortesianus,  of  the  three  kinds  mentioned  above : 

1.  Codex  Cortesianus,  pages  10b  to  lib,  tonalamatl  of  four  parts : 

XIII  9  IX  9  V  10  II  r>  VIII  2  X  10  VII  5  XII  7  VI  7  XIII 
19 

4 

9 
14 

2.  Cortesiaii  codex,  page  17a,  tonalamatl  of  five  parts: 
,  I  11  XII  12  XI  8  VI  13  VI  8  I 

17 

9 

1 
13 

5 

3.  Troano  codex,  page  33b,  tonalamatl  of  ten  parts : 

IV  11  TI  G  VIII  3  XI  6  IV 

8  18 
14  4 
20  10 

6  16 
12  2 

The  Roman  numeral  in  the  left-hand  upper  corner  indicates  the 
week  day  with  which  the  tonalamatl  begins;  the  Roman  numerals  at 
the  right  of  it  indicate  the  week  days  with  which  the  different  parts 
begin;  the  last  week  day  (XIII,  I,  IV)  must  always  be  like  the  first, 
as  the  number  of  days  is  always  divisible  by  13  without  remainder. 
The  length  of  the  different  j^eriods  is  shown  by  the  Arabic  numerals, 
and  the  sum  of  these  must  therefore  be  65,  52,  and  26.  The  vertical 
row  of  numbers  on  the  left  gives  the  so-called  month  days,  reckoned 
from  the  day  Kan.  Whoever  counts  from  Imix  must  set  down  1,  2, 
nnd  3,  instead  of  18,  19,  and  20,  respectively,  and  increase  the  other 
numbers  by  3.   These  days,  in  the  three  examples,  are  actually  sepa- 


FORSTKMANN.] 


CENTRAL  AMERICAN  TONALAMATL 


529 


rated  by  5,  12,  and  6,  but  relatively  by  65,  52,  and  26,  since  the  week 
day  indicated  above  them  in  always  included.  Plowever,  I  have 
explained  this  somewhat  at  length  in  my  Erlauterungen. 

The  three  kinds  mentioned  include  the  entire  number  of  tonala- 
matls  contained  in  the  manuscripts,  with  the  exception  of  a  few 
anomalous  examples,  and  it  is  quite  worth  while  to  learn  in  what  pro- 
portion the  three  kinds  occur  in  the  two  manuscripts. 

Dresden  Troano-Cortesianus 

Tonalamatl  of  four  parts   12  44 

Tonalamatl  of  five  parts   43  132 

Tonalamatl  of  ten  parts   8  40 

63  216 

Both  manuscripts,  otherwise  differing  so  greatly  from  one  another, 
agree  in  this,  that  the  division  is  by  far  the  most  frequent  into  peri- 
ods of  52  days,  into  those  of  65  days  less  so,  and  into  those  of  26  days 
least  frequent  of  all.  Indeed,  the  ratio  of  the  tonalamatls  of  five 
parts  to  the  entire  number  is  surprisingly  alike  in  both  manuscripts : 
in  the  Dresden  codex,  1  to  1.5 ;  in  Codex  Troano-Cortesianus,  1  to  1.6. 
It  is  more  a  matter  of  chance  with  the  other  two  kinds,  owing  to  the 
smallness  of  the  numbers;  nevertheless  the  figures  expressing  the 
ratio  of  the  periods  of  four  parts  do  not  differ  very  greatly:  in  the 
Dresden  codex,  1 :  5.2 ;  in  Codex  Troano-Cortesianus,  1 :  4.9.  Who 
Avill  be  the  one  to  discover  the  reason  for  this  wonderful  similarity  ? 

But  there  are  still  other  remarkable  coincidences  observed.  While 
we  have  just  seen  that  the  division  of  only  the  first  quarter,  fifth,  or 
tenth  of  the  tonalamatl  is  carried  out  in  detail,  and  it  is  left  to  the 
reader  to  apply  this  arrangement  to  the  other  sections,  in  isolated 
cases  a  tonalamatl  of  four  parts  (and  only  such  a  one)  shows  uniform 
treatment  throughout.  The  Dresden  codex  offers  three  examples  of 
this : 

1.  On  each  of  the  four  pages  31b  to  34b  46  days  are  separated  into 
periods  of  9,  9,  9,  2,  4,  9,  and  4  days,  and  19  days  are  designated  as  the 
distance  of  each  one  of  these  groups  from  the  next;  thus,  260=4 
(19+46). 

2.  On  pages  33c  to  39c  the  division  into  9,  11,  20,  10,  and  15=65 
days  occurs  four  times  in  succession  with  great  uniformity  of  detail; 
thus,  260=4  (9+11+20+10+15). 

3.  On  pages  42c  to  45c  (the  end  of  the  first  division)  four  repeti- 
tions of  17+6X8—65  days  give  rise  in  each  case  to  a  sj^ecial  row  of 
glyphs  and  a  special  representation;  thus,  260=4  (17+6X8). 

I  can  quote  two  examples  from  Codex  Troano-Cortesianus,  which 
correspond  perfectly : 

1.  In  Codex  Cortesianus,  pages  13b  to  18b,  four  horizontal  rows, 
each  of  52  days,  follow  each  other  in  close  succession,  the  last  being 
7238— No.  28—05  34 


530 


BUKEAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


51  days  distant  from  the  first;  from  the  end  of  each  row  to  the 
beginning  of  the  following  one,  therefore  from  the  end  of  the  last 
to  the  beginning  of  the  first  as  well,  there  are  14  days;  thus,  260=4 
(51+14). 

2.  In  the  Troano  codex,  pages  3oc  to  32c,  is  another  example.  Four 
days  standing  in  a  vertical  row  are  repeated  four  times,  with  a  dis- 
tance of  20  days  betAveen  each  row  ;  that  is,  3X20—60.  From  the  last 
day  of  every  column  to  the  first  of  the  next,  therefore  from  the  end 
of  the  last  to  the  beginning  of  the  first,  there  are  5  days;  thus, 
4X-5=^20.    Consequently,  260:^4  (5+3X20). 

We  should  try  to  approach  the  secrets  which  lie  concealed  here  from 
every  side.  Unfortunately,  we  have  not  yet  passed  the  tentative 
stage.  There  is  lack  of  workers  in  this  comparatively  new  field,  in 
which  scarcely  a  dozen  men  are  seriously  laboring,  and  in  which  conse- 
quently each  individual  may  hope  for  a  comparatively  rich  harvest. 

If  Ave  next  inquire  Avhether  it  is  the  subject  of  the  particular  part  of 
the  manuscript  Avhich  influenced  the  choice  of  one  or  the  other  of  the 
three  kinds  of  tonalamatls,  the  answer  is  entirely  in  the  negative. 
Thus  all  three  kinds  occur  indiscriminately  in  the  portion  of  the 
Dresden  codex  pertaining  to  Avomen  (pages  13  to  23)^  They  appear 
in  the  same  Avay  in  the  other  manuscript,  in  the  section  relating  to 
household  economy  and  agriciQture  (Codex  Cortesianus,  page  19; 
Troano  codex,  page  24*),  in  that  relating  to  bee  culture  (Troano 
codex,  pages  9*  to  1*),  and,  finally,  in  that  relating  to  the  chase 
(Troano  codex,  pages  19  to  8),  although  it  is  a  striking  fact  that  in 
this  latter  passage  in  one  instance  (Troano  codex,  pages  12b  to  9c) 
six  of  the  unusual  tonalamatls  of  ten  parts  folloAv  each  other  in  close 
succession. 

If  the  question  is  put  Avhether  Ave  haA^e  gained  clearer  vieAvs  from 
the  diA'-ision  of  these  periods  of  65,  52,  and  26  days,  Ave  must  deny 
this  also ;  still  AA^e  must,  notAvithstanding  this,  continue  to  study  them, 
for  thcA^  may  yet  perhaps  lead  to  ncAV  conclusions.  It  is  note- 
Avorthy  that  there  are  in  the  Dresden  codex  13  and  in  Codex  Troano- 
Cortesianus  at  least  44  cases  (in  both  instances  from  a  sixth  to  a  fifth 
of  the  entire  number)  in  Avhich  the  single  parts  consist  only  of  periods 
of  13  or  of  26  or  of  39  days,  that  is,  of  undivided  Aveeks.  There  are 
some  A^ery  similar  cases  in  Codex  Troano-Cortesianus  (not  found  in 
the  Dresden  codex)  in  Avhich  each  Aveek  is  divided  into  two  unequal 
parts.  Thus  the  26  in  the  Troano  codex,  pages  9*c  to  8*c,  is  divided 
into  2  (7+6),  the  52  in  Codex  Cortesianus,  page  19a,  into  4  (7+6), 
and  page  30a  into  4  (8+5),  the  65  in  the  Troano  codex,  page  33*b, 
into  5  (8+5),  and  vice  versa,  page  3*b,  into  5  (5+8).  The  period  of 
two  weeks  is  even  divided  in  Codex  Cortesianus,  page  28b,  into  18+8, 
in  order  to  form  a  period  of  52  days. 


FORSTEMANN.] 


CENTRAL  AMERICAN  TONALAMATL 


531 


Contrariwise,  26,  52,  and  ()5  are  never  divided,  respectively,  into 
13  sections  of  2,  4,  and  5  days;  that  lias  unquestionably  l)een  avoided. 

Thus  it  is  doubtless  intentional,  not  accidental,  that  these  three 
periods  are  often  divided  into  the  greatest  number  of  equal  parts,  to 
which  one  or  tAvo  more  luiequal  parts  are  added  or  betw^een  which 
they  are  inserted  in  order  to  complete  the  sum.  I  here  give  the  cases 
which  have  come  to  my  knowledge : 

1.  26=4X4+10  (Troano  codex,  page  25*c)=^X5+(;  (Troano  codex, 
page  28*c)  =3x7+5  (Dresden  codex,  page  21b,  also  Troano  codex,  page 
23*d). 

2.  52=4X<>+28  (Troano  codex,  page  29*a)=8xC>+4  (Troano  codex, 
page  15*c)  =5X8+7+5  (Troano  codex,  page  24*d)  =5x9+7  (Dresden 
codex,  page  8c,  and  Troano  codex,  page  31*c)  =4x10+3+9  (Dresden 
codex,  i)age  40c)  =4x10+12  (Troano  codex,  page  8c)  =3X  11  +  10+9 
(Dresden  codex,  page  19c)  =4x11+8  (Troano  codex,  page  31b)  =4+6X8 
(Troano  codex,  page  23*b). 

3.  65=6x10+5  (Troano  codex,  page  35a)  =5x12+5  (Dresden  codex, 
page  23b)  =3x16+17  (Cortesian  codex,  page  20d). 

The  varieties  of  intentional  regularity  are  entirely  exhausted  by 
these  examples,  and  I  should  waste  space  if  I  w^ere  to  cite  more.  I 
will  onh'  add  one  from  the  Dresden  codex,  pages  4a  to  10a,  where  the 
period  of  52  days  is  divided  into  not  few  er  than  20  parts  of  from  1 
to  4  da3^s  each  without  an}^  intelligible  order.  All  these  20  parts  have 
a  common  superscription,  consisting  of  two  glyphs.  And,  besides, 
each  part  has  belonging  to  it  the  picture  of  a  god  and  a  glyph  closely 
connected  Avith  the  latter.  I  have  given  a  thorough  study  to  this  one 
tonalamatl  and  have  really  found  nuich  that  is  curious,  Avhich,  how- 
ever, is  not  yet  ready  for  publication. 

Let  us  now  attempt  to  approach  these  tonalamatls  from  a  third 
side,  proceeding  from  the  initial  days.  If  the  arrangement  here  Avere 
left  to  chance,  Ave  should,  on  an  average,  find  each  of  the  so-called 
month  days  in  one-tw^entieth  and  each  of  the  Aveek  days  in  one- 
thirteenth  of  all  the  cases.  But  this  does  not  accord  Avith  the  actual 
facts  in  tAvo  points  in  which  the  tAvo  manuscripts  agree  Avith  each 
other  in  a  very  remarkable  manner. 

(1)  Among  the  month  days  both  gixe  decided  prominence  to  the 
seventeenth  day  (Ahau,  "  lord  "),  Avhich  Avas  by  far  the  most  exalted 
day,  and  the  one  most  in  use  among  the  Mayas  and  also  the  beginning 
of  their  entire  computation  of  time.  Ahau  stands  14  times  at  the 
beginning  of  the  tonalamatl  in  the  Dresden  codex  and  59  times  in 
Codex  Troano-Cortesianus,  thus  in  betAveen  a  fourth  and  a  fifth  in- 
stead of  in  a  tAventieth  of  all  the  cases. 

(2)  Among  the  Aveek  days,  the  first  and  the  last,  I  and  XIII,  Avere 
greatly  preferred.  They  appear  in  the  Dresden  codex  9  and  11 
times;  in  Codex  Troano-Cortesianus  27  and  25  times,  respectively, 


532 


BUREAU   OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  118 


ainoiiiitiiig,  therefore,  in  the  former  to  about  one-third  and  in  the 
latter  to  about  one-fourth  of  all  the  cases,  instead  of  only  two- 
thirteenths.  I  can  further  add  that  the  day  IV  17  in  Codex  Troano- 
Cortesianus  stands  at  the  beginning  of  the  tonalamatl  about  24  times. 
Its  importance  is  not  so  plainly  shown  in  the  Dresden  codex  on 
account  of  the  smallness  of  the  number  (I  know  only  of  two  cases)  ; 
IV  17,  however,  is  the  day  from  wdiich  computation  of  time  begins. 
Codex  Troano-Cortesianus  (41  instances)  gives  to  IV  even  greater 
prominence  than  to  I  or  XIII. 

Apart  from  these  points,  the  week  days  and  month  days  in  both 
manuscripts  are  purely  the  result  of  chance  and  caprice. 

This  being  so,  w^e  arrive  first  at  two  negative  results: 

(1)  The  tonalamatls  of  the  Maya  manuscripts  do  not  immediately 
follow  one  another  like  months  and  years;  else  they  Avould  all  have 
to  begin  with  tlie  same  day,  which  would  ahvays  recur  after  260  days. 

(2)  Neither  can  the}^  have  a  fixed  place  in  the  year;  else  their  first 
days,  even  on  tlie  supposition  that  intercalary  days  were  inserted 
after  certain  periods,  would  easil}^  be  seen  to  follow  a  definite  rule. 
The  year,  or  at  least  the  exact  date  in  the  year,  would  also  occasion- 
ally be  stated,  but  as  yet  I  find  no  traces  of  this. 

I  have  a  special  reason  for  speaking  of  this  second  point,  since  the 
distinguished  and  untiring  worker  in  the  field  of  Aztec  research,  Mrs 
Zelia  Nuttall,  at  the  xVmericanist  Congress  held  last  year  at  Stock- 
holm, i:)resented  her  treatise  On  the  Ancient  Mexican  Calendar  Sys- 
tem, in  which  with  great  ingenuity  she  advances  the  view  that  w^ith 
the  Aztecs  the  tonalamatl  as  a  special  festal  season  occupied  the  mid- 
dle of  every  ^-ear  of  364  days,  which  was  preceded  and  followed  by 
four  weeks.  I  do  not  deny  that  the  Mayas  had  such  a  festal  season, 
but  the  tonalamatls  of  the  manuscripts  surely  have  nothing  whatever 
to  do  Avith  it. 

After  these  negations  let  us  ask  what  these  tonalamatls  really  are. 
I  can  only  arrive  at  the  following  hypothesis,  which  may  very  soon  be 
superseded  by  a  better  one :  The  tonalamatls  of  the  manuscript  are 
kinds  of  horoscopes  which  were  cast  by  the  priests  for  the  purpose 
of  foretelling  the  future  lives  of  persons,  classes,  or  tribes,  as  well  as 
future  political  events  or  natural  phenomena.  They  may  have  been 
so  employed  because  they  approximate  periods  of  pregnancy.  Natu- 
rally, they  had  constant  reference  to  the  mythologic  personages,  but 
had  no  connection  whatever  with  the  established  calendar. 

This  hypothesis  also  explains  the  fact  that  such  horoscopes  were 
occasionally  cast,  not  for  only  260  days,  but  for  multiples  of  this 
period.  I  believe  I  have  found  five  cases  of  this  in  the  Dresden 
codex.  I  give  them  here  in  a  table  showing  in  the  first  column  the 
place  in  the  manuscript,  in  the  second  the  distance  of  the  month 


FORSTEMANN.] 


CENTRAL  AMERICAN  TONALAMATL 


588 


days  from  each  other,  in  the  third  the  same  with  reference  to  the 
week  days,  and  in  the  fourth  the  entire  resuUing  period : 

Pages  22a  to  23a  19  39  20X  39=3X260 

Pages  30c  to  33c  17  117  20X117=9X260 

Page  32a  11  91  20X  91=7X260 

Pages  38b  to  41b  4  104  5X104=2X260 

Page  44b  18  78  20X  78=6X260 

In  addition,  tliere  is  the  somewhat  diti'erently  arranged  passage, 
pages  82a  to  89a,  wdiere  1()X  18=208  (hiys  are  given,  which  point  to 
10X208=8X^^^0.  I  have  ah'eady  discussed  three  of  these  six  pas- 
sages in  my  Erlauterungen,  pages  20  to  27. 

I  am  glad  to  be  able  to  add  to  this  table  tAvo  parallel  cases  from 
Codex  Troano-Cortesianus: 

Codex  Cortesianus,  page  10a  4  104  5X104=2X260 
Troano  codex,  pages  31c  to  30c  19     39    20 X  39=3X260 

The  reason  for  these  multiple  tonalamatls  is  obvious:  2G0  is  not 
divisible  without  remainder  by  89,  78,  91,  104,  and  117,  as  it  is  by  the 
numbers  mentioned  above,  20,  52,  and  65. 

In  addition  to  the  main  object  of  tliis  article,  T  desire  to  point  out 
for  the  first  time  thixt  the  two  highest  intellectual  productions  of  the 
AVestern  Hemisphere,  so  far  as  Ave  now  know,  the  Dresden  and  the 
Madrid  manuscripts,  with  all  their  points  of  difference,  show  very 
surprising  similarities,  Avhich  prove  them  to  be  much  more  nearly 
related  than  has  been  hitherto  supposed.  It  is  unnecessary  to  discuss 
here  the  tonalamatl  in  Codex  Cortesianus,  pages  81  to  89,  where  it  is 
completely  written  out  with  all  the  200  days. 


RECENT  MAYA  INVESTIGATIONS 

BY 

^.  FORSTEMAlSriSr 


535 


RECENT  MAYA  INVESTIGATIONS" 


By  E.  Forstemann 


A  bibliography  of  a  science  is  the  boundary  mark  in  its  history, 
and  such  a  boundary  mark  has  now  been  set  for  Maya  investigation. 
The  Centralblatt  fiir  Bibliothekswesen,  in  the  last  number  for  1895, 
contains  an  article  by  my  former  colleague.  Prof  K.  Haebler,  Die 
Maya  Literatur  und  der  Maya  Apparat  zu  Dresden.  What  I  wrote 
on  the  same  subject,  in  an  article  contributed  in  1(S85  to  the  same 
journal,  has  here  been  innnensely  expanded  in  accordance  with  the 
surprising  activity  evinced  in  this  brancli  of  science  in  recent  years. 
No  one  has  greater  cause  to  rejoice  than  I  that  the  Dresden  Library, 
since  my  retirement  from  it,  continues  to  take  an  interest  in  the  work 
of  this  department,  as  becomes  the  custodian  of  the  most  important 
manuscript  in  Maj^a  literature.  From  400  to  500  books,  treatises,  and 
notices,  some  from  quite  obscure  American  journals,  have  been 
recorded  there  by  Doctor  Haebler,  with  extraordinary  labor  and  the 
greatest  care.  Thus  this  literature  has  been  rescued  from  the  deplor- 
ably scattered  condition  which  characterized  it,  owing  to  the  fact 
that  the  book  market  supports  no  special  journal  for  Maya  literature, 
nor  even  one  for  Central  American  research  in  general.  It  is  a 
matter  of  course  that  absolute  completeness  and  perfect  accuracy  are 
unattainable,  and  for  tliis  reason  1  am  glad  to  be  able  to  announce 
that  Mr  Marshall  H.  Saville,  of  New  York,  whom  we  have  recog- 
nized as  an  earnest  Avorker  in  this  field  since  1892,  is  just  now  occu- 
pied with  a  Maya  bibliograph}^,  Avhich  we  shall  rejoice  to  see  placed 
side  by  side  Avith  the  German  one,  and  Avhich  aa  ill  certainly  add  much 
that  is  ncAV  to  the  material  already  in  our  possession. 

We,  too,  haA^e  neAv  and  important  matter  to  record,  Avhich  has 

appeared  since  the  German  bibliographer  issued  his  treatise.  The 

fourth  volume  of  the  Veroffentlichungen  aus  dem  Koniglichen 

Museum  fiir  Volkerkunde,  issued  in  1895,  contains  two  valuable 

treatises  in  close  succession,  namely,  on  pages  13  to  20,  "Altindianische 

Ansiedelungen  in  Guatemala    by  Karl  Sapper,  and  on  pages  21  to  53, 

 •  

«  Neue  Mayaforschungen,  Globus,  v.  70,  n.  3,  1896. 

537 


538 


BUREAU  OP  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


"Altertiimer  aiis  Guatemala  by  Ediiard  Seler.  The  names  of  these 
two  German  investigators,  Sapper  and  Seler,  who  are  both  entitled 
to  a  hearing  by  virtue  of  long  or  frequent  sojourns  in  the  country  of 
Avhich  they  write,  and  who  have  given  us  most  valuable  results  from 
their  serious  researches,  are  guarantees  that  the  two  i:)apers  contain 
welcome  information.  We  ma}^  undoubtedly  expect  further  com- 
munications in  this  particular  field  from  Mr  Seler  in  the  near 
future,  for  on  Februarj^  9,  1896,  he  writes  from  Tonala,  in  Mexico, 
to  the  Geographical  Society  in  Berlin  that  he  is  on  the  point  of  going 
to  Guatemala. 

Furthermore,  the  long-delayed  appearance  of  the  fifth  part,  text 
as  Avell  as  illustrations,  of  the  "Archaeology  "  of  A.  P.  Maudslay, 
which,  oddly  enough,  foi'ms  a  part  of  tlie  Biologia  Centrali-Ameri- 
cana,  or  Contributions  to  the  Knowledge  of  the  Fauna  and  Flora  of 
Mexico  and  Central  America,  is  very  gratifying.  Maudslay  confines 
himself  in  the  text,  as  he  has  done  before,  chiefly  to  the  story  of  his 
investigations  and  the  description  of  the  structures  which  have 
been  found.  Mythology  and  the  study  of  inscriptions  are  not  so 
much  in  his  province,  and  yet  both  departments  can  derive  great 
benefit  from  the  admirable  illustrations.  While  the  earlier  parts 
w^ere  chiefly  concerned  with  Copan  and  Quirigua,  that  is,  with  the 
region  inland  from  the  Gulf  of  Honduras,  this  fifth  part  carries  us 
some  6°  farther  north  and  treats  of  the  extensive  ruins  of  Chichen- 
Itza,  Avhicli  have  not  been  described  for  nearly  two  decades,  and  only 
very  meagerly  before  that  time.  From  my  point  of  view  it  is  espe- 
cially important  and  gratifying  that  these  ruins  also  show  a  consid- 
erable number  of  inscriptions  which,  as  a  rule,  rarely  occur  north  of 
18°  north  latitude,  Avhereas  Chichen-Itza  lies  2^°  farther  north.  I 
will  here  mention  w^hat  seems  to  me  a  very  interesting  as  well  as 
important  point. 

While  the  Aztecs  indicate  the  number  5  only  by  five  small  discon- 
nected circles,  the  Maya  represent  it  by  a  straight  line ;  thus  the  latter 
obtain  tw^o  number  signs,  the  point  or  circle  and  the  line.  In  this  way 
only  is  it  possible  for  them  to  represent  large  numbers  with  so  much 
ease,  which  the  Aztecs  could  never  succeed  in  doing  with  their  circles 
and  their  signs  for  20,  400,  and  8,000.  I  had  hitherto  been  familiar 
with  this  line  for  5  only  in  the  Maya  manuscripts,  in  all  of  which  it  is 
very  common,  also  in  the  inscriptions  of  the  ruins  and  vessels  of 
Palenque,  Coban,  Quirigua,  and  Copan,  and  finally  in  the  wooden 
tablets  of  Tikal,  but  not  in  anything  coming  from  Uxmal  or  Labna  in 
the  north  of  Yucatan.  Hence,  all  the  more  eagerly  I  hailed  the  pres- 
ence of  this  sign  in  Chichen-Itza,  wdiere  it  occurs  very  often. 

The  familiar  Ben-Ik  sfgn  occurring  often  in  manuscripts  and 
inscriptions,  for  w^hich  I  proposed  an  interpretation  in  the  Globus, 


fOrstemann.] 


RECENT  MAYA  INVESTIGATIONS 


539 


volume  G5,  number  20,  is  also  frequently  met  with  here.  It  even 
occurs  in  connection  with  ahau,  with  which  it  is  otherwise  rarely  seen. 
We  likewise  see  here  the  frequent  glyphs  kan,  ahau,  imix,  kin,  and 
others,  in  their  usual  and  easily  recognizable  form. 

The  frequently  occurring  day  glyph  Manik  is  worthy  of  note  here. 
According  to  Mr  Seler  it  represents  a  hand  grasping  upward,  which 
is  distinctly  corroborated  by  the  inscriptions  of  Chichen-ltza,  for  they 
reproduce  the  liand  very  clearly,  even  with  the  thumb  nail  and  that 
of  the  forefinger  (it  is  to  be  hoped  that  the  illustrations  do  not  give 
more  than  the  originals).  I  now  also  understand  the  Maya  sign  for 
the  west,  which  I  no  longer  take  for  the  sign  of  the  east,  as  I  did  in 
1886.  Manik  with  kin  represented  below  it  shows  how  the  sun  has 
descended  from  above.  Reversed,  kin  with  Ahau  above,  it  means 
the  east,  the  beginning  of  the  dominant  sun.  The  south  is  similarly 
symbolized  by  the  sign  yax  ("  strength  ")  with  the  scales  above  it, 
Avhile  the  north  is  represented  by  the  polar  star,  god  C.  But  what  can 
be  meant  w^here  the  day  Manik  on  the  upper  part  of  plate  xii  is  com- 
bined three  times  with  an  8?  Does  it  signify  an  eighth  day  of  the 
week?  A  similar  question  arises  from  the  fact  that  Ave  see  the  num- 
ber 11  combined  with  the  sign  Avhich  indicates  either  the  day  Cauac 
or  one  of  the  three  months  Yax,  Zac,  and  Ceh,  for  the  four  cases  are 
all  characterized  by  the  symbol  resembling  a  bunch  of  grapes 
(honey?).  The  combination  of  11  (Zac  is  the  elev^enth  month)  with 
this  glyph  appears  on  the  two  plates  xii  and  xix.  Curiously  enough 
the  sign  Ahau  with  Ben-Ik  above  it  follows  it  in  both  cases. 

Unfortunately,  in  Chichen-ltza  the  stelaB  seem  to  be  as  completely 
lacking  as  Maudslay  has  reported  them  numerous  in  Copan  and  Qui- 
rigua ;  for  that  reason  the  interesting  exact  dates  which  are  expressed 
by  means  of  large  numbers  are  also  Avanting  here,  I  have  likewise 
been  unable  to  find  an  example  of  the  usual  calendar  dates,  Avhich 
consist  of  two  numbers  and  tAvo  glyphs,  and  Avhich  are  found  not  only 
in  the  manuscripts,  but  are  very  numerous  elsewhere;  for  example, 
on  the  Cross  of  Palenque. 

With  this  we  leave  the  Avork  of  Maudslay,  with  the  hope  that  he 
may  vigorously  prosecute  his  researches,  and  also  that  his  Avoi'k  may 
come  into  more  extended  use  than  has  hitherto  been  the  case. 

I  must  now  mention  the  Verhandlungen  der  Berliner  Gesellschaft 
fiir  Anthropologic,  of  the  regular  session  of  December  21, 1895.  Here 
my  friend  Doctor  Schellhas,  as  he  has  done  before  more  than  once,  pre- 
sents three  essays  by  our  mutual  friend  Dieseldortf  at  Coban  (Guate- 
mala) :  (1)  A  Relief  from  Chipolem,  (2)  Cukulcan,  and  (3)  The  Vase 
of  Chama.  The  three  essays  all  show  how  successfully  Mr  Diesel- 
dorff  continues  to  conduct  his  researches  and  how  satisfactorily  the 
material  at  his  command  has  increased  (as  well  as  the  scientific  col- 


540 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


lections).  I  shall  pass  over  the  difficult  and  much  discussed  Cukulcan 
question,  which  has  been  touched  upon  in  both  the  first  and  third 
essays,  for  I  do  not  like  to  A^enture  upon  mythologic  ground. 

In  reference  to  the  Vase  of  Chama,  both  Seler  and  Dieseldorti'  have 
taken  exceptions  to  my  attempted  explanation  of  it,  and  in  this  they 
may  not  be  wholly  wrong.  But  it  is  never  safe  to  attack  certain 
details,  if  other  details  which,  in  connection  with  the  former,  both 
pictorially  and  in  writing,  tend  to  establish  the  general  fundamenl.d 
idea  of  the  representation  are  passed  over  in  silence. 

While  writing  this  I  have  received  from  Mr  Philipp  J.  J.  Valen- 
tin!, of  New  York,  the  second  part  of  his  ''Analysis  of  the  Pictorial 
Text  Inscribed  on  Two  Palenque  Tablets  ",  reprinted  from  the  Pro- 
ceedings of  the  American  Antiquarian  Societ}^,  Worcester,  Mass., 
1896.  The  author,  Avhom  since  1878  we  have  esteemed  as  an  earnest 
investigator  in  this  field,  continues  to  discuss  the  two  sides  of  the 
inscription  on  the  so-called  cross  monument.  He  offers  many  obser- 
vations, which  certainly  contain  much  of  lasting  worth,  from  the 
store  of  knowledge  gathered  chiefly  during  his  long  stay  in  the  states 
of  Central  America.  But  it  is  all  the  more  to  })e  regretted  that,  con- 
trary to  the  method  prevailing  on  almost  all  Maya  monuments,  he 
persists  in  reading  every  column  separately  from  top  to  bottom, 
instead  of  always  taking  two  columns  together.  Consequently,  his 
conception  of  many  of  the  details,  as  well  as  of  the  whole,  is  incorrect. 
It  is  necessary  to  become  cognizant  of  the  whole  framework  of  this 
inscription,  Avhich  consists  of  a  number  of  calendar  dates,  with  their 
intervals  stated  in  numbers.  Only  then  Avill  it  be  possible  to  recog- 
nize more  clearly  the  remaining  signs,  by  means  of  which  the  events 
occurring  in  the  intervals  must  be  determined. 

In  the  articles  mentioned  thus  far  the  authors  express  themselves 
variously  on  the  question  actually  underlying  all  these  investigations, 
namely,  the  relation  to  each  other  of  the  two  civilizations  that  are 
here  under  consideration,  the  Aztec  (Nahua)  on  the  one  side,  and 
the  Maya  on  the  other.  In  his  article  Altertiimer  aus  Guatemala 
Doctor  Seler  adopts  the  theory  of  a  movement  of  the  Maya  southward 
(page  24),  while  (page  4G)  he  speaks  of  a  southward  migration  of  the 
Nahuas  (as  far  as  Nicaragua)  from  Tabasco,  and  even  suggests  that 
they  may  have  migrated  to  Yucatan.  Mr  Dieseldorff  (page  774),  on 
the  contrary,  holds  the  theory  that  Maya  art  was  developed  independ- 
ently, and  that  the  connecting  link  between  the  two  civilizations  indi- 
cates an  exchange  of  cultural  influences  between  them  in  which  the 
Maya  race  was  the  giver  and  the  Nahua  was  the  receiver.  He  is  of 
the  opinion  that  the  unfortunate  downfall  of  the  Maya  power  one  or 
two  centuries  before  the  Conquista  was  directly  caused  by  the  Nahuas. 
On  page  776  he  advances  the  idea  that  the  Nahua  received  their  deity 
Quetzalcoatl,  from  the  Toltecs,  and  that  the  Toltecs  were  a  Maya 


I'  OKSTKMANN.  J 


RECENT  MAYA  INVESTIGATIONS 


541 


tribe.  Finally,  Mr  Valeiitini  oxj)ress('s  the  opinion  that  the  Mayas 
were  the  aboriginal  race  and  the  Aztecs  "  mere  i)arasites  ". 

Now  that  these  expressions  of  opinion  and  countless  earliei'  discus- 
sions on  the  same  subject  lie  before  us,  it  is  time  that  for  once  a  con- 
sistent hypothesis  should  be  framed  regarding  the  whole  matter,  on 
the  principle  of  the  old  adage  that  even  a  faulty  hypothesis  is  better 
than  none  at  all,  and  that  all  progress  must  have  a  point  from  which 
it  advances. 

In  this  case,  however,  such  an  hypothesis  must  seek  to  offer  an 
explanation  for  the  folloAving  facts: 

1.  The  similarity  and  at  the  same  time  the  difference  of  the  two 
civilizations. 

2.  The  antiquity  and  mystery  of  the  vanished  Toltec  race. 

3.  The  entire  separation  of  the  Huastecs  in  22°  north  latitude 
(between  Tampico  and  San  Louis  Potosi)  from  all  other  Maya  tribes 
and  their  distinguishing  characteristics. 

4.  The  equall}^  complete  separation  from  the  other  Aztec  tribes  of 
the  Pipiles  (in  southeastern  Guatemala) ,  and  of  those  Aztecs  who  had 
pushed  forward  as  far  as  Nicaragua. 

5.  The  curious  fact  that  almost  no  Aztec  place  names  appear  in 
Yucatan,  while  they  are  met  with  by  hundreds  in  Chiapas,  Guate- 
mala, and  Honduras  as  far  as  Nicaragua,  leaving  almost  no  traces 
of  Maya  names  on  the  maps. 

On  the  other  hand,  little  care  need  be  taken  to  make  the  hypothesis 
agree  with  the  ancient  native  accounts  of  Avars  and  migrations.  If  it 
does,  then  such  accounts  will  always  be  welcome  in  spite  of  their 
legendary  nature. 

In  presenting  my  hypothesis  as  a  connected  chain  of  opinions.  I 
ask  those  who  attack  any  one  of  these  opinions,  and  thus  propose  to 
destroy  a  link  of  this  chain,  to  take  care  at  the  same  time  to  replace 
it  by  another  and  a  stronger  link. 

I  assume  that  in  the  most  ancient  period  of  Central  American  his- 
tory with  which  we  are  acquainted  the  country  from  about  23°  to 
10°  of  north  latitude  w^as  chiefly  inhabited  by  different  tribes  of  the 
Maya  race.  Indeed,  one  can  assume  that,  beyond  the  mainland,  this 
race  also  occupied  the  island  of  Cuba,  which  is  still  archeologically 
unknown.  Such  a  theory  is  favored  by  certain  facts  connected  with 
the  first  expedition  of  Cortes  (see,  for  example,  Peter  Martyr,  pages 
10  and  11  of  the  edition  of  1521).  While  this  race  was  still  at  quite  a 
low  stage  of  civilization  the  Aztecs  advanced  out  of  the  north  from 
at  least  26°  north  latitude.  Their  advance  took  place  on  the  Pacific, 
not  on  the  Atlantic,  side  (Brinton,  American  Race,  page  128),  and 
this  explains  the  fact  that  the  Huastecs  remained  almost  undisturbed 
in  the  east.  Maya  civilization  soon  influenced  the  Aztecs  very  per- 
ceptibly and  it  was  natural  at  first  that  they  should  call  the  Mayas 


542 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


Toltec  after  one  of  their  northern  branches,  the  inhabitants  of  the 
region  about  Tuhi,  in  the  north  of  Mexico.  That,  when  connection 
between  the  Aztec  and  ^la^^a  became  clearer,  the  Toltecs  passed  more 
and  more  out  of  vieAv  and  at  last  became  legendary  reminds  one  of  the 
Allemands,  who  are  not  found  in  Germany  at  all  at  the  present  day, 
or  of  the  Graeci  in  Greece,  etc.  Incidentally,  I  am  reminded  of  the 
place  Toltecapan,  east  of  Mexico  and  north  of  Tlaxcala. 

The  Aztecs  adopted  as  their  own  many  things  which  they  learned 
from  the  Mayas,  especially  their  deities,  whose  names  they  simply 
translated.  The  translation  of  Cukulcan  into  Quetzalcoatl  is  a  very 
typical  case,  for  kuk  (in  the  Pocomchi  dialect)  and  quetzal  des- 
ignate the  bird  Pharomacrus  mocinno  or  Trogon  resplendens,  and 
can  and  coatl  mean  the  snake.  That  the  Mayas  had  already  devel- 
oped their  ^yriting  in  this  locality  is  inconceivable.  This  first  took 
place  in  the  center  of  their  territory,  in  the  region  of  Guatemala. 
The  Aztecs  first  came  in  contact  with  the  higher  civilization  developed 
here  after  a  migration  into  the  Mixtec  and  Zapotec  territories  had 
taken  place,  which  was  not  very  long  before  the  arrival  of  the  Span- 
iards, so  that  they  did  not  have  time  here  to  establish  their  supremacy 
and  to  absorb  the  Mayas,  but,  on  the  contrary,  were  absorbed  by 
them.  The  Pipiles  on  the  outposts  on  Lake  Nicaragua,  which  had 
advanced  farthest  and  passed  beyond  the  principal  territory  of  the 
Mayas,  alone  preserved  their  individuality. 

Now,  whence  come  the  hundreds  of  Aztec  names  in  the  territories 
]>etween  Chiapas  and  Nicaragua?  In  this  connection  we  must  note 
that  these  names  are  confined  almost  entirely  to  the  important 
settlements,  while  the  unimportant  places  bear  designations  belong- 
ing to  the  language  of  the  Indians  settled  there.  The  Aztec  names 
of  the  more  important  places,  moreover,  are  really  used  only  officially 
and  hence  are  on  the  maps.  That  part  of  the  population  which 
keeps  aloof  from  the  Spanish-speaking  part  uses  onh^  the  names 
derived  from  the  native  language.  Aztecs  as  well  as  Mayas  use  and 
always  preferred  to  use  place  names  which  are  verbally  compre- 
hensible to  them,  and  on  this  account  they  employ  for  the  name 
which  they  can  not  understand  a  native  expression,  a  translation,  or 
some  other  substitute.  Hence  in  this  case  Sapper  concludes.  Globus, 
volume  6G,  pages  05  and  96,  that  these  Aztec  'names  were  mostly 
given  to  the  places  by  the  Spaniards,  who,  as  Ave  know,  were  familiar 
with  Aztec,  and  by  their  Mexican  auxiliary  troops,  but  that  this 
tendency  had  ceased  by  1535.  For  this  reason,  according  to  him, 
Aztec  names  are  not  found  in  Yucatan,  which  was  not  conquered 
from  Mexico.  I  confess  that  at  first  I  was  not  in  sympathy  with  this 
view,  but  I  can  not  replace  it  by  a  more  acceptable  one. 

The  higher  Maya  civilization  which  grew  up  around  Guatemala 
had  not  yet  fully  spread  over  Yucatan  when  its  further  development 


rORSTEMANN.] 


RECENT  MAYA  INVESTIGATIONS 


543 


was  checked  in  the  south  by  the  Spaniards  and  by  the  Mexican  influ- 
ence which  came  with  them.  It  probably  had  not  histed  very  long, 
if  my  opinion,  expressed  in  Zur  Entzifferung  der  Mayahandschriften, 
IV,  page  9,  that  the  stela?  of  Copan  do  not  date  further  back  than  the 
fifteenth  century  is  found  to  be  correct. 

There  may  occasionall}^  be  an  isolated  Aztec  name  that  strayed 
into  northern  Yucatan ;  I  am  reminded  of  Mayapan,  lying  southeast 
from  Merida,  for  names  ending  in  pan  are  Aztec.  It  remains  to  be 
proved  whether  the  narratives  of  the  old  native  chroniclers,  who 
attach  special  importance  to  this  Mayapan,  throw  any  further  light 
on  that  matter. 

I  expect,  however,  the  most  light  in  reference  to  Yucatan  from  the 
investigations  which  Teobert  Maler  is  carrying  out  on  a  gigantic 
scale,  of  which  the  Globus,  volume  68,  pages  245  to  259  and  277  to 
292,  gives  such  brilliant  evidences.  It  is  to  be  hoped  that  the  results 
of  these  investigations  will  soon  appear  as  a  whole.^ 

After  concluding  this  article  I  received  the  eighth  publication  of 
the  Field  Columbian  Museum  of  Chicago,  which  forms  the  first 
number  of  the  anthropological  series.  It  has  the  special  title 
Archaeological  Studies  Among  the  Ancient  Cities  of  Mexico,  by 
William  H.  Holmes,  part  1  (Monuments  of  Yucatan),  Chicago, 
1895.  The  author  here  treats  of  the  first  part  of  a  three  months' 
journey,  from  December,  1894,  to  February,  1895,  to  Yucatan,  Chia- 
pas, and  Oaxaca,  and  describes  first  what  he  saw  of  Maya  ruins  in 
the  little  explored  region  of  northeastern  Yucatan,  from  Cape  Ca- 
toche  to  Tulum,  and  in  the  islands  off  that  coast,  Cozumel,  Mugeres, 
etc. ;  then  follows  an  account  of  a  brief  visit  to  Uxmal,  Izamal,  and 
Chichen-Itza.  The  rest  of  the  journey  (Palenque,  Oaxaca)  is  re- 
served for  a  later  number.  The  whole  is  a  very  welcome  report  on 
the  extant  buildings,  together  with  a  very  clear  survey  of  Maya 
architecture  in  general,  which  verifies  and  supplements  much  that  is 
already  known.  I  wish  especially  to  mention  the  large  number  of 
illustrations  accompanying  it,  among  which  I  call  particular  atten- 
tion to  the  plans  of  the  site  of  Uxmal  and  Chichen-Itza  and  a  general 
view  of  the  ruins,  which  for  the  first  time  give  us  a  really  clear  com- 
prehension of  these  magnificent  ruined  piles. 


"  They  have  been  published  as  a  Memoir  of  the  Peabody  Museum,  vol.  II,  n.  2,    C.  T. 


THE  INSCRIPTION  ON  THE  CROSS  OF 

PALENQUE 

BY 

E.  FORSTEMANTsT 


54() 


7238— No.  28—05  35 


THE  INSCKIPTION  ON  THE  CROSS  OF 

PALENQUE" 


By  E.  Forstemann 


It  is  high  time  for  science  to  occupy  itself  with  the  meaning  of  the 
most  famous  inscription  of  ancient  America,  even  though  it  will  be 
a  long  time  before  a  complete  decipherment  of  this  monument  can  be 
achieved. 

The  ruins  of  Palenque  have  been  known  since  the  middle  of  the 
last  century,  and  as  earW  as  1787  they  were  investigated  and  partly 
sketched  by  Antonio  del  Rio.  The  inscription  on  the  Cross,  in  par- 
ticular, early  aroused  the  attention  of  the  amateur  and  the  scientist. 
Since  the  beginning  of  our  century  it  has  been  mentioned  frequently, 
discussed  superficially,  and  copied  mau}^  times.  Especially  through 
the  admirable  drawing  in  J.  L.  Stephens's  Incidents  of  Travel  in 
Central  America,  Chiapas,  and  Yucatan,  this  monument  has  become 
widely  known  since  1811. 

But  the  question  as  to  the  real  meaning  of  this  tablet  (plate  xli) 
has  been  approached  with  great  hesitation,  although  it  was  clear  at 
the  first  glance  that  the  middle  part  represented  a  great  sacrificial 
scene ;  the  glyphs,  about  250  in  number  on  both  sides  of  it,  however, 
remained  dumb. 

I  can  call  attention  to  but  three  works  in  which  the  first  attempts 
have  been  made  to  treat  the  subject  in  a  strictly  scientific  spirit.  I 
refer  to  the  three  following  treatises : 

1.  Charles  Rau,  The  Palenque  Tablet  in  the  United  States  National 
Museum.  Washington,  1879.  (Smithsonian  Contributions  to  Knowl- 
edge, volume  22,  Washington,  1880.)  This  work  is  of  decided  merit 
in  the  history  it  gives  of  the  inscription,  as  well  as  in  the  designa- 
tion, first  introduced  by  Kau,  of  the  vertical  and  horizontal  lines  by 
letters  and  numbers,  which  designation  I  have  likewise  adopted  in 
the  following.  Rau  also  examines  some  glyphs  of  this  tablet,  but  is 
successful  only  in  the  case  of  a  few  almost  self-explanatory  day  signs. 
Concerning  the  main  question,  the  meaning,  he  comes  prett}^  near  to 


«  Die  Kreuzinschrift  von  Palenque,  Globus,  v.  72,  n.  3,  Jijly  17,  1807. 


548 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


the  truth  in  his  remark  on  page  63 :  "  I  venture  to  suggest  that  the 
inscription  constitutes  a  clironologic  record  of  some  kind  ". 

2.  Cyrus  Thomas,  A  Study  of  the  Manuscript  Troano.  Wash- 
ington, 1882.  This  contains  the  special  chapter,  pages  198  to  208: 
Inscriptions  on  the  Palenque  Tablet.  The  author  here  settles,  beyond 
dispute,  the  order  in  whicli  the  inscription  is  to  be  read  (two  columns 
at  a  time).  With  his  accustomed  carefulness  he  examines  one  series 
of  characters  and,  although  he  does  not  accomplish  his  purpose,  he 
very  nearly  succeeds  in  reading  correctly  the  various  periods  occur- 
ring here. 

3.  Philipp  J.  J.  Valentini,  Analysis  of  the  Pictorial  Text  Inscribed 
on  Two  Palenque  Tablets;  parts  1  and  2.  Worcester,  Mass.,  1895- 
1896.  Valentini  lays  stress  on  the  decided  ritual  character  of  the 
inscription;  at  the  beginning  of  the  first  column  he  finds  the  por- 
traits of  the  founders  of  the  theocracy  of  the  country,  and  farther 
on  the  scattered  pictures  of  later  priests,  with  an  account  of  their 
time  and  the  manner  of  their  ritual  activity.  He  especially  directs 
his  attention  to  the  discussion  of  the  separate  day  signs  and  the 
relation  between  the  nu)numental  characters  of  the  inscription  and  the 
cursive  characters  of  the  manuscripts,  in  the  course  of  Avhich  he 
makes  a  number  of  suggestive  observations.  The  author  unfor- 
tunately adheres  to  the  idea  of  reading  each  column  separately,  and 
so  deprives  himself  of  the  possibility  of  finding  the  right  way  to 
interpret  the  ccmnection. 

In  what  follows  I  shall  abstain  from  all  controversy  with  my 
predecessors  and  leave  my  opinions  to  vindicate  themselves. 

Long  after  the  folloAving  had  been  w^ritten,  I  received  a  treatise  by 
Lew4s  W.  Gunckel  printed  in  the  American  Anthropologist  for  May, 
1897:  The  Direction  in  Avhich  Mayan  Inscriptions  Should  be  Read. 
This  memoir  treats  chiefly  of  the  inscription  of  the  Cross,  but  does 
not  touch  upon  its  meaning,  merel}^  discussing  the  succession  of  the 
characters,  a  point  Avhich  I  had  long  since  settled  in  my  own  mind 
and  which  Mr  Gunckel  also  recognizes. 

We  see,  therefore,  that  little  progress  has  been  made  hitherto 
toward  comprehending  the  meaning  of  the  Cross  inscription.  But 
Ave  are  fortunately  enabled  b}^  the  successful  interpretation  of  the 
Maya  numeral  system  and  the  discovery  of  the  meaning  of  several 
glyphs  to  make  a  considerable  advance  in  this  direction. 

This  progress  results  chiefly,  however,  from  the  observation  that 
the  inscriptions  of  the  Maya  region,  excepting  some  short  inscriptions 
on  buildings  and  altars,  are  of  two  different  kinds : 

(1)  The  so-called  stelse,  which,  as  a  rule,  display  glyphs  in  pairs  of 
vertical  rows,  beginning  at  the  top  with  a  large  number  lying  between 
one  and  one  and  a  half  millions,  which,  reckoned  from  the  starting 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


PAINTED  CLAY  IMAGE  OF  THE  GOD  MACUIL  XOCh 

SELER  COLLECTION,  ROYAL 


BULLETIN  28,  PLATE  XLII 


_  (FIVE  FLOWER),  FROM  TEOTITLAN  DEL  CAMINO 

UM  OF  ETHNOLOGY,  BERLIN 


loRSTRxMANN.]    INSCRIPTION  ON  THE  CROSS  OF  PALENQUE 


549 


point  of  Maya  chronology,  denotes  the  present  day  or  at  least  a  day 
that  is  near  the  present. 

(2)  The  broader  inscriptions,  the  framework  of  which  consists  of 
calendar  dates,  between  Avhich  large  numbers  are  interspersed  that 
state  the  interval  between  each  two  dates.  Between  these  dates  and 
intervals  there  are  some  other  glyphs,  for  the  most  part  still  wliolly 
unexplained.   The  Cross  inscription  belongs  to  this  second  class. 

Leaving  aside  the  center  of  this  tablet  as  not  pertinent  to  my  i)res- 
ent  task,  I  will  now  give  here  the  six  columns  of  glyphs  on  each  side, 
containing  seventeen  glyphs  each,  to  be  seen,  on  the  left  and  riglit 
of  the  central  sacrificial  scene  (plate  xliii). 

Thus  we  see  here  201  glyphs.  There  would  be  17X12=204  were 
not  the  first  four  places  above  on  th(^  left  occupied  by  a  single  char- 
acter, the  superscription,  such  as  is  customary  in  inscriptions  of  both 
kinds  (with  some  variants).  In  this  case  this  superscription  con- 
sists of  three  parts,  aside  from  the  ornaments  added  at  the  top  and 
bottom.  The  character  for  the  year  of  ^UJO  days  occupies  the  chief 
place ;  on  the  riglit  and  left  of  it  are  added  the  fins,  by  which  the  3^ear 
is  increased  tw  entyfold,  that  is,  to  7,200  days ;  above  it  we  see  a  char- 
acter never  yet  discussed,  to  wdiich  we  must  ascribe  the  meaning  of 
20XT,200=144,000  days,  as  w^ill  be  shown  farther  on. 

This  superscri^Dtion,  compounded  of  the  three  largest  time  periods 
in  use,  accordingly  means  something  like  chronologic  guide  or 
"  historic  table 

The  larger  part  of  the  two  columns  A  and  B  under  this  superscrip- 
tion seems  like  an  introduction  or  a  guide  to  the  remainder.  It 
sets  forth  certain  glyphs  of  special  importance,  necessary  for  the  com- 
prehension of  the  rest.  Signs  B  4  and  B  5  are  important  to  us 
as  having  been  interpreted  beyond  question,  for  I  may  now  assume 
that  their  meaning,  7,200  and  360  days,  is  fully  recognized.  Then 
follows,  almost  of  necessity,  B  3=144,000  days,  as  the  sign  of  a  simi- 
lar form  in  the  superscription  has  k'd  us  to  conjecture,  and  as  we  see 
it  repeated  in  C  5,  F  6,  U  2,  and  V  12. 

-  I  am  equally  certain  that  I  see  in  B  (>  the  sign  foi-  20  days,  although 
it  has  no  resemblance  to  the  corresponding  signs  in  the  manuscripts. 
This  is  confirmed  by  no  fewer  than  sixteen  succeeding  passages  in  this 
inscription.  The  character  employed  here  appears  to  l)e  a  day  sign, 
Chuen,  and  such  it  has  already  been  considered  by  others.  As  this 
day  lies  in  the  middle  of  a  20-day  period  beginning  with  Imix,  it  may, 
perhaps,  denote  the  wdiole  period. 

Now,  the  four  characters  B  3  to  B  6  are  each  connected  with  a 
picture,  A  3  to  A  6.  These  can  hardly  be  pictures  of  anything  but 
gods,  w^ho  preside  over  such  periods,  although  up  to  this  point  we 
have  known  nothing  of  these  deities.    In  fact,  in  F  10  instead  of  the 


550 


BUKEAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


sign  for  360  we  notice  the  corresponding  picture,  just  as  the  same  sub- 
stitution occurs  on  other  monuments;  for  instance,  on  tJie  inscrip- 
tions in  Stephens,  English  edition,  D  7  and  H  11  in  the  beginning  of 
volume  2,  the  same  on  page  342,  and  the  first  sign  on  page  7. 

Now,  B  7  is  quite  logically  the  sign  kin,  the  single  day.  In  A  7 
there  is  no  longer  a  picture  belonging  to  it,  but  a  hand,  probably 
because  the  single  days  were  simply  counted  on  the  fingers.  I  will 
not  attempt  to  explain  the  figure  drawn  above  the  hand.  In  D  -1 
we  see  the  same  character  reversed,  the  hand  on  top,  the  rest  below. 

In  B  8  follows  Ahau,  the  most  imjiortant  of  the  days,  and  in  A  8 
the  god  D  (Izamna)  belonging  to  it.  This  deity  is  recognized  by  the 
open  mouth  and  the  solitary  tooth,  visible  in  some  copies  of  this  pas- 
sage. 

Concerning  A  9  and  B  9  I  hardly  venture  a  conjecture.  Are  these 
signs  meant  to  express  the  day  20  ( Akbal)  and  the  god  B  (Cukulcan)  ? 

Thus  far  the  characters  in  A  are  joined  to  those  in  B  with  no  inter- 
vening space.  From  here  on  each  of  the  two  signs  in  the  adjacent  col- 
umns is  independently  drawn. 

In  B  10  w^e  notice  the  numeral  5.  It  seems  as  if  A  10  and  B  10 
might  denote  the  5  unlucky  days  at  the  end  of  the  year. 

A  11  I  do  not  know  how  to  explain ;  it  must  refer  to  B  11.  The 
latter,  however,  is  composed  of  the  numeral  2,  a  face  looking  toward 
the  left,  and  a  hand  pointing  to  the  right.  It  might  be  considered  as 
suggesting  the  change  from  the  old  year  to  the  new,  the  last  day  of 
the  old  and  the  first  day  of  the  new  year,  which  two  days  are  the 
principal  subject  of  representation  in  pages  25  to  28  of  the  Dresden 
codex. 

A  12  and  B  12  are  wholly  obscure  to  me. 

In  A  13  w^e  see  a  crescent  and  under  it  the  numeral  9.  Nine  lunar 
revolutions  formed  a  sacred  period,  especially  as  this  length  of  time 
nearly  corresponded  Avith  the  tonalamatl.  The  moon  sign  in  B  13 
inust  be  closely  related  to  A  13. 

I    In  regard  to  the  four  characters,  A  14  to  B  15, 1  am  unable  to  decide 
whether  they  are  to  be  regarded  as  the  end  of  this  introduction  or  as 
the  preliminaries  of  the  real  subject-matter  of  the  inscription. 
!    With  A  16  begins  the  regular  alternation  of  dates  and  periods, 
which  continues  to  the  end  of  this  tablet. 

The  points  of  time,  or  calendar  dates,  as  I  proved  long  ago,  have 
the  formula :  I  17 ;  18,  I7th  month. 

This  formula  designates  a  certain  specified  day  recurring  after  a 
period  of  52  years,  that  is,  the  first  day  of  the  13-day  week  when  it 
is  the  seventeenth  of  the  20-day  period  and  the  eighteenth  of  the  sev- 
enteenth so-called  month. 

The  time  periods,  on  the  other  hand,  have  as  the  first  sign  that  for 
the  20-day  period,  which  we  have  already  found  in  B  6.    There  is  a 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 

A.         B.      C.       D.       E.  F. 


BULLETIN  28    PLATE  XLIIl 

S.       T.  U.     V.        W.  X. 


INSCRIPTION   ON   THE  TABLET  OF  THE  CROSS-PALENQU E 


rORSTEMANN.]     INSCRIPTION  ON   THE  CROSS  OF  PALENQUE 


551 


number  both  above  and  before  it.  The  first  states  how  many  such 
periods  are  meant;  the  second,  how  many  additional  single  days. 
Then  follow  the  signs  for  860,  7,200,  and  occasionally  also  for 
144,000  days,  provided  with  numbers  which  indicate  how  many  such 
periods  there  are. 

In  accordance  with  this  the  following  is  the  actual  framework  of 
the  inscription : 


XJOi  LitJ 

XJ-l  vK^t  V  dX 

,  _  -  .          I  U   I J  ill 

D  1  C  2 

2 

D  8  C  4 

D  5  C  6 

3 

.C  9  D  9 

D  10 

4" 

"CIIDII 

D13-D  14 

5 

E  1  F  1 

F  5-F  6 

6 

E  9  F  9 

E  10-F  11 

7.. 

_..F  12  E  18 

F  15-F  16 

8 

T2S3 

T  3 

9 

S4T4 

S  6  T  6 

10 

T  8  S  9 

T  9 

11 

S  10  T  10 

S  12  T  12 

12 

S  14T  14 

S  15 

13 

T  17  U  1 

U3-U  4 

14 

U7  V7 

U8-U9 

15 

U  10  VIO 

V  13-V  14 

16 

U17  V17 

W  1-W2 

17 

X5  W6 

X6-W7 

18 

X  10  W  11 

X  11-X  12 

19 

W  14  X  14 

W  15  X  15 

Of  the  pairs  of  glyphs,  which  together  express  a  certain  date, 
the  first  (A  16,  D  o,  C  9,  etc.)  must  always  designate  one  of  the  20 
days,  the  second  (B  16,  C  4,  D  9,  etc.)  one  of  the  18  so-called  months. 
This  observation  will  decidedly  facilitate  the  final  deciphering  of 
this  and  of  kindred  inscriptions,  although  progress  in  this  direction 
is  checked  by  countless  difficulties — variants,  deviations  of  the  monu- 
mental from  the  written  text,  abrasion,  and  disintegration.  If  I 
w^ere  to  review  the  entire  tablet  in  detail,  the  numerous  queries  would 
still  give  the  impression  of  a  barren  waste.  I  can  only  direct  atten- 
tion here  to  a  few  points  of  special  interest. 

The  study  of  the  first  two  dates  and  the  intervening  period  is 
already  sufficiently  interesting.  It  reminds  us  of  the  beginning  of 
the  large  numbers  and  dates  on  page  24  (below  on  the  left)  of  the 
Dresden  codex.    Here  we  found  two  dates 

I  17;  18,  17th  month. 
IV  17 ;  8,  18th  month. 

and  perceived  that  they  were  separated  by  2,200  (8X260+6X20) 
days.    Now,  we  find  in  the  Cross  inscription : 

A  16  :  I,  17       B  16  :  18,  unknown  month. 
D  3  ;  IV  17        0  4  ;  8,  18th  month. 


Between  them,  however,  is  D  1,  the  sign  for  20,  and  above  it,  as 
there  was  no  room  on  the  left,  in  all  probability  a  6  (the  1  for  lack  of 


552 


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[BULL.  28 


room  close  to  the  5),  and  in  addition  C  2,  an  unknown  glyph,  with 
8  prefixed.  I  think  that  nothing  is  more  natural  than  to  regard  the 
obscure  character  B  16  as  the  seventeenth  month  (Kayab)  and  C  2 
as  a  glyph  for  the  tonalamatl.  The  stonecutter  of  the  Cross 
inscription,  therefore,  proceeds  from  the  same  two  dates  from  w^hich 
the  writer  of  the  Dresden  codex  proceeds,  and  this  fact  increases  the 
probability,  already  appearing  from  other  circumstances,  that  the 
Dresden  codex  had  its  origin  not  far  from  Palenque,  probably  in 
the  district  of  the  Tzentals,  who,  therefore,  should  receive  closer  atten- 
tion from  this  time  forward. 

In  spite  of  many  difficulties  the  interpretation  of  a  few  of  these 
groups  can  be  considered  correct,  as  the  specified  period  agrees  with 
a  preceding  and  following  date,  inasmuch  as  it  is  the  interval  between 
them.  I  here  give  some  examples  in  which,  in  order  to  facilitate  the 
examination,  I  will  state  the  years  found  by  computation  in  Avhich 
the  dates  are  contained. 

The  simplest  example  is  the  twelfth  date,  the  tw^elfth  period,  and 
the  thirteenth  date,  as  follows : 

S  14  T  14:  II  14;  10,  Oth  month.    (11  Muluc.) 
S  15:  3+6x20=123. 

T  17  U  1 :  VIII  17 ;  13,  12th  month.    (11  Muluc.) 

In  fact,  day  II  14  precedes  VIII  17  by  123  days,  and  day  10,  6th 
month  is  123  days  before  13,  12th  month.    The  year  remains  the  same. 

I  will  add  that  day  VIII  IT  in  the  last  part  of  the  Dresden  codex 
is  of  special  importance  (see  my  second  treatise,  "  Zur  Entzifferung 
der  Mayahandschriften     pages  14  to  17). 

The  example  directly  preceding  also  corresponds  admirably.  It 
forms  the  eleventh  and  twelfth  dates  and  the  eleventh  intervening- 
period. 

S  10  T  10:  XI  5;  0,  Oth  month.    (11  Kan.) 

S  12  T  12:  9+3x20+13x360=4,749. 

S  14  T  14:  II  14;  10,  (Ith  month.    (11  Mukic.) 

The  space  between  the  two  dates  is  actually  4,749=18X260+69= 
] 3X365+4.  And  69  is  in  fact  the  distance  from  XI  5  to  II  14,  4  the 
distance  from  6,  6th  month  to  10,  6th  month. 

In  addition,  I  would  mention  the  second  and  third  dates  and  the 
second  period : 

D  3  C  4:  IV  17;  8,  18th  month.    (9  Ix.) 

D  5  C  6:  2+9x20+360=542. 

C  9  D  9:  XIII 19;  20,  8th  month.    (11  Kan.) 

It  should  be  noticed  here  that  an  affix  is  attached  to  the  sign  for 
360,  C  6,  which  seems  to  me  to  denote  the  close  of  this  period  and  to 
prevent  the  next  sign  D  6  from  being  added  to  it.  Moreover,  D  9 
probably  denotes  the  eighth  month;  but  its  prefix,  according  to  my 
supposition,  only  denotes  the  close  of  the  month. 


i-oRSTEMANN.]    INSCRIPTION  ON  THE  CROSS  OF  PALENQUE 


558 


Now,  542=2X260+ 22:=365+lT7.  The  day  IV  17,  actually  pre- 
cedes the  day  XIII  19  by  just  22  days.  But  the  day  8,  18th  month  is 
distant  177  days  from  20,  8th  month  of  the  following  year,  and  there- 
fore distant  365+177=542  days  from  the  same  day  2  years  later. 

A  most  singular  error  results  if  the  dates  17  and  18  are  compared 
with  the  intervening  period  17.    The  inscription  here  reads  as  follows : 

X  5  W  6:  II  18;  4,  12th  month.    (1  Cauac.) 
X  6  W  7:  1+204360=381. 

X  10  W  11:  VII  1;  17,  8th  month.    (8  Muhic.) 

Now,  II  18  to  VII  1=83 ;  and  4,  12th  month  to  17,  8th  month=298. 
The  sum  of  -  the  two  numbers  is  381,  which  is  recorded  as  the  interval 
of  time  between  them,  while  in  reality  the  two  dates  are  separated  by 
16,723=45X865+298  or  64X260+83.  It  is  plain  therefore  that  the 
characters  were  engraved  on  the  stone  before  the  computation  was 
completed. 

In  one  instance  the  month  seems  to  be  omitted.  This  occurs  in  F  9, 
in  the  date  which  ends  a  period  in  the  inscription.  I  here  combine 
the  starting  point  of  the  whole  computation  with  the  sixth  date : 

A  16  B  16:  I  17;  18,  17th  month.    (3  Kan.) 

E  F  5  and  6:  2+11x20+7X360+1x7,200+2X144,000=297,942. 

E  9:  IX  19;  completed,  15,  4th  month.    (1  Muluc.) 

If,  since  after  18,980  (52X865)  days,  the  dates  have  the  same  posi- 
tion in  the  year,  15X18,980=284,700  is  subtracted  from  297,942, 
13,242  days  remain.  But  13,242=50X260+242=36X365+102.  And 
the  time  from  I  17  to  IX  19  is  actually  242;  from  18,  I7th  month  to 
15,  4th  month,  102  days;  I  therefore  believe  that  it  is  not  venturing 
too  much  thus  to  complete  the  date. 

The  passage  F  6,  moreover,  is  the  only  one  in  the  inscription  where 
a  multiple  of  144,000  really  follows  the  sign  for  7,200,  as  Avould  be 
expected.  Such  a  multiple  of  144,000,  indeed,  occurs  three  more  times, 
but  in  C  5  it  is  8X144,000,  and  here  it  stands  directly  before  the 
period  beginning  with  the  single  days,  while  in  U  2  and  V  12  we  have 
nine  times  and  five  times  this  number,  but  separated  in  each  case  from 
the  succeeding  period  by  a  glyph  (V  2  and  U  13,  differing  from  each 
other).    Here  is  a  problem  to  be  solved  in  the  future. 

An  attempt,  however,  with  the  sign  U  2  seems  to  be  successful.  Let 
us  compare  the  thirteenth  with  the  fourteenth  date : 

T  17  U  1:  VIII  17;  13,  12th  month.    (11  Mulnc.) 

U  2  U  V  3  U  4:  9x144,000+18+20+8X360+1x7,200=1,306,118. 

U  7  V  7:  III  15;  16,  1st  month?    (2  Kan.) 

That  the  indistinct  last  sign  denotes  the  first  month  is,  of  course, 
only  a  conjecture;  also  that  a  line  is  lacking  in  the  number  11  stand- 
ing before  it.    If  it  is  correct  then  everything  agrees,  for  1,306,118 — 


554 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


68X18,980=15,478,  but  this  equals  59X260+188=42X365+148. 
From  VIII  17  to  III  15  is  138;  from  13,  :l2th  month  to  16,  1st  month 
is  148. 

In  another  case,  where  I  combine  the  fourth  ^nd  fifth  dates  with  the 
fourth  period,  I  must  hazard  two  conjectures.  First,  it  seems  to  me 
that  in  D  11  the  actual  starting  point  of  Maya  chronology,  the  eighth 
day  of  the  eighteenth  month,  is  not  designated  by  the  same  sign  as  in 
C  4,  but  instead  by  the  old  god  (Izamna),  the  lord  of  the  day  17 
standing  beside  it ;  and,  second,  I  believe  that  the  indistinct  prefix  of 
D  13  is  to  be  read  as  '2.  These  postulates  being  accepted,  we  have  the 
following  result : 

C  11  D  11 :  X  17 ;  8,  18th  month.    (2  Ix.) 

D  13,'C  14  D  14:  2+12x20+3x360+18x7,200=130,922. 

E  1  F  1 :  IX  19  ;  15,  12th  month.    (10  Muluc.) 

If  the  number  113,880=6X18,980  is  subtracted  from  130,922,  there 
are  left  17,042  days=65X260+142:=46X365+252,  and  142  is  the 
interval  between  X  17  and  IX  19,  while  252  is  the  interval  between 
8,  18th  month  and  15,  12th  month. 

Perhaps  it  is  also  worthy  of  notice  here  that,  if  20  years  (20X365) 
are  subtracted  from  17,042,  9,742  days  remain,  which  we  recognized 
as  a  recurrent  and  very  remarkable  number  in  the  last  part  of  the 
Dresden  codex  (see  Zur  Entzifferung  der  Mayahandschriften,  II, 
pages  16  and  18). 

This  number,  9,742,  results  still  more  directly  if  the  second  date  is 
combined  with  the  fifth  date  just  now  under  discussion: 

D  3  C  4 :  IV  17 ;  8,  18th  month.    (9  Ix.) 

E  1  F  1  :  IX  19;  15,  12th  month.    (10  Muluc.) 

The  two  dates  are  indeed  separated  by  9,742=27X365—113  days, 
for  9,742  equals  87X260+122=26X365+252;  but  there  are  in  fact 
122  days  between  IV  17  and  IX  19,  and  252  days  between  8,  18th 
month  and  15,  12th  month.  It  is  remarkable  that  this  period  of  9,742 
days  does  not  seem  to  be  expressed  anywhere  on  the  inscription ;  per- 
haps it  is  denoted  by  a  character  still  unknown. 

These  examples  will  suffice  to  point  out  the  way  along  which  fur- 
ther investigation,  not  merely  of  this  but  of  other  Maya  inscriptions, 
must  be  pursued.  And  I  have  reasons  for  desiring  an  early  successor 
in  this  work. 

We  have  seen  that  as  a  rule  each  date  is  connected  with  the  one 
immediately  preceding  it,  for  I  could  proceed  from  the  dates  1,  2,  4, 
11,  12,  13,  and  17  directly  to  2,  3,  5,  12,  13,  14,  and  18.  But  I  have 
made  a  jump  only  from  1  and  2  to  6  and  5,  though  I  will  mention  also 
that  I  have  jumped  from  1  to  7  for  my  own  satisfaction,  apparently 
not  incorrectly. 

It  appears,  therefore,  that  a  more  or  less  direct  reference  to  the 
starting  points  of  the  whole  computation  occurs  in  the  three  dates  of 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY  BULLETIN  28    PLATE  XLIV 


1  2  3  4  5  6 


7  8  9  10  11  12 


19  20  21  22  23 


25  26  27  28  29  80 


GLYPHS   FROM   THE   TEMPLE   OF   INSCPIPTIONS   AT  PALENQUE 


FOKSTioMANN.]    INSCRIPTION  ON  THE  CROSS  OF  PALENQUE 


555 


coliinins  E  and  F.  And  these  three  days  are  peculiar  in  that  they  all 
three  (E  1,  E  9,  and  F  12)  proceed  from  the  same  day,  IX  19.  How 
may  this  be  accounted  for  ? 

I  now  add  an  observation  in  which  Cyrus  Thomas  has  led  the  wsty. 
In  nine  passages  of  the  inscription  we  find  two  unknown  glyphs,  the 
same  ones  each  time  in  immediate  succession :  F  7  El  8,  S  and  T  1,  T  7 
S  8,  T  15  S  16,  U  and  V  G,  V  11  U  12,  U  and  Y  16,  W  and  X  3,  and  W 
and  X  17.  Six  times  this  pair  of  signs  occurs  between  the  interval 
and  the  following  date;  in  U  6  V  6  it  occurs  between  two  dates,  in 
V  11  U  12  between  the  date  and  the  following  interval,  in  W  X  17  at 
the  end  of  the  whole  inscription  after  an  interval.  The  character- 
istic of  the  first  sign  is  a  hand  pointing  forward,  that  of  the  second, 
a  kin  sun  ", "  day  ")  ;  accordingly,  they  may  perhaps  mean  nothing 
more  than  "  counting  of  the  days The  sense  nuist  be  very  general, 
otherwise  it  would  not  occur  in  nine  places. 


THE  DAY  GODS  OF  THE  MAYAS 

BY 

E.  FORSTEMANISr 


THE  DAY  GODS  OF  THE  MAYAS" 


By  E.  Forstemann 


To  assign  to  each  day  a  certain  god  as  a  ruler  or  protector  is  a  wide- 
spread custom,  a  trace  of  which  is  still  perceptible  in  Europe  to-day, 
inasmuch  as  we  still  call  our  week  daj^s  after  heathen  deities. 

This  custom  also  prevailed  in  the  domain  of  Aztec  and  Maya  cul- 
ture. With  regard  to  its  practice  among  the  Aztecs,  Doctor  Seler, 
in  particular,  has  given  us  considerable  information  in  the  Compte 
rendu  of  the  Berlin  Americanist  Congress  of  1888  in  his  great 
treatise  on  the  Aubin  Tonalamatl.  In  reference  to  the  Mayas,  this 
scholar  says  in  his  treatise  on  the  names  of  the  Maya  gods  represented 
in  the  Dresden  manuscript  (1887),  page  230,  that  it  appears  from  the 
old  Eelacion  of  the  Priest  Hernandez  (which  I  am  unable  to  consult) 
that  Cukulcan  was  the  chief  of  the  20  gods,  who,  according  to  the 
description,  clearly  denoted  the  deities  of  the  20  day  signs. 

Many  names  and  glyphs  of  Maya  and  Aztec  gods  combined  with 
numbers  always  refer  to  certain  specified  days  not  in  the  series  of  20 
but  in  that  of  the  260  days  of  the  tonalamatl,  especially  those  of  the 
Mayas  beginning  with  Hun  (1),  and  those  of  the  Aztecs  beginning 
with  Macuil  (5). 

From  the  account  of  Nunez  de  la  Vega,  as  well  as  from  that  of 
Francisco  Fernandez,  whose  narrative  is  preserved  by  Bartholome  de 
las  Casas,  it  appears  that,  generally  speaking,  the  20  days  were  each 
dedicated  to  a  god  or  lord. 

Such  day  gods  have  been  handed  down  to  us  from  certain  parts  of 
the  country,  not  only  in  a  general  way,  but  special  ones  for  special 
days. 

Thus  it  is  said  of  the  first  day,  Kan,  that  among  the  Tzentals  in 
Chiapas  and  Tabasco  (who,  by  the  way,  were  the  probable  authors  of 
the  monuments  of  Palenque  and  of  the  Dresden  manuscript)  this  day 
had  been  called  Ghanan,  and  Ghanan  had  been  a  divinity  in  those 
localities  (see  Brinton,  Mayan  Hieroglyphs,  pages  62,  123). 

The  fifth  day,  Lamat,  is  designated  among  the  Kiche-Cakchikels 
in  Guatemala  by  Kanel,  a  deity  of  seed  sowing  (see  below). 


"Globus,  V.  73,  n.  8  and  9,  1898. 


550 


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BUREAU  or  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


The  sixth  day,  Muluc  (we  are  calling  the  days  according  to 
Landa,  that  is,  according  to  the  usage  of  northwestern  Yucatan), 
is  called  Toh  in  Kiche,  after  the  god  of  thunderstorms  (see  Brinton, 
Calendar  of  Central  America  and  Mexico,  1893,  page  27). 

The  sixteenth  day,  Cauac,  was  called  Ayotl,  "tortoise"  (Brinton, 
Calendar,  page  33) ,  by  the  Pipiles,  an  Aztec  tribe,  it  is  true,  but  living 
among  Maya  tribes,  and  among  the  Mayas  the  tortoise  belongs  to  the 
mythic  animals,  which  rank  in  order  with  the  actual  gods. 

The  seventeenth  day,  Ahau,  is  called  in  the  Kiche  and  Cakchikel 
Hunahpu,  the  one  lord  of  power,  from  which  the  name  for  the  day 
Ahau  (Brinton,  Calendar,  page  22)  has  obviously  been  derived. 

As  patron  of  the  eighteenth  day,  Imix,  Ek-chuah,  a  black  god,  the 
god  of  cacao  planters,  travelers,  and  merchants,  is  mentioned  (see 
Seler,  Charakter  der  aztekischen  und  der  Mayahandschriften,  1888, 
pages  6  and  44;  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Histoire  des  nations  civili- 
sees  du  Mexique  et  de  FAmerique  centrale,  volume  2  (1888),  pages  43 
and  44). 

Lastly,  the  twentieth  day,  Al^bal,  is  called  by  the  Tzentals  Votan, 
"  the  heart a  well-known  deity,  corresponding  to  the  Aztec  Te- 
l^eyollotl  (Brinton,  Calendar,  page  24). 

The  above  are  detached  fragments  of  the  system  of  the  Maya  day 
gods.  But  we  are  now  able  to  see  our  way  more  clearly  to  the  recon- 
struction of  this  system,  inasmuch  as  the  second  revised  edition  of 
Die  Gottergestalten  der  Mayahandschriften,  by  Paul  Schellhas,  has 
just  been  issued  (Dresden  codex,  1897,  by  Richard  Bertling).  In 
this  work  the  distinguished  author  as  far  as  possible  separates  the 
individual  gods  according  to  the  pictures  and  the  written  designation. 
Furnished  with  such  aids,  we  will  now  proceed  to  join  each  one  of  the 
20  days  in  their  order  {g  to  figure  112)  to  the  respective  deities, 
ignoring  everything  on  the  right  and  left  of  our  path  which  does 
not  further  this  end. 

1.  Kan,  g.  Brinton,  Calendar,  page  24,  also  gives  Kanan,  which 
seems  to  me  to  be  the  more  primitive  form,  for  kan  means  yellow  and 
ripe,  and  kanan  (derived  from  it)  is  probably  the  yellow  maize  kernel 
after  it  has  become  ripe.  The  Tzental  form  for  the  day,  Ghanan, 
corresponds  to  this,  for  in  the  Tzental  vocabulary  of  Pater  Lara,  ghan 
is  the  maize  ear  (see  Brinton's  Primer,  pages  62,  123).  The  Aztec 
meaning  of  the  day  name  does  not  concern  us,  but  among  the  Nahuas 
of  Meztitlan  the  day  is  actually  called  Xilotl,  "  ear  of  corn  "  (see 
Brinton,  Calendar,  page  25). 

Hence  it  is  safe  to  assume  that  E  is  the  deity  belonging  to  this  day, 
in  whose  picture  we  plainly  see  the  kan  symbol,  which  is  itself 
nothing  but  a  maize  kernel,  and  the  sprouting  maize  plant  (see 
Schellhas,  Gottergestalten,  page  19). 


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DAY  GODS  OF  THE  MAYAS 


561 


2.  Chicchan,  It.  Chic  means  great,  and  chan  in  Tzental,  can  in 
Cakchikel,  means  serpent;  the  hist  syllable  of  Cukulcan  has  likewise 
the  same  significance.  The  Aztec  name  for  the  day,  Coatl,  also 
signifies  serpent.  The  first  part  of  Chicchan,  however,  might  be  chii 
("  to  bite,  to  sting"').  The  glyph  is  a  head  about  whose  temples  is 
wound  a  row  of  small  circles  like  a  string  of  pearls,  and  according  to 
Schellhas,  Gottergestalten,  page  23,  the  divinity  H,  the  serpent 
god  has  the  same  pretty  decoration,  which  has  long  been  regarded  as 
signifying  a  serpent's  skin. 

3.  Cimi,  /.  The  meaning  of  cinii  is  death;  the  Aztec  name  for  the 
day,  Miquiztli,  and  the  Kiche-Cakchikel,  Camey,  likewise  have  the 
same  significance. 

Accordingly  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  divinity  A  l)elongs  to 
this  day,  especially  as  the  glyph  and  the  picture  resemble  each 
other.  Whether  the  bird  Moan,  as  a  special  representation  of  iV, 
also  belongs  to  this  day,  I  must  leave  undecided  for  the  present,  but 
I  will  return  to  the  subject  later. 

4.  Manik,  k.  We  know  no  more  al^out  a  satisfactory^  meaning  for 
this  word  than  we  do  for  the  Tzental  Moxic.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
day  name  in  Nahuat],  Mazatl,  in  Zapotec,  China,  and  in  Kiche- 
Cakchikel,  Quell,  denotes  in  each  case  deer  (Brinton,  Calendar, 
page  26) . 

The  glyph  signifies  a  hand  in  the  act  of  grasping,  as  in  the 
character  for  the  east,  where  the  hand  (as  it  were)  draws  up  the  sun 
which  lies  below^  it. 

To  the  deer  as  well  as  to  this  hand,  a  hunting  god  would  be  most 
appropriate,  in  connection  with  which  we  particularly  recall  Codex 
Troano-Cortesianus,  in  w^hich  there  is  such  great  prominence  given  to 
the  deer  hunt  (with  snares,  traps,  and  spears)  that  an  entire  section  is 
devoted  to  the  subject.  But  thus  far  the  picture  of  a  god  suitable 
for  a  hunting  god  has  not  been  found,  although  there  is  no  lack  of 
.names  of  gods  of  the  chase  both  among  the  Mayas  and  among  the 
Aztecs.  I  think  that  one  of  the  various  forms  under  which  F  is  rep- 
resented might  possibly  apply  here,  especially  as  F  is  regarded  as  a 
death  god,  Avho  perhaps  is  meant  to  denote  a  violent  death  by  sacri- 
fice or  at  the  hands  of  a  hunter. 

5.  Lamat,  I.  Without  doubt  the  Tzental  Lanibat  is  a  purer  form, 
which  Brinton,  (Calendar,  page  27,  interprets  as  derived  from  lam, 

to  snik  in  ",  to  sink  beneath  and  from  Bat,  which  means  l)oth 
the  grain,  the  seed,  and  a  mattock  for  working  the  ground.  The 
Aztec  designation  for  this  da3%  Tochtli,  rabbit  might  convey  the 
idea  of  the  animal  as  a  symbol  of  fertility  or  even  as  destroyer  of  the 
(^rop.  The  glyph  perhaps  denotes  the  f urroAVs  or  holes  for  the  recep- 
tion of  the  seed. 

7238— No.  28— 05 — —36 


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BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


We  might,  but  only  perhaps,  look  here  for  a  grain  god,  particu- 
larly as  in  Kiche-Cakchikel  among  the  inhabitants  of  Ixtlavacan 
in  Guatemala,  the  name  of  the  day,  K.anel,  designates  a  deity  of  seed- 
sowing,  to  whom  sacrifices  were  performed  on  this  day  (Scherzer  in 
Boletin  de  la  Sociedad  Economica  de  Guatemala,  December  15,  1870). 

The  picture  of  a  deity  of  seed-sowing,  however,  has  not  yet  been 
discovered  in  Maya  literature,  although  this  action  is  represented 
several  times  in  the  manuscripts. 

6.  Muluc,  m.  This  word,  to  Avhich  Mulu,  or  Molo,  in  Tzental  cor- 
responds, might  be  derived  from  muyal,  "  clouds  "  (StoU,  Ethnog- 
raphic von  Guatemala,  page  59),  and  this  may  be  connected  with  mul, 
"  to  heap  up  ".    Among  the  Zapotecs  the  day  is  called  Niza.  or  Queza, 

water  in  Kiche-Cakchikel,  Toh.  Toh,  however,  signifies  the  god 
of  thunderstorms.  To  this  the  Aztec  Atl  also  corresponds  and  the 
Quiahuitl  of  the  Pipiles,  water  or  rain. 

The  glyph  is  doubtful.  It  is  either  the  firmament  with  a  cloud 
in  the  center,  or  a  sheet  of  water  with  an  islet  rising  out  of  it. 
With  this  I  place  the  deity  K,  blowing  from  his  enormously  exagger- 
ated nose,  therefore  probably  denoting  the  storm  god. 

7.  Oc,  n.  The  meaning,  foot,  Avhich  this  word  has  among  the 
Mayns.  is  of  no  use  to  us.  But  perhaps  it  is  useful  to  know  that 
according  to  Stoll,  Ethnographic  von  Guatemala,  among  two  Maya 
tribes,  the  Tzotzils  in  Chiapas  and  the  Chaiiabal  in  the  north  of 
Guatemala,  the  wild  dog  (coyote)  is  called  ohil,  from  which  this  word 
Oc  may  have  been  derived.  Noav,  this  day  has  the  name  Tzi  with  the 
Kiche-Cakchikels,  and  with  the  Aztecs,  Itzcuintli,  both  meaning 
dog;  the  Zapotec  name,  Telia,  is  said,  according  to  Bartolomaus  of 
l^isa  (Brinton,  Calendar,  page  28),  to  mean  the  same.  But  the  dog 
occurs  in  mythology  as  the  lightning  beast,  in  which  character  it  fre- 
(piently  and  distinctly  occurs  in  the  manuscripts  (Schellhas,  Gotter- 
gestalten,  page  80). 

The  glyph  occurs  in  manifold  forms,  which  have  in  common  sev- 
eral zigzag  lines  (for  example,  in  the  books  of  Chilam  Balam),  and 
which  might  very  well  signify  lightning. 

8.  Chuen,  o.  In  Tzental  and  Kiche-Cakchikel,  this  day  is  called 
Batz,  in  Xahuatl,  Ozomatli,  and  both  mean  monkey.  It  denotes  a 
particular  species  of  monkey,  Tzental,  according  to  Lara  (Brinton, 
Calendar,  page  28).  Chiu,  and  perhaps  Chuen,  the  meaning  of 
which  is  otherwise  unknown,  is  connected  with  it. 

The  glyph  shows  a  gaping  jaw,  which  Seler  likewise  ascribes  to  a 
monkey,  but  Schellhas  to  a  serpent.  I  do  not  venture  to  decide  the 
matter. 

The  figure  of  the  deity  C  belonging  here  displays,  as  does  also  its 
glyph,  peculiar  lines  about  the  mouth  and  nose,  which  suggest  a 
monkey's  skull  and  even  look  like  the  lateral  nasal  aperture  of  the 


FttRSTBMANN.] 


DAY  GODS  OF  THE  MAYAS 


563 


American  monkey.  This  Schelllias  lias  recognized  as  a  deity  of  tlie 
north.  We  assume,  therefore,  that  the  Little  Bear  is  conceived  of  as 
a  monkey  which  holds  fast  with  its  prehensile  tail  to  the  pole  and 
swings  about  the  latter. 

9.  Eb,  p.  This  Maya  word  is  doubtless  connected  with  the  Euob 
of  the  Tzentals  and  the  P].  or  Ee,  of  the  Kiche-Cakchikels.  Like  the 
Pija  of  the  Zapotecs  and  the  Malinalli  of  the  Aztecs,  it  signifies  a  com- 
bination of  points,  spines,  or  thorns,  a  row  of  teeth,  stiif  varieties  of 
grass,  and  the  brushes  or  brooms  made  of  them. 

The  glyph  of  this  day  is  a  head,  and  therefore,  no  doubt,  a  deity. 
By  the  side  of  the  eye  and  the  nose  are  seen  either  two  lines  running 
from  the  top  downward  or,  carried  out  more  in  detail,  a  row  of 
many  dots  like  spines  around  these  lines,  so  that  the  whole  is  not 
unlike  a  broom,  as  in  Landa  and  often  in  the  manuscripts. 

What  deity  is  denoted  here  we  can  not  yet  positively  determine. 
We  must  expect  to  find  similar  marking  on  its  face.  In  connection 
with  day  4  (Manik)  Ave  have  already  alluded  to  the  various  kinds 
of  lines  on  the  face  of  the  god  E.  Here,  too,  the  deity  we  are  in  search 
of  may  easily  have  been  confounded  with  the  forms  supposed  to  rep- 
resent the  god  F.  I  recall,  for  instance,  the  figure  drawn  on  the  left 
at  the  top  of  page  5  of  the  Dresden  codex,  in  which  two  glyphs  are 
unfortunately  destroyed.  It  should  also  be  remembered  that  among 
the  Mayas  the  cleansing  of  the  dwellings  for  the  feasts  was  a  pre- 
scribed ritual  act.  We  are  reminded  of  the  herba  verbenaca  used  by 
the  Romans  at  the  lustratio. 

10.  Ben,  q.  The  meaning  of  reed,  rush,  or  straw  belongs  to  Acatl 
in  Aztec,  to  Quii  or  La  a  in  Zapotec,  and  to  Ah  in  Kiche  and  Cak- 
chikel.  The  significance  of  Ben  in  Maya  and  Tzental  is  unknown, 
but  caghben  in  Tzental  means  dried  cornstalk  (Brinton,  Calendar, 
page  30). 

The  Aztec  glyph,  as  usual,  is  very  distinct.  In  the  Maya  glyph 
there  are  several  straight  lines  at  right  angles  to  each  other.  The 
most  probable  meaning  of  this  is  a  roof  made  of  reeds  or  rushes, 
and  this  opinion  Doctor  Schellhas  expressed  to  me  in  a  letter 
years  ago.  It  may  possibly  refer  to  the  Kiche  god  Chahalhuc,  the 
god  of  dwellings  (see  Stoll,  Ethnographic  der  Indianerstamme  von 
Guatemala  in  the  Internationales  Archiv  fiir  Ethnographic,  1889). 
But  it  is  more  likely  to  refer  to  the  Aztec  patron  of  this  day,  Itztla- 
liuhqui,  who  is  given  as  the  god  of  coolness  and  of  drought,  also  of  sin. 
It  reminds  us  that  the  roof  is  a  protection  from  sun  heat  and  pouring 
rain,  and  hides  secret  sin  from  view ;  for  were  not  adulterers  stoned 
before  the  image  of  this  particular  god?  I  am  far,  however,  from 
wishing  that  this  train  of  thought  should  be  regarded  in  the  light 
of  an  assertion.  After  the  explanation  above  written  Professor 
Brinton  sent  me  his  interesting  work,  The  Pillars  of  Ben,  but  I  must 


564 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


here  confine  myself  to  referring  simply  to  it,  especially  as  it  really 
contains  nothing  that  contradicts  my  view. 

11.  Ix,  T.  In  Aztec  this  day  is  called  Ocelotl;  in  Zapotec,  Eche; 
in  Kiche  and  Cakchikel,  Balam.  All  these  mean  the  jaguar.  The 
Kiche,  however,  has  also  the  word  Hix  for  it,  which  is  the  same  in 
Tzental.  The  Maya  word  is  written  Ix,  Gix,  Hix,  and  means  the  sor- 
cerer. But  jaguar  and  sorcerer  are  actually  synonyms,  for  to  the  lat- 
ter the  power  is  ascribed  of  transforming  himself  into  the  former,  and 
the  verb  balam  in  Kiche  denotes  precisely  this  transformation  (Brin- 
ton.  Calendar,  page  80). 

The  Maya  glyph  with  its  two  lines  and  three  dots,  therefore, 
seems  plainly  to  denote  the  striped  and  spotted  jaguar  skin,  which 
possibly  is  a  symbol  of  the  starry  heavens  (a  more  detailed  account  is 
given  in  Brinton's  Calendar,  page  56).  Ocelotl  among  the  Nahuas  is 
specifically  the  designation  of  the  Great  Bear,  as  Ozomatli,  the  eighth 
day,  is  that  of  the  Little  Bear.  But  the  deity  belonging  to  it  is  actu- 
ally represented  among  the  Mayas  by  a  jaguar  (Schellhas,  Gotter- 
gestalten,  page  81).  In  the  Dresden  codex,  page  2f)a,  at  the  end  of 
the  Ix  year,  the  priest  carries  away  the  image  of  the  jaguar. 

12.  Men,  .s'.  The  Tzental  and  Kiche-Cakchikel  word  Tziquin 
means  bird,  the  Aztec,  Quauhtli,  specifically  the  eagle.  Now,  the  bird 
among  Central  American  peoples  is  the  symbol  of  knowledge  and  of 
wisdom,  as  the  owl  was  among  the  Athenians.  In  harmony  with  such 
a  view  this  day  is  called  Naa  by  the  Zapotecs,  as  it  is  called  Men  by 
the  Mayas,  both  meaning  knowledge  and  understanding,  Ah-men, 
"  the  wise  one  ". 

The  glyph  is  a  head.  Below  the  eyes  are  various  markings  which 
might  Y^ry  well  mean  bird's  feathers.  Doctor  Seler  has  been  at 
various  times  reminded  of  the  Aztec  goddess,  Tonantzin,  the  great 
earth  mother  who  is  adorned  with  eagle's  feathers. 

Among  the  mythical  birds  of  the  Mayas  the  most  important  is  the 
Moan  (Schellhas,  Gottergestalten,  page  29),  which  occurs  often  in 
their  glyphs,  and  which  denotes  a  month  of  the  year.  In  Globus, 
volume  65.  number  15  (1894),  I  have  considered  whether  Moan  is 
the  sign  of  the  Pleiades.  !  This  suggestion  may  be  of  use  in  connection 
with  this  day,  but  I  do  not  ascribe  much  importance  to  the  fact  that 
the  consonants  agree  in  Moan  and  Men. 

18.  Cib,  t.  The  Aztec  Cozcaquauhtli  means  the  vulture,  literally 
the  king  vulture,  named  after  its  feather  ornament.  The  Tecolotl  of 
the  Pipiles  means  the  owl.  The  Zapotec  Loo,  or  Guil-loo,  seems  also 
to  denote  a  bird,  for  ba-loo  denotes  crow  or  raven.  The  meaning 
of  the  Maya  word  Cib  and  of  the  Tzental  Chabin  is  very  uncertain 
(Brinton,  Calendar,  page  81)  ;  but  that  the  Mayas  actually  regarded 
the  vulture  as  the  symbol  of  the  deity  of  this  day  is  confirmed  below 
^see  Schellhas,  Gottergestalten,  page  31). 


F()RSTBMANN.] 


DAY  GODS  OF  THE  MAYAS 


565 


The  gl3l3li  shows  a  line  winding  from  below  upward,  on  the  upper 
end  of  which  there  is  a  small  round  object.  I  do  not  consider  it 
impossible  that  this  may  indicate  a  bird  mounting  into  the  air. 

14.  Caban,  u.  I  connect  this  word  with  cab,  to  which  Perez  in  his 
lexicon  gives  the  meaning  of  earth,  world,  soil.  At  the  first  glance  the 
Aztec  Ollin  does  not  seem  to  correspond  to  it  at  all,  because  the  idea  of 
movement  attaches  to  Ollin  and  particularly  the  movement  of  the  sun ; 
but  when  we  find  that  the  ^leztitlan  expression,  Nahui  OUi  means  the 
four  movements  given  for  this  day  in  Brinton's  Calendar,  page  32, 
and  read  "  directions  "  rather  than  '*  movements  ",  the  riddle  is  solved, 
for  it  means  the  four  cardinal  points  surrounding  the  world.  I  must 
leave  it  to  the  future  to  reconcile  this  meaning  with  the  Tzental  Chic, 
the  Kiche-Cakchikel  Noh,  and  the  Zapotec  Xoo,  to  which  the  meaning 
of  great,  firm,  powerful  is  ascribed.  Can  these  be  the  designations 
for  the  gods  of  the  four  cardinal  points,  the  Bacabs  ? 

The  form  of  the  Aztec  glyph  accords  with  my  supposition. 
Around  a  central  design  in  which,  without  too  much  imagination,  one 
can  see  a  suggestion  of  the  earth,  the  ocean,  and  the  surrounding 
atmosphere,  figures  in  the  form  of  sails  of  a  windmill  extend  in 
four  directions.  We  are  here  strongly  reminded  of  the  represen- 
tation in  Codex  Cortesianus,  pages  41  to  42,  which  Leon  de  Rosny  not 
inappropriately  has  called  a  tableau  des  Bacabs;  that  is,  of  the  four 
deities  of  the  cardinal  points.  It  is  a  tonalamatl  in  which,  from  a 
central  inclosure,  half  of  it  rectangular  and  half  circular,  four  figures 
representing  the  separate  days  project  in  as  many  directions. 

The  Maya  glyph  unquestionably  denotes  the  ground.  I  here  (|uote 
the  words  of  Schellhas  (Die  Mayahandschrift  der  Koniglichen  Bib- 
liothek  zu  Dresden,  188G,  page  21)  : 

The  sign  is  the  symbol  of  land,  the  ground,  the  earth,  which  is  called  cab 
in  Maya.  Numerous  pictures  of  persons  and  objects,  which  sit,  lie,  and  stand 
on  this  sign,  and  especially  its  frequent  occurrence  as  ground  and  foundation 
in  the  representations,  confirms  the  signification  of  the  word.  Thus  the  sign 
cab  occurs  especially  in  the  Troano  codex,  frequently  also  the  sign  Kan,  as 
a  symbolic  glyph  of  the  fruitful  earth  from  which  maize  stalks  are  sprouting 
(Troano  codex,  page  33).  In  another  passage  (Troano  codex,  page  32)  there 
are  vines,  twining  about  a  pole,  on  the  sign  Caban. 

Yet,  notwithstanding  all  those  assured  points,  it  is  difficult  to  inter- 
pret the  form  of  the  Maya  glyph.  It  includes  the  same  spiral  line 
terminating  in  a  small  round  object  at  the  top  which  we  saw  in  the 
preceding  day  Cib  and  interpreted  as  a  soaring  bird.  In  addition, 
it  contains  a  second  small  object,  from  which  a  straight  dotted  line 
runs  downward.  Can  this  be  an  indication  of  two  directions,  up  and 
down?  This  explanation  does  not  altogether  satisfy  me.  We  shall 
therefore  be  forced  to  regard  the  four  Bacabs  as  the  gods  of  this  day. 

15.  Ezanab,  v.    The  Aztec  Tecpatl  is  flint,  such  as  is  used  for 


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[BULL.  28 


knives  and  lance  heads.  To  this  corresponds  the  Tzental  Chinax,  an 
old  form  for  the  usnal  zninax,  knife  The  Cakchikel  Tihax  is 
said  to  mean  biting,  scratching,  Avhile  in  the  Zapotec  Gopaa  Brinton 
(Calendar,  page  32)  surmises  a  variant  of  guipa,  "  sharp  point,  edge  " 
(gueza-guipa,  flint  knife  ").  The  Maya  Avord  Ezanab,  Brinton,  in 
the  same  work,  connects  Avith  edz,  "  to  stab,  to  sharpen  and  nab, 
something  stained,  especially  with  blood.  In  fact  the  lance  heads 
repeatedly  appear  bloodstained  in  the  manuscripts. 

The  glyph  consists  of  two  intersecting  zigzag  lines,  which  are 
also  repeated  on  the  lance  heads.  These  lines  reproduce  very  w^ell 
the  jagged  slanting  lines  of  a  flint  knife  (Schellhas,  Mayahandschrift, 
page  22). 

It  is  difficult  to  find  an  appropriate  deity  for  this  sign.  For  the 
present  I  am  inclined  to  consider  in  connection  Avith  it  one  of  the 
serpent  deities  (Schellhas,  H  and  I),  so  difficult  to  distinguish,  one  of 
which  belongs  to  the  second  day.  The  wound  made  by  stabbing  or 
cutting  could  be  conceived  of  as  a  serpent's  bite.  All  this  is  very  un- 
certain, but  I  hope  later  to  bring  forward  more  arguments  in  support 
of  my  opinion. 

16.  Cauac,  w.  In  this  sign  I  see  the  rainy  season,  the  time  of  the 
greatest  heat  and  most  frequent  thunderstorms.  The  Maya  word 
is  exactly  equivalent  to  the  Tzental  Cahogh  (chaoc),  the  Pokonchi 
and  Pokoman  Cahoc  (cohoc),  and  the  Chontal  Chauoc,  Avhich  all 
mean  thunderstorm.  Ea^cu  the  remote  Huastec  has  the  same  word 
in  its  tzoc.  The  Zapotec  Ape  (api),  properly  dark  cloud;  in  the 
compounds  laari-api-niza  and  ri-api-laha,  signifies  lightning  (Brin- 
ton, Calendar,  page  33).  In  the  Aztec  the  name  of  this  day  is  Quia- 
huitl,  equivalent  to  rain. 

The  glyph,  Avhich  distinctly  includes  a  mass  of  clouds,  corre- 
sponds A^ery  well  to  the  aboA^e. 

The  language  of  the  remote  Aztec  Pipiles  shows  us  how  to  find  the 
god  belonging  to  the  day.  In  this  language  the  day  is  called  Ayotl, 
"  the  tortoise  ",  Avhich  is  a  symbol  of  the  thunderstorm  deity,  as  Schell- 
has has  already  stated  in  the  Zeitschrift  fiir  Ethnologic,  1892,  page 
120,  and  also  in  his  latest  Avork,  page  31.  I  myself  have  principally 
demonstrated  in  my  third  treatise,  "  Zur  Entzifferung  ",  that  the  tor- 
toise signifies  the  summer  solstice,  the  climax  of  the  season  of  rain 
and  thunderstorms.  Add  to  this  that  among  the  Mayas  cooc,  or 
caoc,  denotes  the  lightning,  and  coc  the  tortoise,  and  it  seems  prob- 
able that  the  resemblance  of  the  word  may  haA^e  influenced  the  selec- 
tion of  the  symbol.  Indeed,  it  may  be  thought  that  the  Yucatec  rain 
god  Chac  is  the  same  word  as  cauac,  caoc,  or  cahogh.  Ea^cu  to-day 
chaac  (chac)  is  used  in  the  sense  of  rain. 

17.  Ahau,  X.  Literally  "  lord  of  the  necklace  ".  as  the  ornament 
marking  a  distinguished  rank.    From  this  the  name  of  the  day 


roKSTEMANN.] 


DAY  GODS  OF  THE  MAYAS 


567 


Aghual,  lonlshij)  '\  is  derived  in  the  Tzeiital.  Tii  the  Kiche-Cak- 
ehikel  it  is  called  ()iitri<iht  by  the  name  of  the  <>()(1  I luii-ahpii,  'Mhe 
one  lord  of  power  in  Zapotec  Lao,  or  Loo,  the  eye  '\  which  means 
the  eye  of  the  day,  the  sun,  as  the  Mayas  have  the  god  name  Kin-ich- 
ahau,  "  lord  of  the  eye  of  the  day And  the  Aztec  XochitI, 
"  flow^er  ",  is  also  explained  by  the  xochitonal  of  the  dialect  of  Mez- 
titlan,  "  the  floAver  of  the  day,  the  sun     (Brinton,  Calendar,  page  34). 

The  glyph  displays  a  face  which  differs  from  the  other  heads, 
inasmuch  as  it  is  seen  from  in  front,  and  its  eye  forms  the  symbol  of 
the  moon,  while  an  akbal  (night)  is  placed  on  the  forehead.  The 
god  belonging  here  is  doubtless  the  old  god  D,  to  whose  glyph 
the  sign  Ahau  is  usually  added  as  a  determinative.  The  close  rela- 
tion of  this  god  to  the  sun  is  probably  the  reason  why  there  no  longer 
seems  to  be  a  vacant  place  for  the  sun  god  proper,  wdiich  in  all  prob- 
ability he  originally  occupied,  as  we  shall  see  directly.  The  question 
now  arises,  Is  the  close  relation  of  god  D  to  the  moon  among  the 
Mayas  an  innovation  or  is  it  the  most  ancient  relation?  The  moon 
is  the  nearer,  the  sun  the  more  remote,  lord  of  time  and  of  the  whole 
chronology. 

18.  Imix,  y.  In  the  course  of  time  the  meaning  of  Imix  has  under- 
gone two  changes  wdiich  have  rendered  the  interpretation  very  diffi 
cult.  It  may  be  assumed  that  among  the  Mayas,  mex,  or  meex,  means 
the  beard,  which  doubtless  suggests  primarily  the  sun's  beard  (u  mex 
kin),  that  is,  the  sun's  rays  (Brinton,  Calendar,  page  23).  This  is 
very  appropriate  to  the  day,  which  was  placed  at  the  head  of  the  day 
series  by  the  Aztecs  and  by  various  Maya  races.  Mex,  however,  is 
also  the  name  of  the  cuttlefish,  from  whose  head  extend  eight  or  ten 
raylike  arms  (un  pescado  que  tiene  muchos  brazos),  and  it  may  be  the 
oldest  hieroglyphic  designation  of  the  day. 

But  the  little-known  cuttlefish,  when  the  originaL  connection  was 
forgotten,  was  replaced  by  another  aquatic  creature.  Among  the 
Zapotecs  the  day  was  called  Chiylla, water  lizard  In  the  Nahuatl 
it  was  Cipactli,  which  is  applied  to  an  undefined  aquatic  creature. 
The  Aztec  glyph  is  an  alligator.  Secondarily,  the  process  which  Brin- 
ton calls  ikonomatic  began  at  this  point.  Instead  of  Mex,  the  Mayas 
used  Imix  as  the  designation  of  this  day ;  the  Tzentals  used  Imox,  or 
Mox.  The  Kiches  and  Cakchikels  have  Imox,  or  Moxin,  which  in 
their  language,  according  to  Ximenes,  also  denotes  the  sw^ordfish, 
and  this  facilitates  the  transition  of  the  meaning.  Im  signifies  udder 
or  the  female  breast,  while  ix  is  a  frequent  prefix  or  suffix,  denot- 
ing the  feminine  gender.  Here  it  should  be  observed  that  milk  is 
denoted  by  cab- in,  "  honey  of  the  breast  '\  Then,  in  this  connection, 
we  are  reminded  that  the  intoxicating  pulque  was  obtained  from 
honey,  and  that  numerous  pulque  gods  occur  among  the  Aztecs  and 
Mayas.    The  gathering  of  honey  Avas  a  prominent  industry,  as  is 


568 


BUEEAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


shown  by  the  large  section  devoted  to  it  in  Codex  Troano-Cortesianus. 
The  frequent  combination  of  the  signs  kan  and  iniix  (with  water  and 
pipes  as  affixes)  seems  to  signify  food  and  drink,  a  meal,  a  banquet. 
They  occur  almost  exclusively  in  the  tonalamatl,  and  not  in  the 
astronomic  representations.  The  Maya  glyph  unquestionably  denotes 
a  female  breast. 

All  this  seems,  therefore,  to  point  to  a  deity  of  the  honey  industry 
or  of  pulque.  Schellhas  has  not  yet  discovered  such  a  god,  but  I  hope 
to  find  one  farther  on. 

I  must  call  attention  to  the  fact  that,  first  by  Brasseur  de  Bour- 
bourg,  then  by  Seler  and  others,  a  black  god,  Ek-chuah,  is  mentioned 
as  patron  of  the  day  Imix,  as  protector  of  cacao  planters,  travelers, 
and  merchants.  Yet  I  avoid  connecting  this  god  by  a  factitious  train 
of  thought  with  the  desired  pulque  god,  and  leave  the  question  open 
for  the  future. 

19.  Ik,  The  Maya  word  ik  is  the  same  as  the  igh  of  the  Tzen- 
tals  and  the  ik  of  the  Kiches  and  Cakchikels,  and  corresponds  in  mean- 
ing also  to  the  Aztec  Ehecatl.  Owing  to  this  agreement  it  is  unnec- 
essary for  my  purpose  to  examine  the  various  Zapotec  expressions  for 
this  day.  But  the  common  meaning  is  that  of  wind,  breath,  air  (in 
the  pictorial  representations  also  that  of  fire,  as  a  particular  kind  of 
air),  then,  figuratively,  that  of  life  and  spirit. 

The  glyph  of  the  day  has  various  forms.  The  most  primitive 
appears  to  me  to  be  the  rectilinear  one,  as  it  occurs  particularly  in 
the  inscriptions,  and  also  in  the  eye  included  in  the  glyph  of  the  god. 
The  day  series  of  the  tonalamatl  readily  suggest  a  burning  torch  or 
candle,  but  this  rectilinear  shape  reminds  one  of  the  tree  of  life  or  of 
the  sacrificial  tree.  In  addition  to  this  other  forms  occur,  which  are 
entirely  unintelligible  to  me  (see,  for  example,  Brinton,  Essays  of  an 
Americanist,  page  271). 

The  deity  of  the  day  is  decidedly  god  B,  Cukulcan,  or  Quetzalcoatl, 
the  bird-serpent,  this  most  universal  and  most  diversely  busy  god  of 
the  Mayas,  especially  of  the  Tzentals.  In  j)lace  of  the  eye  this  glyph 
displays  the  rectilinear  figure  of  ik,  which  alone  is  conclusive.  The 
picture  of  the  god  itself  may,  by  the  long  nose,  have  reference  to 
breath,  just  as  god  K,  by  his  ornamental  nose,  denotes  the  blast  of  the 
storm. 

20.  Akbal,  aa.  In  Kiche-Cakchikel  this  day  is  called  by  the  same 
name.  It  means  darkness,  night,  like  the  Zapotec  Guela.  In  Nahuatl 
we  have  Calli,  the  house  ",  probably  in  the  sense  of  an  abode  for 
the  night  and  on  account  of  the  darkness  prevailing  ^^ithin  it.  In 
Tzental  the  day  is  called  Votan,  after  the  demigod,  the  so-called 
"  heart  of  the  nation  who  built  a  dark  house  in  Tlazolayan  for  the 
sacred  objects  of  his  cult.    He  answers  to  the  Aztec  Tepeyollotl 


FORSTEMANN.l 


DAY  GODS  OF  THE  MAYAS 


569 


(Seler  in  the  Coiiipte  rendu  des  Berliner  Kongresses,  page.s  561  to 
569). 

The  Aztec  gWph  of  the  day  distinctly  designates  a  lioiise,  while 
that  of  the  Mayas  is  still  unintelligible  to  me.  Seler  (Berliner  Kon- 
gress,  page  5G2)  sees  in  this  a  rejn'esentation  of  the  mountain  cavern, 
the  jaws  of  the  earth.  This  deity  ^Ye  shall  probably  find  in  the  black 
god  whom  Schellhas  has  denoted  by  L. 

I  am  unable  to  discover  a  methodic  arrangement  in  the  significance 
of  the  20  days  or  in  the  gods  belonging  to  them.  When  Brinton  in 
his  calendar  undertakes  to  construct  an  organic  order  of  the  day 
names  I  am  not  able  to  follow  him. 

It  is  plain  that  in  this  grouping  of  the  gods  with  the  days,  along 
with  much  that  is  certain,  there  is  also  much  that  is  doubtful,  but  I 
believe  that  I  am  in  a  position  to  find  confirnuition  of  my  opinions  in 
another  direction.  My  hope  rests,  first  of  all,  on  the  unique  tonala- 
matl  of  the  Dresden  codex,  pages  4a  to  10a,  which  in  the  custonuiry 
manner  treats  the  first  52  days  more  in  detail,  l)ut  specifically  divides 
them  into  20  different  parts,  which  occurs  in  no  other  tonalamatl. 
One  is  therefore  involuntarily  led  to  ask  whether  a  relation  may  not 
be  discovered  between  these  small  time  periods  and  the  20  days.  At 
first  glance  the  answer  to  this  question  is  in  the  negative.  The  tona- 
lamatl has  as  its  zero  point  the  day  Imix,  y ;  but  if,  proceeding  from 
this  point,  Ave  attempt  to  prove  the  divisions  of  time  recorded  in  the 
manuscript  and  the  representations  concluding  them,  then  the  day 
found  in  no  case  corresponds  with  the  pictures  and  their  glyphs. 

It  is  quite  a  different  matter  if  we  assume  that  the  zero  point  was 
mistakenly  placed  at  Imix,  ?/,  by  the  scribe,  instead  of  five  days 
earlier  at  Cib,  ^,  where  it  should  be.  He  seems  to  have  placed  the 
tonalamatl  of  a  certain  year  on  the  same  days  of  the  next  year,  with- 
out reflecting  that  they  ought  to  be  moved  forward  five  days.  This 
supposition  seems  to  me  to  become  a  certainty  through  the  following 
statement. 

If  we  proceed  from  the  day  13  (Cib,  t)  the  intervals  of  one,  two, 
three,  or  four  days  will  give  at  the  close  the  following  days  of  the  20 
sections : 


1 

15  Ezanab 

11 

2  Chicchan 

2 

19  Ik 

12 

6  Muhic 

3 

3  Cimi 

13 

8  Chuen 

4 

4  Manik 

14 

11  Ix 

5 

8  Chnen 

15 

13  Cib 

6 

10  Ben 

16 

16  Cauac 

7 

12  Men 

17 

18  Imix 

8 

16  Cauac 

18 

1  Kan 

9 

18  Imix 

19 

3  Cimi 

10 

20  Akbal 

20 

-  -  -  5  Lamat 

Thus  it  appears  that  there  was  no  attempt  made  to  have  all  the  20 
days  represented,  for  the  days  3,  8,  16,  and  18  occur  a  second  time 


570 


BUKEAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


after  20  or  40  days,  while,  on  the  other  hand,  the  days  7,  9,  14,  and  17 
are  missing.  Now  let  us  see  how  the  groups  consisting  each  of  a 
picture  and  six  glyphs  (of  which  tlie  first  two  are  always  the  same) 
agree  with  the  days  found  by  calculation. 

1.  Ezanab,  v.  We  find  here  an  actual  serpent  god  (H  or  I)  hold- 
ing a  serpent  in  its  hand,  and  in  the  third  and  fourth  glyphs,  with 
slight  variations,  the  symbols  of  the  other  serpent  god  belonging  to 
the  day  Chicchan,  h.  The  deity  as  an  ear  ornament  distinctly  wears 
the  sign  ezanab.    Here  everything  corresponds. 

2.  Ik,  s.  This  is  the  actual  god  B.  His  sign  is  also  in  the  fourth 
glyph.  If  the  object  held  in  his  hand  is  intended  for  a  bird,  it  would 
be  a  symbol  of  wind.    This  also  agrees. 

3.  Cimi,  i.  We  expect  to  find  the  god  A  here,  but  we  find  another, 
probably  N.  Unfortunately  the  destruction  of  the  glyph  has  ren- 
dered a  critical  examination  difficult.  We  can  not,  therefore,  prove 
an  agreement. 

4.  Manik,  k.  Here  we  plainly  have  one  of  the  forms  of  god  F,  but 
the  difficulty  of  arriving  at  a  decision  in  reference  to  this  god,  as  well 
as  the  obliteration  of  the  glyphs,  prevents  us  from  definitely  placing 
this  group  among  those  which  show  a  satisfactory  agreement. 

5.  Chuen,  o.  The  picture  of  god  C,  as  well  as  his  glyph,  accords 
admirably  with  my  view. 

6.  Ben,  q.  Here,  it  is  true,  one  of  the  common  Ben-Ik  signs  is 
found  among  the  glyphs,  but  below  it  is  again  the  deity  B.  We  must 
here  defer  a  final  decision. 

7.  Men,  s.  This  is  a  sign  which  belongs  to  the  sought-for  Moan, 
but  the  i:)icture  is  probably  another  form  of  god  F,  with  the  nose  peg 
of  the  sun  god  G.  It  is  true  the  Moan  is  connected  with  the  position 
of  the  sun,  but  that  is  not  sufficient  to  constitute  a  positive  agreement 
here. 

8.  Cauac,  w.  The  sought-for  tortoise  does  not  occur  here,  unless  we 
are  inclined  to  consider  the  object  which  the  god  holds  in  his  hand  as 
such.  Among  the  glyphs  the  two  central  ones  which  belong  to  the 
serpent  god  H  are  noticeable,  and  they  agree  tolerably  well  with  the 
rainy  season  and  thunderstorms.  A  proof  of  positive  correspondence, 
however,  does  not  appear. 

9.  Imix,  y.  The  deit}^  is  feminine,  as  is  appropriate  to  this  day. 
This  is  shown  by  the  tresses  displayed  before  the  third  and  fifth 
glyphs.  But  she  appears  to  be  one  of  the  forms  of  god  F,  which  is 
indicated  by  the  death  sign  on  her  cheek.  I  do  not  venture  to  explain 
what  she  holds  in  her  hand  or  the  serpent  on  her  head.  The  matter, 
therefore,  remains  undecided. 

10.  Akbal,  aa.  The  black  god  L,  as  well  as  the  traces  still  left  of 
the  third  glyph,  correspond  to  the  idea  of  darkness  conjectured  here. 


r()RSTEMANN,] 


DAY  GODS  OF  THE  MAYAS 


571 


Xud  siiico  Akbal  is  one  of  tho  days  with  which  the  months  in  the 
Kan  year  begin,  the  sixth  glyph,  ahaii,  also  agrees. 

11.  Chicchan,  h.  The  dog  with  his  glyphs  certainly  does  not  agree 
with  this,  since  we  expect  a  serpent  god  here.  Yet  it  is  curious  that 
the  last  two  glyphs  are  the  same,  only  in  reversed  order,  as  the  last 
two  in  group  1,  which -certainly  belongs  to  a  serpent  god.  The  ques- 
tion remains  undecided. 

12.  Muluc,  7)1.  Here  the  divinity  K  corresponds  admirably  in  the 
picture  and  the  two  central  glyphs.  The  fifth  glyph  shows  the  day 
as  one  of  the  regents  of  the  year. 

13.  Chuen,  o.  Here  there  is  no  agreement,  since  the  picture  repre- 
sents god  A,  and  the  glyphs  are  his. 

14.  Ix,  r.  Nothing  can  better  correspond  to  this  day  than  the  pic- 
ture of  the  jaguar  and  his  glyph  occupying  the  third  place. 

15.  Cib,  t.  Here,  too,  as  in  the  preceding  group,  the  picture  and 
third  glyph  agree,  both  denoting  the  vulture.  The  fifth,  on  the  other 
hand,  represents  the  lightning  dog,  in  relation  to  which  it  is  curiously 
fitting  that  on  page  13c  vulture  and  dog  are  combined  in  one  group. 

These  two  groups,  14  and  15,  separated  by  two  days,  like  jaguar 
and  vulture  in  the  Aztec  calendar,  seem  to  me  by  themselves  quite  a 
convincing  proof  of  the  connection  of  this  tonalamatl  with  the  days. 
They  formed  the  basis  of  my  hypothesis. 

16.  Cauac,  w.  Here  we  find  nothing  that  we  expected,  but  in  its 
stead  the  god  D  and  the  ahau  sign,  almost  always  accompanying  him, 
in  the  fourth  place,  the  third  glyph  being  unfortunately  destroyed. 
We  are,  therefore,  led  to  assume,  not  with  certainty,  but  with  great 
probability,  that  an  error  of  one  day  has  been  made  here  by  the 
writer.  It  should  be  the  day  17  (Ahau),  for  otherwise  the  chief  of 
all  the  gods  would  be  missing.  The  number  of  days  wanting  in  these 
20  groups  and  of  those  appearing  twice  is,  therefore,  reduced  to  three 
(7,  9,  and  14  and  3,  8,  and  18). 

17.  Imix,  y.  Corresponding  to  the  day,  the  picture  shows  a  female 
deity  Avho  in  tw^o  things  agrees  very  w^ell  with  wdiat  was  remarked 
above,  in  the  bee  sitting  on  her  head  and  in  the  bandaged  eyes,  which 
I  believe,  as  well  as  the  uncertain  position  of  the  hands  (or  do  1  see 
too  much  here  ? ) ,  indicate  intoxication  from  drinking  pulque. 

18.  Kan,  g.  The  sought-for  grain  goddess  E,  w^ith  her  glyph,  is 
actually  found  here. 

19.  Cimi,  i.  This  is  not  the  expected  deity  A,  but  the  closely 
related  figure  of  the  Moan,  having  the  death  symbol  on  his  head,  and 
his  glyphs,  thus  entirely  suitable  to  the  day. 

20.  Lamat,  Z.  Nothing  corresponds  to  this  day,  but  god  A  occurs 
with  his  glyph,  perhaps  not  through  error,  but  intentionally.  The 
fourth  glyph  is  very  remarkable.  In  it  I  am  very  much  inclined  to 
see  a  time  period,  G  lunar  months  and  0  days,  that  is,  r)X28+f),  or  a 


572 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


space  of  174  days;  yet  I  hesitate  to  express  the  conjecture  which  I 
entertain  relative  to  this  subject,  for  it  does  not  pertain  to  my  present 
theme. 

Among  the  twenty  groups,  therefore,  ten  (1,  2.  5,  10,  12,  14,  15,  17, 
18,  19)  agree  very  well  with  my  view,  corroborating  it  in  part,  while 
an  eleventh  (IG)  will  as  well  if  we  accept  a  slight  conjecture. 

After  this  result  the  question  naturally  arises  whether  in  the 
remaining  tonalamatls  of  the  manuscripts  the  pictures  and  glyphs 
correspond  to  the  intervals  of  the  days.  Such  cases  are  readily 
found:  In  the  Dresden  codex,  page  15c,  D  appears  14  days  after  A  (3 
to  17)  ;  page  13b,  C,  7  days  after  E  (1  to  8)  ;  page  16b,  A,  4  days 
after  B  (19  to  8).  But  still  more  cases  must  be  found  to  form  a  con- 
clusive proof,  as  isolated  cases  can  readily  be  ascribed  to  mere  acci- 
dent.   This  is  a  question  upon  which  I  will  not  touch  at  present. 


THE  TEMPLE  OF  INSCRIPTIONS  AT 
PALENQUE 


E.  FORSTEMANN 


THE  TEMPLE  OF  INSCRIPTIONS  AT 
PALENQUE" 


By  E.  Forstemann 


We  have  perforce  confined  our  efforts  from  the  beginning  of  Maya 
research  chiefly  to  the  manuscripts,  in  the  interpretation  of  which 
considerable  progress  has  already  been  made.  The  time  has  now  come 
to  take  the  first  steps  toward  a  decipherment  of  the  Maya  inscriptions. 
Available  copies  of  the  inscriptions  were  until  recently  too  inaccurate 
to  offer  an  incentive  to  thorough  study.  My  treatise,  Die  Kreuzin- 
schrift  von  Palenque,  published  in  Globus,  volume  72,  pages  45  to  49, 
might  therefore  be  called  premature,  since  my  only  guide,  at  least, 
for  the  left  side  of  the  inscription,  was  the  drawing  by  Catherwood 
in  Stephens's  book  of  travels.  This  drawing  is  admirably  executed, 
it  is  true,  but  it  is  inadequate  for  accurate  research.    I  use  the  word 

premature  however,  only  in  reference  to  a  few  details  upon  which 
fuller  light  has  now  been  shed;  I  certainly  comprehended  correctly 
the  main  point,  namely,  the  fact  that  the  inscriptions  consist  essen- 
tially of  a  framework  of  dates  and  the  intervening  periods. 

Considerable  progress  has  recently  been  made  in  the  critical  exami- 
nation of  the  inscriptions,  since  we  now  have  facsimiles  of  them  which 
are  as  accurate  as  the  condition  of  the  originals  permits.  In  par- 
ticular the  great  Biologia  Centrali-Americana,  by  Godman  and  Sal- 
vin,  has  materially  assisted  us  in  this  with  the  section  edited  by 
Maudslay  under  the  title  Archeology,  and  each  new  number  of  this 
work  as  it  appears  is  an  additional  station  on  the  road  of  science. 

Of  the  plates  to  this  work,  the  free  use  of  which  has  been  made 
possible  to  me  by  the  courteous  permission  of  Mr  Maudslay  himself, 
I  wish  to  call  attention  to  the  three  designated  as  plates  lx  to  lxii. 
They  are  from  the  Temple  of  Inscriptions  at  Palenque.  Plates  lx  and 
LXII  are  of  the  same  dimensions,  each  having  20  vertical  columns 
and  12  horizontal  rows,  while  plate  lxt  has  only  14  vertical  columns 
and  10  horizontal  rows.  Hence  there  are  on  these  plates  240-|-140-|- 
240—620  glyphs,  of  which,  hoAvever,  those  in  the  first  9  columns  of 
plate  LX  are  mostly  destroyed.    There  is  no  doubt  that  plate  lx  is 


«  Aus  dem  Inschriftentempel  von  Palenque,  Globus,  v.  75,  n.  5,  1899. 

575 


576 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


actually  to  be  considered  the  first  of  the  three,  because  its  initial 
glj^phs  correspond  with  those  at  the  beginning  of  other  inscriptions, 
while  plates  lxi  and  lxii  are  without  such  characters.  I  shall  denote 
the  columns  of  plates  lx  and  i.xii  by  the  letters  A  to  U,  of  plate  i-xi 
by  A  to  O,  allowing  H,  I,  and  K  to  succeed  one  the  other  in  the 
original  way  (without  a  J),  and  the  horizontal  rows  I  shall  naturally 
denote  by  numbers. 

It  can  furthermore  be  proved  that  plate  lxi  is  in  fact  the  continua- 
tion of  plate  LX. 

The  day  9X144,000+9X7,200=1,300,800  is  given  on  plate  lx  at 
P  and  Q  6;  on  the  same  plate  U  2,  on  the  other  hand,  10X7/200  is 
given;  on  plate  lxi  A  8  is  11X7,200,  and  on  the  same  plate  G  2  is 
12X7,200;  that  is,  they  occur  in  regular  periods  of  20  years,  just  as 
the  centuries  are  sometimes  found  noted  on  the  margin  of  our  his- 
torical tables.  Evidentl}^  9X144,000  is  mentally  to  be  added  to  each 
of  the  last  three  numbers.  Hence  they  signify  the  four  days 
1,300,800,  1,308,000,  1,375,200,  and  1,382,400;  these,  however,  denote 
the  calendar  dates  III  17,  3,  4  (year  7  Cauac),  I  17;  8,  17  (year  13 
Ix),  XII  17;  8,  12  (year  7  Ix)  *^and  X  17;  8,  7  (year  1  Ix).  As  a 
matter  of  fact  the  first  date  occurs  in  plate  lx,  Q  2  P  3,  the  third  in 
plate  LXI,  A  B  2,  the  fourth,  although  somewhat  irregularly  written, 
in  plate  i.xi,  G  H  1 ;  and  the  seccmd,  in  plate  lx,  T  U  1,  has  been 
destroyed.  These  dates,  judging  by  the  other  inscriptions,  obviously 
refer  to  the  iDresent.  Let  us  hope  that  we  shall  soon  be  able  to  trans- 
late them  into  our  chronology.  According  to  all  apj^earances  they 
are  in  the  fifteenth  century. 

Plate  LXI  suggests  another  observation  which  ma}^  be  of  impor- 
tance. AVe  find  there  in  not  fewer  than  0  places  a  glyph  Avhich  is 
not  unlike  a  fist  (see  1,  plate  xliv).  With  this  there  are  always  from 
4  to  12  other  signs,  which,  from  their  positions,  as  well  as  from  their 
repetition,  suggest  the  idea  that  we  have  to  deal  here  with  0  groups  of 
glyphs  closely  allied  in  meaning.    The  0  groups  are  as  follow : 

I  C  5  to  C  7,  five  glyphs. 

II  C  8  to  E  1,  seven  glyphs. 

Ill  F  1  to  F  6,  eleven  glyphs. 

IV  I  4  to  I  10,  thirteen  glyphs. 

V  L3toL9,  thirteen  glyphs. 

VI  M  9  to  O  5,  thirteen  glyphs. 

The  total  number  of  glyphs  is,  therefore,  G^,  but  this  number, 
owing  to  many  repetitions,  is  reduced  to  about  29  different  characters. 
As  all  the  glyphs  of  the  inscriptions  are  subject  to  manifold  varia- 
tions, it  is  not  always  easy  to  distinguish  between  them.  It  is  possible 
that  there  are  28  or  30.  I  give  here  a  transcription  of  these  characters 
in  the  following  order:  First,  those  (1  to  3,  plate  xliv)  which  occur  6 
times  in  these  groups;  then,  those  (4  to  9)  occurring  3  times;  then, 


FOI^sT^:MAN^J       TEMPLE  OF  INSCRIPTIONS  AT  PALENQUE 


577 


those  (10  to  15)  occurring  twice,  and,  finjilly,  those  which  occur  but 
once  (16  to  29). 

These  29  signs  are  now  divided  in  the  following  manner  among  the 
6  groups : 


I 

II 

III 

IV 

V 

VI 

1--C5 

1_ 

.0  8 

1..F  1 

1..I4 

1..L  3 

1_ 

-M  9 

10. -D  5 

U_ 

.D8 

12.  .E  2 

19. .K  4 

4..M3 

4- 

-L  10 

3. .0  6 

16. 

.0  9 

3--F  2 

20. .15 

2..L  4 

2 

-M  10 

2..D  6 

3- 

_D  9 

2-.E  3 

2..K  5 

5..M  4 

5. 

-N  1 

13..C7 

2_ 

-OlO 

13. .F  3 

5.. I  6 

6..L  5 

26, 

-Ol 

4. 

.D  10 

17.-E4 

6..K  6 

7..M  5 

7- 

.N2 

9. 

.E  1 

6--F4 

7.. I  7 

23. .L  6 

27- 

-0  2 

18. .E  5 

21. .K  7 

24. .M  6 

8- 

.N3 

14.. F  5 

8__I8 

8..L  7 

12- 

.0  3 

15. .E  6 

10. -K  8 

11-. M  7 

3- 

.N4 

9-.F6 

3-1  9 

3--L  8 

28. 

.0  4 

15. .K  9 

25_-M8 

29. 

.N5 

22-. I  10 

9..L  9 

14- 

-O  5 

The  groups  II  and  III,  likewise  V  and  VI,  join  one  another;  there 
is  a  single  glyph  between  I  and  II,  and  live  between  IV  and  V.  On 
the  other  hand,  between  III  and  IV,  before  the  beginning  of  the  three 
larger  groups,  there  is  a  space  filled  with  entirely  different  characters, 
which  occupy  a  part  of  columns  E  and  F,  the  whole  of  columns  G  and 

H,  and  the  first  three  row^s  of  I  and  K. 

We  know  the  meaning  of  but  one  of  these  gl3^phs;  this  one  occurs 
three  times  and  is  numbered  5  (ahau,  "  lord  ") .  The  others,  however, 
occur,  almost  all,  in  other  inscriptions  of  Palenque,  as  the  moon  (2), 
fist  (1),  the  recumbent  person  (9),  the  inverted  net  or  cobweb  (3),  the 
chessboard  (29),  and  also  several  of  the  profile  heads;  but  Ave  know 
nothing  of  their  import.  Lasth^,  the  character  6,  occurring  fre- 
quently elsewhere,  is  to  be  mentioned.  I  am  inclined  to  consider  it 
the  Aztec  itzcoatl  (''  arrow  serpent  ") .  In  these  six  groups  of  glyphs, 
none  of  the  Avell-known  characters,  with  the  exception  of  ahau,  are  to 
be  found,  neither  the  glyphs  of  the  days,  months,  and  longer  time 
periods,  nor  those  of  the  constellations  and  the  cardinal  points,  nor 
even  the  glyphs  of  the  gods.  Furthermore,  all  numbers  are  omitted 
here,  which  is  an  especially  striking  fact. 

From  all  this  it  seems  probable  that  we  have  to  do  here  with  cer- 
tain sacred  formulas,  most  likely  formulas  of  prayer.  It  would  give 
me  great  pleasure  if  this  remark  of  mine  should  pave  the  way  for  ou'^ 
of  my  fellow  students  to  some  new  discovery. 

Beginnings  of  such  groups  appear  even  on  plate  lx.  Although 
about  a  third  of  the  characters  occurring  there  are  destroyed,  glyph 

I,  plate  xLiv,  appears  no  less  than  eight  times.  To  this,  in  six  cases, 
are  joined  several  of  the  glyphs  given  above  and  in  addition  the  one 
given  here  (30) . 

7238— No.  28—05  37 


578 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


This,  however,  is  no  other  than  the  glyph  of  god  C,  the  representa- 
tive of  the  north  and  the  night. 

The  six  small  groups  on  this  plate  are  as  follow : 

A  7  to  B  9  :  1,  13,  (  ?) ,  30,  16,  9,  29. 

F  9  to  E  11:  16,  9,  29,  1. 

K  6  to  7 :  1,  4,  30. 

B  4  Q  4 :  1,  30. 

R  7  to  8 :  1,  13,  30. 

T  10  to  11:  1,  13,  30. 

The  last  two  identical  groups  have  still  further  reference  to  one 
another  inasmuch  as  each  is  directly  preceded  by  three  glyphs  which 
correspond  to  one  another;  S  1,  S  2,  and  S  3,  namely,  are  like  U  6, 
U  7,  and  U  8,  though  the  intervening  characters  in  columns  R  and  T 
are  very  different  in  both  places. 

On  plate  lxii  the  formation  of  such  groups  or  formulas  would  be 
hardly  appropriate,  for  this  plate  is  almost  wholly  filled  with  dates 
and  periods,  as  I  have  shown  to  be  the  case  in  the  familiar  Cross 
inscription.  A  few  remarks  relative  to  the  dates  and  periods  may  be 
in  place  here. 

We  are  first  struck  by  the  fact  that  the  beginning  of  the  page  con- 
tains four  dates  without  a  statement  of  the  periods  intervening : 

B  8  A  9:  X  17;  8,  7  (1  Ix). 
C  1  D  1:  VIII  17;  8,  2  (8  Ix). 
C  7  D  7:  VII  17;  18,  2  (10  Ksin). 
C  11  D  11  :  X  17;  13,  7  (9  Miiliic). 

The  day  17,  therefore,  occurs  four  times.  This  is  the  most  impor- 
tant and  most  frequently  employed  of  all  the  days,  but  it  occupies  a 
varying  position  in  the  weeks  and  years.  The  interval  from  the  first 
to  the  second  is  computed  at  7,200,  from  the  second  to  the  third  at 
740,  from  the  third  to  the  fourth  at  9,220  days.  The  number  7,200 
represents,  of  course,  the  familiar  period  of  20X^60,  but  what  are 
the  other  two  intervals? 

A  few  of  the  dates  on  this  plate,  correspond  to  the  intervening 
period : 

Q  5 :  X  17 ;  there  is  no  8,  7  (1  Ix)  with  this. 

P  5  Q  .5:  6+6x20+3X360=1,206=4x260-1  166=3X365+111. 

P  7:  VII  3;  19.  12  (4  Miihio). 

In  fact.  X  17  to  VII  .3=166;  8.  7  to  19.  12=111. 

Again, 

R  6  S  6 :  VII,  14 ;  15,  1  (7  Kan). 

R  7  to  R  8:  1+6x20+7X360+2x7,200=17,041  =65X260+141  =  46x 

.365+251. 
R  11  S  11  :  V  15;  6,  14  (1  Ix). 

R  6  should  be  read  VIII  rather  than  VII.    Then,  VIII  14  to  V  15=101 
and  15,  1  to  6,  14=251. 


iftRSTKMANNj       TEMPLE  OF  INSCRIPTIONS  AT  PALENQUE  579 

Thirdly  and  lastly, 

R  11 :  V  15;  G,  14  (1  Ix). 

S  11  R  12:  2+11x20 -{-0X360=3,462=1 3X260+ 82= 10X365— 188. 

T  1:  IX  17;  18,  4  (11  Kun). 

But  V  15  to  IX  17=82  and  6,  14  to  18,  4=— 188. 

I  now  come  to  a  mysterious  circumstance.  It  is  this,  that  though 
the  period  corresponds  to  the  time  between  the  two  neighboring  dates, 
it  only  does  so  when  the  process  is  reversed  and  the  computation  is 
made  from  the  second  to  the  first : 

C  11  D  11 :  X  17;  13,  7  (9  Muliic). 

E  1  F  1:  9X20+12X360=4,500=17X260+80=12X305+120. 

E  3  F  3 :  VIII  17 :  13,  1  (10  Miiluc). 

But  VIII  17  to  X  17=80 ;  13,  1  to  13,  7=120. 

I  would  also  note  that  the  9  in  E  1  is  only  a  conjecture  with  me; 
the  original  being  plainly  8. 
Similarly, 

E  6  F  6:  V  5;  1,  8  (9  Muluc). 

E  7  F  7  :  8+4x20+2x360=808=3x260+28=2x365+78. 

E8F  8:  III  17;  3,  4  (7Caiiac). 

But  actually,  III  17  to  V  5=28 ;  3,  4  to  1,  8=78. 

Thirdly  and  lastly, 

P  7:  VII  3;  19.  12  (4  Muluc). 

Q  7  to  S:  9X144.000+7X7,200+11X360+3X20=1,350,420=5,193X260 

+240=3,699x365+285. 
P  10  Q  10 :  I  3 ;  19,  16  (9  Muluc). 

And,  in  fact,  I  3  to  VII  3=240 ;  19,  16  to  19,  12=285. 

There  seems  also  to  be  backward  computation  in  the  case  of  U  5 
to  U  8,  but  the  characters  of  U  8  have  certainl}^  undergone  a  change 
which  as  yet  is  inexplicable. 

Since  this  backward  computation  occurs  several  times,  it  can  not  be 
based  upon  a  confusion  of  the  two  dates  or  upon  a  mere  accident. 
Furthermore,  I  think  it  also  occurs  in  columns  Q  and  R,  of  the 
Temple  of  the  Sun  at  Palenque  (Maudslay,  plate  liXxxix).  One 
hardly  would  think  that  the  Maya  priests  tried  in  this  way  to  obscure 
the  meaning  of  the  inscriptions. 

In  two  cases  the  period  between  the  two  dates  is  evidently  omitted 
because  the  interval  between  the  dates  is  the  same  in  the  tonalamatl 
and  in  the  year : 

G  9  H  9:  X  17;  1.3.  7  (9  Muluc). 
H  10:  V  5;  1,  8  (9  Muluc). 

For  the  interval  X  17  to  V  5  and  18,  7  to  1,  8  is  in  each  case  only 
8  days : 

P  10  Q  10:  I  3:  19,  16  (9  Muluc). 
SI:  VII  3;  14,  10  (10  Ix). 


580 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


Here  I  3  to  VII  3  as  well  as  19,  16  to  14,  10  is  equal  to  240  days. 

For  unknown  reasons  the  period  is  not  stated  in  other  places,  as 
between  E  3  and  F  6,  between  E  8  and  G  2,  between  H  10  and  H  11, 
between  T  1  and  T  3.  It  is  impossible  to  obtain  a  clear  understanding 
of  the  matter.  There  must  be  a  corruption  of  the  text  in  H  1  to  G  7 
and  in  T  3  to  U  4  which  it  is  quite  impossible  to  fathom. 

It  is  very  remarkable  that  the  first  date  is  omitted  before  Q  3  and 
also  before  R  3.  The  day  VIII  IT,  occurring  in  both  cases,  appears  to 
have  different  positions  in  the  year.  This  day,  which  divides  a  regu- 
lar tonalamatl,  beginning  with  IV  17,  in  the  ratio  of  8:5  (160: 100), 
is  of  special  significance  in  the  last  part  of  the  Dresden  codex.  The 
ratio  8:5  is  also  that  of  the  apparent  Venus  year  to  the  solar  year 
(584:365). 

Plate  Lxii  suggests  still  another  remark.  The  plate  contains,  at 
the  most,  30  regular  calendar  dates,  each  consisting  of  2  glyphs  and  2 
numbers.  Now,  since  there  are  in  all  18,980  (52X365)  different  dates 
of  this  kind,  it  would  be  very  improbable  that  one  of  these  dates 
should  be  repeated  if  we  were  dealing  with  a  historical  succession  of 
events.   Nevertheless  we  find  here : 

X  17  :  8,  7  ill  B  8,  A  9,  and  Q  5. 

X  17 :  13,  7  in  C  D  11  and  G  H  0. 

V  5 :  1,  8  in  E  F  6  and  H  6  G  7,  also  in  H  10. 

The  frequent  use  of  the  day  17  (B  8,  C  1,  C  7,  C  11,  E  3,  E  8,  G  9, 
P  4,  Q  5,  T  1,  U  8),  which  occurs  almost  as  often  as  all  the  remaining 
19  days  together,  is  in  itself  an  argument  against  a  historic  and 
in  favor  of  a  hieratic  significance  of  this  plate,  while  plates  lx  and 
Lxi  indicate  rather  that  the  significance  is  of  a  historic  nature.  The 
prayer  formulas,  if  they  be  such,  mark  the  transition. 

Quite  different  from  the  inscriptions  is  the  well-known  Cross 
inscription  of  Palenque  (Maudslay,  pages  73  to  76).  The  latter 
appears  to  be  a  consecutive  chronologic  table  which  treats  of  mythic 
ages  as  far  as  F  12  and  thenceforward  of  historic  time.  Two  other 
inscriptions,  likewise  from  Palenque,  one  from  the  Temple  of  the  Sun 
(Maudslay,  pages  81  to  82),  and  one  from  the  Temple  of  the  Foliated 
Cross  (Maudslay,  pages  88  to  89),  are  very  closely  related  to  one 
another,  particularly  so  in  their  arrangement  as  a  whole,  then  in  the 
striking  agreement  of  the  so-called  initial  series,  and  also  in  their 
alternation  of  dates  and  periods;  but  I  will  venture  no  further 
remarks. 

Very  different  from  all  these  inscriptions  are  the  stelse  and  altars 
of  Copan,  which  belong  to  about  the  same  period  as  the  monuments 
of  Palenque,  as  those  appear  to  refer  in  every  instance  to  a  single 
event. 


THREE  INSCRIPTIONS  OF  PALENQUE 

BY 


5S1 


THREE  INSCRIPTIONS  OF  IMLENQUE 


By  E.  Forstemann 


If  we  turn  to  the  southeast  from  the  principal  edifice,  the  so- 
called  palace,  on  the  long-  famous  site  of  the  ruins  of  Palenque,  we 
find  at  a  distance  of  about  100  meters  three  buildings  which  approxi- 
mately form  the  corners  of  an  equilateral  triangle  whose  sides  are 
about  50  meters  in  length.  Their  position  can  be  best  understood 
from  the  sketch  map  of  Holmes,  Archaeological  Studies  among  the 
Ancient  Cities  of  Mexico,  part  2,  page  208,  plate  xxiv,  Chicago,  1897 ; 
idso  in  Maudslay,  volume  4,  plate  i. 

The  three  buildings  are  as  follow: 

I.  The  Temple  of  the  Cross,  the  inscription  of  which  I  have  dis- 
cussed in  Globus,  volume  72,  number  3,  pages  45  to  49. 

II.  The  Temple  of  the  Cross  No.  2  (according  to  Holmes)  or  of 
the  Foliated  Cross  (according  to  Maudslay). 

III.  The  Temple  of  the  Sun. 

Each  of  these  three  buildings  contains  a  large  inscription  of  an  en- 
tirely different  character  from  the  three  tablets  in  the  Temple  of 
Inscriptions  southwest  of  the  palace,  of  which  I  have  recently  treated. 

The  inscriptions  of  these  three  temples,  on  the  other  hand,  are 
closely  related,  and  to  show  this  will  be  the  theme  of  the  present  arti- 
cle. I  shall  designate  them  by  the  numerals  I,  II,  and  III,  as  the 
temples  themselves  have  been  designated.  Maudslay  also  says,  vol- 
ume 4,  page  30,  in  regard  to  Temple  II:  The  plan  and  arrangement 
of  the  building  are  almost  precisely  similar  to  those  of  the  Temple  of 
the  Cross  ". 

A  cursory  glance  shows  that  these  three  inscriptions  belong  together. 
Their  center  is  occupied  by  a  large  design,  which  in  I  and  II  is  a 
figure  resembling  a  cross,  usually  thought  to  be  the  tree  of  life,  on 
which  the  sacred  quetzal  bird  sits.  In  III  the  central  figure  rests  on 
the  shoulders  of  two  crouching  persons.  The  lower  part  of  the  figure 
consists  here  of  a  rectangle  curiously  adorned,  from  which  two  crossed 
lances  project,  the  point  of  intersection  being  hidden  by  a  fantastic 

<»  Drei  Inschriftea  von  I'aleuque,  Globus,  v.  7G,  n.  11,  1890, 

583 


584 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


face,  which  has  been  regarded  as  the  symbol  of  the  sun,  hence  the 
name  of  this  inscription  and  of  the  temple. 

At  the  right  and  left  of  the  central  picture  stands  a  priest,  or,  more 
correctly,  a  priest  with  his  assistant,  the  latter  smaller  in  size.  In  I 
and  III  the  priest  is  on  the  right,  in  II  on  the  left,  and  his  assistant 
on  the  other  side.  The  priest  in  each  of  the  three  reliefs  holds  up 
his  hands,  also  the  assistant  in  III  reaching  toward  him  a  form  re- 
sembling a  human  being  as  a  sacrifice.  The  assistants  in  I  and  II 
hold  the  hands  downward  and  grasp  an  object  unintelligible  to  me. 

Tablets  of  inscriptions  on  each  side  of  the  picture  produce  a  sym- 
metric whole.  In  I  each  of  these  tablets  has  six  columns,  in  II  and 
III  only  four.  I  designate  those  in  I  by  A  to  F  and  S  to  X,  in  II  by 
A  to  D  and  L  to  O,  in  III  by  A  to  D  and  O  to  E.  The  intervening 
letters  I  emplo}^  for  the  smaller  groups  of  gtyphs,  which  are  irregu- 
larly scattered  about  the  central  design.  In  I  and  II  each  vertical 
column  consists  of  17  glyphs,  in  III  of  16. 

Not  only  are  the  three  inscriptions  very  much  alike  in  their  general 
arrangement,  but  they  also  correspond  in  many  details.  All  have  at 
the  top,  on  the  left,  the  superscription  occurring  on  other  Maya  re- 
mains, which  occupies  the  space  of  four  glyphs.  These  superscrip- 
tions, indeed,  differ  in  particulars  which  are  still  unexplained,  but 
they  all  have  the  signs  for  360  and  7,200  days,  and  must,  therefore, 
denote  something  like  "  measure  of  time  In  fact,  the  three  in- 
scriptions contain  numerous  periods  and  dates,  which  occur  most  fre- 
quently on  inscription  I,  as  I  have  stated  in  the  article  referred  to. 

The  superscription  is  followed  by  the  eight  glyphs  A  3  to  B  6,  of 
which  the  several  pairs  undoubtedly  indicate  the  periods  of  144,000, 
7,200,  360,  and  20  days,  and  in  II  and  III  there  are  two  heads  of  gods 
for  each  period,  a  fact  which  is  not  yet  clearly  understood.  In  I,  in- 
stead of  the  second  head  (in  column  B)  there  is  the  mere  glyph  which 
elsewhere  denotes  the  period  in  question.  I  am  inclined  to  conclude 
from  this  that  I  is  more  recent  than  II  and  III. 

A  7  B  7  in  I  has  a  hand,  cleverly  intimating  that  counting  is  to  be 
done  on  its  fingers,  and  there  is  no  head  beside  it.  This  at  all  events 
denotes  the  single  day.  Both  II  and  III,  on  the  other  hand,  have  two 
heads  each. 

Farther  on  the  three  inscriptions  become  more  unlike,  yet  they 
still  offer  many  points  of  comparison.  Thus  in  almost  the  same 
place  they  have  a  pointing  or  an  extended  hand — in  I,  B  11 ;  in  II, 
B  10;  in  III,  A  11. 

The  various  glyphs  w^hich  have  a  Ben-Ik  above  them  occur  in 
these  three  inscriptions,  as  in  all  Maya  literature.  They  do  not 
therefore  prove  that  a  more  or  less  close  connection  exists  between 
these  inscriptions,  but  they  deserve  very  special  investigation. 

That  the  familiar  signs  for  the  days  and  those  of  the  months, 


rtiRSTEMANNl 


THREE   INSCRIPTIONS   OF  PALENQUE 


585 


which  are  more  difficult  to  recognize,  often  occur  in  each  one  of  the 
three  inscriptions,  I  need  not  point  out  in  detail,  any  more  than  that 
ilie  day  17  (Ahau)  is  very  prominent  here,  as  in  all  Maya  literature. 

But  I  nuist  call  attention  to  a  sign  (a^  figure  113),  the  understand- 
ing of  which  would  be  <ni  important  step  in  advance.  With  many 
variants,  it  has  the  form  given  above. 

We  find  this  glyph  in  the  following  places: 

I :  A  11,  17,  O  17,  D  2,  E  7,  13,  17,  S  7,  11,  U  15,  V  4,  9,  W  13,  16,  X  2, 
7,  9. 

II :  A  10,  B  16,  C  5.  N  2. 
Ill:  B  10,  C  1,  10,  Q  13. 

I  believe  the  chief  element  of  this  sign  to  be  a  serpent  from  whose 
back  arroAV  points  project.  This  recalls  the  Aztec  itzcoatl  ("  arrow 
snake  "),  as  it  is  represented  by  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  (Histoire  des 
nations  civilisees  du  Mexique,  volume  1,  page  xlv).  This  was  also 
the  name  of  the  fourth  king  of  Mexico.    Can  this  sign  have  the  mean- 


a  h  c  d  e 


f  g  h  i 

Pig.  113.    Glyphs  from  the  Palenque  inscriptions. 


ing  of  combat  or  war?  I  hesitate  to  refer  it  to  the  king  who  died  in 
1440. 

Quite  as  important  as  points  of  agreement  in  all  three  inscriptions 
are  points  of  agreement  in  two  of  them.  The  most  important  of 
these  is  the  repetition  on  one  inscription  of  a  calendar  date  occurring 
on  another.  This  can  not  be  accidental,  for  the  Mayas  had  18,980 
different  calendar  dates,  and  each  of  the  three  inscriptions  has  only 
between  10  and  20.  But  it  must  be  regarded  as  direct  evidence  of  the 
dependence  of  one  inscription  on  the  other  when  in  two  inscriptions 
the  same  two  calendar  dates  are  consecutive  and  the  actual  interval 
between  the  two  is  even  given  in  both  cases.  I  will  mention  the  fol- 
lowing instance  first : 

I  III 

Date  IX  20  ;  6,  6  G  1  H  1         Q  6  R  6  and  E  F  1 

Interval  537  L  7  and  8       Q  14  R  14 

Date  XIII  17  ;  18,  14  D  9  R  14,  Q  15,  and  G  2  H  2 

Thus  in  TII  the  two  dates  occur  even  twice,  but  their  distance  apart 
is  stated  only  once. 


586 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


This  interval,  however,  is  really  the  correct  one,  but  in  III  it  is 
somewhat  irregularly  written.  But  537=2X260+17,  and  there  is, 
hi  fact,  an  interval  of  17  days  from  the  day  IX  20  to  XIII  17.  537 
also  equals  365+172,  and  from  the  sixth  day  of  the  sixth  month  to  the 
eighteenth  day  of  the  fourteenth  month  there  are  in  fact  172  days. 

In  none  of  the  three  cases,  however,  does  the  interval  follow  directly 
after  the  first  date;  after  G  1  H  1  there  first  follow  8  glyphs,  after 
E  1  F  1  there  are  4,  and  after  Q  6  R  6,  14.  But  of  these  14  signs  the 
last  6  are  doubtless  to  be  disregarded ;  they  consist  of  a  period,  a  date, 
and  two  more  glyphs,  which,  it  is  true,  are  connected  in  a  manner 
as  yet  obscure  with  the  rest  of  the  passage  in  which  they  are  inserted, 
the  detailed  investigation  of  which  does  not  belong  here. 

In  the  three  places,  therefore,  there  are  left  8,  4,  and  8  glyphs, 
which  are  inserted  respectively  between  the  first  date  and  the  period 
of  time.  We  can,  therefore,  readily  conjecture  that  these  three 
groups  have  a  similar  purport  and  similar  signs,  and  where  the 
signs  differ  that  one  sign  has  been  substituted  for  another.  But  I 
must  leave  the  investigation  of  this  point,  like  so  many  others,  to 
the  future.  I  only  add  that  the  sign  I  1  in  inscription  I  is  like  the 
sign  E  2  in  inscription  III;  both  stand  at  the  beginning  of  the 
group  of  inserted  glyphs;  and  in  G  1,  which  is  third  in  the  group  of 
the  inserted  signs  of  inscription  III,  we  find  a  glyph  with  the  nu- 
meral 7  as  a  prefix;  with  this  corresponds  the  fourth  in  inscription 
I,  the  obliterated  glyph  L  2,  of  which,  however,  enough  remains  to 
show  that  it  likewise  has  the  prefix  7.  Thus  we  certainly  have  two 
indications  that  the  inscriptions  are  of  like  import. 

But  I  can  furnish  a  second  example  of  the  agreement  of  two  dates 
and  their  interval  in  two  inscriptions.    It  is  the  following: 


It  is  plain  that  two  successive  days  are  here  meant,  therefore  an 
interval  need  not  be  stated.  Between  the  two  dates  inscription  II 
has  7  glyphs,  inscription  III  only  5.  Among  these  the  first  two 
in  both  cases  are  identic,  and  this  is  also  true  of  the  third,  which  is 
a  very  evident  sign  that  the  two  inscriptions  are  of  kindred  import. 

It  should  be  remarked,  further,  that  the  date  II  13  is  repeated  in 
inscription  II,  N  16,  in  the  following  very  remarkable  connection: 

Period  604   O  13N  14 

Date  VIII  17;  8,  2  :  N  15 

Date  II  13  (no  month  given)  N  16 

But  604=2X260+84,  or  365+239.  From  II  13  to  VIII  17,  how- 
ever, there  arc  84  days  (counting  backward),  hence  the  fourteenth 
day  of  the  eighth  month  is  to  be  supplied  after  N  16,  as  we  found  it 
above  with  the  date  II  13. 


Date  II  13;  14,  8 
Date  III  14;  15,  8 


II 

L  1  M  1 
M5L6 


III 

04P4 
P  7  O  8 


rORSTEMANNl 


THREE  INSCRIPTIONS  OF  PALENQUE 


587 


It  is  ver}^  remarkable  that  the  inscriptions  I  and  II  correspond 
with  regard  to  the  following  j)()int :  In  I,  on  the  right  and  on  the  left 
of  the  lower  part  of  the  cross,  there  are  two  glyphs,  each  combined 
with  the  numeral  5 ;  in  II  the  middle  part  presents  the  same  signs, 
although  less  synnnetrically.  One  glyph  in  each  of  these  two  series 
of  four  glyphs  contains  the  sign  of  the  hfteenth  day,  Ezanab;  the 
others  are  indistinct.  But  in  a  period  of  20  years,  each  period  of  5 
years  begins  with  one  of  the  days  Lamat,  Ben,  Ezanab,  and  Akbal, 
and  to  this  the  glyphs  seem  to  refer. 

The  date  VIII  7 ;  3,  17,  is  worthy  of  notice ;  this  occurs  in  I  at  O  1 
and  2 ;  in  II  it  even  occurs  twice,  N  and  O  5  and  E  1  and  2. 

In  reference  to  the  prominence  of  the  day  17  (Ahau),  already  men- 
tioned, it  should  be  remembered  that  the  beginning  of  Maya  chro- 
nology is  to  be  sought,  as  a  rule,  in  the  day  IV  17 ;  8,  18,  in  the  year 
9  Ix,  whilst  sometimes  the  day  I  17 ;  18,  17  in  the  year  3  Kan,  which 
day  is  2,200  days  before  the  day  first  named,  is  also  regarded  as  a 
starting  point.  In  the  last  part  of  the  Dresden  manuscript  the  day 
VIII  17  seems  to  be  important ;  this  day  divides  a  tonalamatl,  begin- 
ning with  IV  17,  in  the  ratio  of  8 :  5,  that  is,  in  the  ratio  of  the  appar- 
ent Venus  year  to  the  solar  year.  If  we  examine  our  three  inscrip- 
tions with  respect  to  this  day,  we  find  the  normal  date  IV  17;  8,  18 
actually  in  I,  D  3  and  E  4,  and  in  III,  P  2  and  O  3.  The  day  I 
17,  but  in  a  different  position  in  the  3^ear,  appears  in  I,  A  16,  and  in 

II,  B  8  and  D  11 ;  the  day  VIII  17  occurs  in  II,  N  15.  The  day  II  17, 
too,  occurs  in  II,  C  8;  V  17,  in  I,  U  10;  XI  17,  in  II,  C  13;  XII  17, 
in  III,  Q  2 ;  and  XIII  17,  in  III,  G  2.  The  other  19  days  only  occur 
singly. 

In  my  treatise  mentioned  above,  I  remarked,  at  the  end,  concerning 
inscription  I,  that  in  it  these  two  glyphs  (6,  figure  113)  occur  nine 
times,  apparently  indissolubly  united. 

The  passages  where  they  occur  are  F  7  E  8,  S  1  T  1,  T  7  S  8,  T  15  S 
16,  U  6  V  6,  V  11,  U  12,  U  16  V  16,  W  3  X  3,  W  17  X  17.  In  II  we 
find  this  combination  only  twice,  O  2  N  3  and  E  3  and  4,  once  also  in 

III,  namely,  at  M  2  N  2.  They  are  even  found  in  the  Temple  of 
Inscriptions  (see  Maudslay,  plate  lxii,  T  U  9) .  With  this  abundance 
of  examples,  it  is  hoped  that  further  light  will  soon  break  on  the 
meaning  of  these  glyphs. 

Inscriptions  II  and  III,  but  not  I,  also  correspond  with  regard  to 
the  preceding  sign,  c.  We  find  it  in  II,  C  9  and  M  10 ;  in  III,  P  13. 
It  consists  of  a  h?nd  grasping  an  object  in  such  a  way  that  it  is  held 
between  the  thumb  and  four  fingers.  Wien  the  separate  places 
where  it  occurs  are  compared  with  each  other,  the  object  can  not 
well  be  anything  but  a  fish,  and  fish  have  a  meaning  of  no  slight 
importance  in  the  manuscripts  of  Maya  literature.  Does  this  glyph 
refer  directly  to  fishing?    In  the  next  four  examples  we  see  an  agree- 


588 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


ment  of  inscriptions  II  and  III  with  the  Temple  of  Inscriptions, 
while  on  the  other  hand  these  glyphs  are  lacking  in  I. 

The  most  important  among  them  is  a  hand,  of  which  the  thumb  and 
forefinger  are  plucking  or  picking  or  holding  up  some  object  (see  d 
and  e). 

Another  of  these  two  figures  occurs  in  inscription  II,  M  2  and  O  8 ; 
in  III,  O  9;  and  in  the  Temple  of  Inscriptions  (in  Maudslay,  plate 
G2),  in  D  2,  H  1,  and  G  11.  The  second  figure  means,  as  the  context 
shows,  nothing  else  than  the  day  IV  4,  or  lY  Manik.  I  think  that 
in  my  article  on  the  Day  Gods  of  the  Mayas  (Globus,  volume  73, 
number  9)  I  have  pointed  out  that  the  fourth  day,  the  hand,  and  a 
hunting  god  belong  together,  but  I  do  not  know  what  the  hand  was 
doing  in  this  connection.  Now,  the  second  of  the  above  signs  shows 
in  two  passages  in  the  inscriptions  of  the  Temple  of  Inscriptions  that 
it  is  hanging  the  snares  in  which  the  game — the  same  day  is  called  in 
Aztec  Mazatl  (''  deer,  or  roe  ") — is  to  be  caught,  such  snares  as  have 
become  familiar  to  us  as  forming  the  subject  of  an  entire  section  of 
Codex  Troano-Cortesianus.  We  see  a  similar  snare  with  a  XIII  in 
an  inscription  of  the  Palace  of  Palenque,  in  Maudslay,  volume  4, 
plate  29. 

The  following  three  glj^phs  have  been  met  with  already,  in  my 
article  on  the  Inscriptions  of  the  Temple,  as  parts  of  those  groups 
which  I  believe  should  be  regarded  as  formulas  of  prayers,  but  these 
can  hardly  be  in  question  in  inscriptions  I,  II,  and  III.  The  sign 
represented  in  /  usually  occupies  the  first  place  in  the  formulas  of 
prayer  and  seems  to  be  only  a  left  fist.  It  occurs  in  II,  E  7  and  M  8, 
as  well  as  in  III,  P  10. 

A  second  sign  is  the  accomjDan^dng  figure,  resembling  a  chess- 
board, w^hich  is  likewise  familiar  from  the  Temple  of  Inscriptions. 
The  passages  where  it  occurs  are  in  II,  O  10,  in  III,  D  6  and  P  6. 

AVhen  I  first  became  familiar  w^ith  these  inscriptions  none  of  the 
glyphs  attracted  my  attention  so  much  as  the  recumbent  person  often 
occurring  in  the  Temple  of  Inscriptions  (see  h). 

This  glyph  occurs  in  Inscription  II  no  less  than  four  times:  D  2, 
C  6,  M  4,  and  N  10.  In  III  it  seems  to  be  lacking,  yet  the  question 
arises,  Avhether  the  two  crossed  legs  in  B  11,  ^,  which  I  have  seen  in  no 
other  passage,  may  not  be  meant  for  a  recumbent  human  body  viewed 
from  below.  Perhaps  these  figures  are  connected  with  the  large  pic- 
torial representations  on  the  pillars  of  the  Temple  of  Inscriptions 
(Maudslay,  volume  4,  plates  45,  46),  where  the  priests  bear  in  their 
arms  a  recumbent  figure  about  the  size  of  a  child  4  years  old. 

The  agreement  between  inscriptions  II  and  III  is  most  pronounced 
in  the  two  columns  which  stand  directly  at  the  right  of  the  central 
pictorial  representation.  These  are  columns  L  and  M  in  II  and  O 
and  P  in  III.    I  will  place  side  by  side  the  glyphs  that  are  exactly 


forstkmann] 


THREE  INSCRIPTIONS  OF  PALENQUE 


589 


alike,  a  few  of  which  I  have  already  discussed  above,  and  inclose  in 
parentheses  the  number  of  intervening  signs  that  are  unlike: 


II 

III 

II 

III 

LI 

04 

(1) 

(1) 

M  1 

P4 

•    M  7 

P  9 

L2 

05 

L8 

O  10 

(1) 

(1) 

M8 

P  10 

L3 

06 

(2) 

(4) 

(2) 

L9 

O  12 

M5 

P7 

M9 

P  12 

L6 

08 

L  10 

O  13 

M6 

P8 

M  10 

P  13 

Hence  in  each  20  glyphs  14  are  alike,  occurring  in  the  same  order 
of  successioa,  and  only  6  in  each  are  unlike.  But  even  of  these  M  2 
proves  to  belong  to  P  5,  possibly  as  a  variant,  as  it  has  the  same 
prefix. 

Many  comparisons  of  other  glyphs  in  these  inscriptions  might  be 
made  here,  but  enough  has  no  doubt  been  said  to  stimulate  further 
research.  It  is  a  remarkable  fact  that  the  glyphs  of  the  individual 
gods  do  not  seem  to  appear  at  all  in  these  tablets  as  they  have  been 
pointed  out  to  us  by  Schellhas.  At  most  I  believe  that  I  have  a  clew 
to  the  two  gods  C  and  K,  perhaps  also  to  D  and  A ;  but  to  follow  up 
this  clew  now  would  lead  me  too  far. 

All  that  I  have  communicated  here  doubtless  gives  the  impression 
that  I  scarcely  know  how  to  answer  the  obvious  question,  What  does 
all  this  mean?  that  in  the  decipherment  of  the  inscriptions,  even  far 
more  than  in  that  of  the  manuscripts,  we  are  yet  only  at  the  very 
beginning.  This  is  certainly  to  be  regretted,  especially  on  account 
of  the  progressive  decay  of  the  originals,  but  still  more  unfortunate 
is  the  lack  of  workers  who  will  earnestly  strive  for  the  advancement 
of  science  in  this  department.  Even  the  Americanist  congresses 
either  regard  Maya  research  as  secondary,  although  it  concerns  itself 
directly  with  the  highest  mark  attained  by  all  aboriginal  Indian 
culture,  or  they  give  it  no  consideration  at  all.  So  I  feel  that  my 
position  is  an  isolated  one,  and  I  foresee,  besides,  that  my  activity 
in  this  field  of  reseach  will  soon  be  terminated.  Therefore  let  us 
hope  that  this  communication,  aside  from  its  especial  object,  may  be 
regarded  as  an  invitation  to  cooperate  with  me. 


COMPARATIVE  STUDIES  IN  THE  FIELD 
OE  MAYA  ANTIQUITIES 

BY 


591 


CONTENTS 


Page 

Introduction   595 

AVritten  remains   597 

 Representations  on  manuscripts  and  inscriptions   599 

The  human  form   599 

Tatooing   600 

Dress   601 

General  characteristics   601 

Footgear   603 

Dress  and  ornamentation  of  tlie  leg   604 

Arm  ornaments   606 

Dress  of  the  lower  part  of  the  body   607 

Dress  of  the  upper  part  of  the  body   610 

Necklaces,  collars,  and  ear  ornaments   613 

Headdress   617 

Utensils  and  kindred  objects   620 

Conclusions   621 

7238— No.  28—05  38  593 


COMPARATIVE  STUDIES  IN  THE  FIELD 
OF  MAYA  ANTIQUITIES" 


By  p.  ScHELIillAS 


INTRODUCTION 

In  Central  America  aboriginal  civilization  reached  its  highest 
development  among  the  Maya  races.  Its  remains  offer  material  for 
the  scientific  reconstruction  of  this  old  and  interesting  domain  of 
man's  endeavor  in  the  realms  of  thought  and  culture,  and  in  the  form 
and  extent  in  which  they  now  lie  before  us  they  are  of  three  kinds : 

1.  The  architectural  remains,  the  temples  and  palaces,  with  repre- 
sentations in  relief  and  inscriptions. 

2.  The  Maya  manuscripts. 

3.  The  smaller  antiquities,  which  have  received  a  material  accession 
in  the  Yucatan  collection  at  the  Berlin  Museum  of  Ethnolog}^ 

As  regards  the  value  of  these  various  kinds  of  antiquities  to  the 
investigator,  it  must  above  all  be  remembered  that  we  are  dealing 
here  with  a  civilized  people,  whose  earliest  phases  of  intellectual 
activity  and  of  thought  had  already  found  expression  in  a  species  of 
literature  and  a  distinct  style  of  art.  Such  an  inquiry  must  be  first 
directed  to  the  most  perfect  and  best  developed  phenomena.  If  we 
understand  these,  the  interpretation  of  all  subordinate  and  antecedent 
phenomena  follows  as  a  matter  of  course.  I  believe,  therefore,  that 
the  chief  stress  should  be  laid  upon  deciphering  the  written  charac- 
ters, and  that  the  solution  of  all  questions  should  be  sought  for  there 
(see  Die  Mayahandschrift  der  Koniglichen  Bibliothek  in  Dresden, 
in  the  Zeitschrift  fiir  Ethnologic,  1886).''  The  literary  productions 
contain  the  quintessence  of  the  entire  civilization ;  they  are  the  key  to 
the  comprehension  of  the  whole.  It  has  since  been  acknowledged  in 
various  quarters  that  the  mode  of  deciphering  that  I  suggested  was 

"  Vergleichende  Studien  auf  dem  Felde  der  Maya-Alterthiimer,  Internationales  Archiv 
fiir  Etlinograpliic,  v.  3,  Berlin,  1800. 

^  Also  my  Gottergestalten  der  Mayahandschriften,  2d  ed.,  Berlin,  1904  ;  translated  into 
English  in  Papers  of  the  Peabody  Museum,  v.  4,  n.  1,  1904. 

595 


596 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


the  true  one,  although  the  results  could  be  but  scanty  at  first.  Valu- 
able contributions  have  been  made  by  Seler,  with  the  aid  of  rich 
material  from  cognate  departments  (Zeitschrift  fur  Ethnologie, 
1888).  On  the  part  of  the  American  scholars,  too,  a  gratifying  suc- 
cess has  been  attained  in  this  field  (Aids  to  the  Study  of  the  Maya 
Codices,  by  Cyrus  Thomas,  Washington,  1888),  and  the  amazing 
results  which  Professor  Forstemann  has  won  in  the  domain  of  the 
Maya  calendar  and  chronology  are  not  far  removed  from  a  complete 
solution. 

Having  thus  gained  a  firm  footing,  in  contrast  to  the  earlier  fanci- 
ful attempts,  and  an  important  addition  having  been  made  to  the 
material  for  investigation  in  the  Yucatan  collection  of  the  Ethno- 
logic Museum  at  Berlin,  we  can  now  take  a  more  comprehensive  sur- 
vey of  the  whole  field  than  was  hitherto  possible.  The  first  question 
which  presses  upon  us  in  such  a  comparative  survey  is  in  regard 
to  the  unity  of  the  whole,  the  period  and  place  of  origin  of  the 
individual  relics.  The  material  must  be  carefully  sifted  and  sorted 
before  it  can  be  studied.  In  this  respect  Americanist  research  is 
laboring  under  great  disadvantages.  In  other  fields  ethnology  col- 
lects its  material  among  nations,  who,  though  on  the  eve  of  entire 
absorption  by  European  civilization,  still  live  in  a  condition  which 
makes  a  study  of  their  organism  possible.  Among  nations,  like 
the  Hindoos  and  Chinese,  whose  traditions  are  carefully  fostered, 
and  who  still  preserve  a  close  connection  with  the  peculiar  creations 
of  their  past  in  the  forms  in  which  they  have  developed  down  through 
the  ages  to  the  present  time,  the  study  of  the  earliest  periods  of 
civilization  is  a  comparatively  easy  matter.  But  in  America  ancient 
civilization  breaks  off  abruptly  and  forever  at  the  point  where  it  fell 
a  victim  to  a  stronger  power.  No  continuous  development  took  place; 
no  tradition  preserved  what  had  already  been  acquired.  The  bearers 
of  that  more  powerful  civilization  had  no  comprehension  of  humanity 
when  it  manifested  itself  in  a  manner  so  utterly  alien  to  and  remote 
from  their  own ;  the  tender  care  with  which  the  remains  of  a  peculiar, 
highly  developed  intellectual  life  are  cherished  in  these  days  was 
wholly  unknown  to  them.  The  origin  of  the  little  which  still  remains, 
therefore,  is  for  the  most  part  undetermined.  Archeologic  diffi- 
culties are  also  added  to  this  difficulty  of  ethnologic  investigation. 
A  multifarious  swarming  of  races  prevailed  in  Central  America: 
civilized  nations  roamed  hither  and  thither;  centers  of  civilization 
flourished  and  perished;  numerous  languages  existed  side  by  side, 
and  were  exchanged,  changing  and  altered  with  marvelous  rapidity. 
Without  transcending  the  limits  of  science  in  fanciful  suppositions, 
which  are  never  more  dangerous  than  in  this  domain,  we  may  assume 
that  many  chapters  of  ancient  human  history  have  sunk  into  oblivion 


SCHBLLHAS] 


WRITTEN  REMAINS 


597 


on  Central  American  soil,  and  that  many  a  civilized  race,  of  which 
not  the  slightest  memor}^  remains,  existed  upon  that  soil  lon<>:  before 
the  conquest.  Where  there  is  no  difficulty  in  determining  tlic  local 
origin  of  remains,  as  in  the  case  of  buildings  and  uionuuuMits,  the 
obstacles  in  the  way  of  an  ethnologic  and  chronologic  determination 
are  often  all  the  greater. 

Inductive  inquiry  into  this  ancient  civilization  must  begin  with  an 
external  comparison  of  the  remains.  In  this  wa}^  alone  can  we 
attempt  to  determine  in  how  far  they  are  of  the  same  origin.  We 
can  pave  the  way  to  an  accurate  determination  of  the  period  and 
source  of  separate  antiquities  only  by  means  of  careful  sifting  and 
discrimination  based  on  their  external  characteristics. 

WRITTEN  REMAINS 

The  written  remains,  to  begin  with  these,  show  great  uniformit}^ 
We  may  assert  positively  that  all  the  written  material  from  Central 
America  proceeds  from  one  and  the  same  source:  the  characters  are 
essentially  the  same  in  the  inscriptions,  in  the  manuscripts,  and  on 
the  clay  vessels  and  other  lesser  antiquities.  There  was  but  one 
mode  of  w^riting  in  Central  America,  which  emanated  from  one 
center  of  civilization.  The  four  manuscripts  in  j^articular  are  plainly 
of  one  and  the  same  origin.  They  may  readily  be  divided  into  two 
groups.  The  Troano  and  Cortesian  codices  are  entirely  similar,  and 
are  simpler  and  ruder.  They  are  undoul)tedly  fragments  of  a  single 
manuscript.  The  Dresden  manuscript  and  Codex  Peresianus,  which 
also  strongly  resemble  each  other,  are  more  elegant  and  artistic  in 
text  and  pictorial  representations.  It  is  highly  probable  that  all 
the  manuscripts  pertain  to  one  and  the  same  nation,  but  whether 
they  belong  to  the  same  period  «  is  very  doubtful.  The  forms  of  the 
characters  differ  too  much  for  us  to  ascribe  the  differences  merely  to 
the  peculiarities  of  two  writers.  The  presumption  that  Codex 
Troano-Cortesianus  is  the  oldest  lies  near  at  hand,  but  it  is  contra- 
dicted by  the  fact  that  not  only  the  representations  but  also  the 
written  characters  in  this  manuscript  are  simpler,  more  conventional- 
ized in  form,  than  in  the  Dresden  and  Peresianus  codices.  Glyphic 
characters  never  become  more  complex  w^itli  time;  they  rather  be- 
come simplified ;  the}'  become  conventional  figures,  such  as  occur 
repeatedly  in  Codex  Troano-Cortesianus  (compare  forms  a  and  c. 
figure  114,  from  the  Dresden  codex,  and  h  and  figure  114,  from  the 
Troano  codex). 

"  Professor  Forstemann  has  devoted  himself  particularly  to  the  question  of  the  period 
of  the  Maya  manuscripts  (see  his  Commentare  zur  Dresdener  Ilandschrift,  Dresden, 
1901  ;  Zur  Madrider  Handschrift,  Danzig,  1902 ;  and  Zur  I'ariser  Ilandschrift,  Danzig, 
1903). 


598 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


It  is  therefore  difficult  to  settle  the  question.  It  is  possible  that  the 
very  skillful  scribe  of  the  Dresden  manuscript  took  the  more  elaborate 
forms  of  the  inscriptions  for  his  models. 

We  have  already  (Zeitschrift  fiir  Ethnologic,  1886,  page  50) 
emphasized  the  fact  that  the  forms  of  the  outlines  of  the  written 
characters  show  characteristic  differences.  In  the  Troano  and  Cor- 
tesian  codices  the  form  of  the  parallelogram  prevails,  /,  while  the 
Dresden  and  Peresian  codices  give  preference  to  a  peculiar  ellipse,  e. 
The  inscriptions  have  more  or  less  j^erfect  circles  or  squares  Avith 
rounded  corners,  g. 

Two  isolated  exceptions  to  the  uniform  similarity  of  the  written 
characters  may  be  mentioned.  In  Stephens's  Incidents  of  Travel  in 
Central  America,  Chiapas,  and  Yucatan,  on  plate  xiii,  we  have  the 
back  of  one  of  those  statues  found  in  such  large  numbers  at  Copan 
covered  with  glyphics  which  consist  of  entire,  singularly  contorted 


Fig.  114.    Glyphs  from  the  Dresden  codex. 


human  figures.  AVe  may,  however,  doubt  whether  this  wholly  iso- 
lated instance  of  such  ideographic  representation  has  the  character 
of  writing;  it  may  possibly  be  intended  to  represent  scenes  from  the 
myth  of  the  deity  in  question.  No  less  striking  characters  occur, 
however,  on  a  small  clay  image  in  the  Yucatan  collection  at  the  Berlin 
Museum  of  Ethnology.  A  short  thickset  figure,  with  a  huge  head- 
dress, sits  or  stands  on  a  bench-shaped  pedestal  covered  with 
characters,  A. 

They  appear  to  be  written  characters,  as  is  indicated  by  the  inter- 
spersed numerals  (an  8  and  four  times  a  3)  as  is  usual  in  Maya 
writing.  Otherwise  they  shoAv  considerable  divergence  from  the 
usual  form  of  Maya  glyphics  and  are  wholly  unintelligible.  A  con- 
jecture may,  however,  be  hazarded.  When  numerals  occur  in  Maya 
writing,  it  is  almost  invariably  in  connection  with  calendric  and 
astronomic  dates.  It  is  very  probable  that  the  clay  figure  in  ques- 
tion represents  a  divinity  of  the  calendar,  and  that  the  inscription 


KCHELLHAS]  REPRESENTATION  ON  MANUSCRIPTS  AND  INSCRIPTIONS  599 


has  a  mythologic  calendric  meaning  (<'/,  figure  115,  kin,  "  the  sun 
the  same;  r,  the  waning  moon;  r/,  the  increasing  moon;      the  name 
sign  of  the  deity  represented,  simihir  to  /,  from  the  Dresden  manu- 
scri])t,  also  the  sign  for  a  calendar  divinity). 

Besides  this  remarkable  inscription,  \\q  also  find  in  the  Yucatan 
collection  of  the  Berlin  Museum  of  Ethnology  two  pottery  vessels 
with  glyphic  characters,  one  in  round,  the  other  in  square  forms, 
just  as  in  the  different  manuscripts.  Almost  all  the  characters  on 
these  vessels  may  be  indentified  with  characters  in  the  manuscripts; 
but  this  unfortunately  does  not  determine  their  meaning. 

While  the  written  remains  leave  no  room  to  doubt  that  they  are  all 
from  one  original  source,  a  comparison  of  the  pictorial  representations 
in  the  manuscripts  with  those  on  the  reliefs  and  on  the  objects  com- 
posing the  Yucatan  collection  shows  such  startling  differences  that 
any  attempt  to  explain  them  meets  with  the  greatest  difficulties,  and  a 
common  origin  is  scarcely  to  be  assumed,  unless,  indeed,  the  existing 
remains  belong  to  widely  differing  periods  of  time. 


a        h       c        d  e  f  9 


Fig.  115.   Glyphs  from  the  Dresden  codex. 

The  representations  of  the  human  form  with  its  dress,  ornaments, 
weapons,  etc.,  are  especially  well  adapted  to  serve  as  objects  for 
comparison. 

REPRESENTATIONS  ON  MANUSCRIPTS  AND  INSCRIP- 
TIONS 

The  Human  Form 

The  physical  characteristics  of  the  persons  represented  are  in  gen- 
eral always  the  same.  We  everywhere  meet  with  the  artificially 
deformed  skull  (compare  Landa,  Relacion  de  las  Cosas  de  Yucatan, 
chapter  30),  the  large  hooked  nose,  and  the  protruding  lips,  all  of 
which  are  evidently  racial  peculiarities  of  the  peoples  of  the  Maya 
region.  So,  too,  that  "  los  indios  de  Yucatan  son  bien  dispuestos  y 
altos  "  (Landa,  chapter  20)  is  repeatedly  confirmed  by  figures  on  the 
reliefs  and  by  the  clay  images  in  the  Yucatan  collection.  A  beard, 
which,  it  is  w^ell  known,  the  Mayas  lacked,  occurs  in  very  rare  in- 
stances and  of  scanty  growth  in  the  Dresden  manuscript  (for  instance, 
on  pages  7  above,  11  in  the  middle,  and  27)  and  always  in  the  case  of 
a  particular  deity,  the  god  D.  It  also  occurs  once  in  the  Troano 
codex,  on  page  24  above.  A  figure  with  complete  moustache  and  chin 
beard,  of  the  form  worn  by  the  Spaniards  at  the  time  of  the  conquest, 
occurs  in  the  Yucatan  collection;  nothing  similar  appears  either  on 


600 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


the  reliefs  or  in  the  manuscripts.  There  is  nothing  to  favor  the 
assumption  that  the  figure  represents  a  European.  It  shows  quite 
the  usual  type  seen  in  similar  representations. 

Tattooing 

Tattooing  was  customary  among  the  Mayas.  Landa  gives  an 
account  of  it  in  chapter  22.  We  find  but  little  in  the  manuscripts 
which  we  can  positively  regard  as  tattooing.  As  such  we  may  cer- 
tainly consider  the  foregoing  character,  figure  115  (cimi,  "  death  "), 
on  the  cheek  of  the  sitting  figure  from  the  Dresden  codex,  page  28. 
middle  (priest  of  the  death  god),  and  perhaps  the  sign  akbal 
("night",  "dark")  on  the  forehead  of  the  same  figure  (see,  too, 
Dresden  codex,  page  5,  middle),  also  the  sign  for  the  sun  on  the  body 
of  the  figure  (sun  god)  in  the  Dresden  codex  on  page  15,  above. 
It  is  hard  to  say  whether  the  singular  flourishes  on  the  faces  of  many 
of  the  deities"  represented  are  intended  for  tattooing  or  whether 


h  d  f  I 

Fig.  116.   Tattooing  and  facial  decoration. 


they  are  not  more  probably  conventional  symbolic  accessories  to  the 
representation.  A  peculiarity  of  the  manuscripts,  which  is  especially 
noticeable  in  the  written  characters  and  which  consists  in  indicating 
the  jawbone  with  the  teeth  in  human  faces  (especially  in  the  case  of 
the  death  god,  but  not  in  his  alone),  recurs  as  tattooing  on  a  figure  in 
the  Yucatan  collection  at  the  museum.  The  figure  given  on  plate  i  of 
the  Veroffentlichungen  des  Koniglichen,  Museum  fiir  Volkerkunde, 
October,  1888,  one  of  the  finest  pieces  in  the  collection,  on  close  exam- 
ination shows  tattooing  on  the  face,  as  restored  in  the  accompanying 
cut,  5,  figure  116. 

<*  Jt  would  lead  us  too  far  to  go  into  particulars.  We  may  mention  the  decorated  eye 
(q,,  fig.  116),  which  occurs  so  often,  also  the  face  of  the  deity  C,  who  is  frequently 
represented  in  Codex  Troano-Cortesianus,  and  the  god  F,  the  figure  with  the  thick  black 
line  on  the  face,  Troano  codex,  p.  30,  below,  Codex  Cortesianus,  p.  42,  etc. 


SCHELLHAS J 


DRESS 


601 


Compare  with  this  the  head  of  the  death  god  so  often  represented 
in  the  manuscripts,  for  instance,  on  pages  15,  23,  and  elseAvhere  in  the 
Dresden  codex  (see  c),  in  which  the  lower  jaAvbone  with  the  teeth  is 
likewise  always  seen,  draAvn  very  plainly ;  also  the  glyphs  given  above 
(«,     and     figure  114). 

This  tattooed  jawbone  with  teeth  was  apparently  meant  to  impart 
to  the  face  a  terrible  aspect.  A  decided  preference  seems  to  have  ex- 
isted for  tattooing  the  vicinity  of  the  mouth.  The  accompanying 
head  {d^  figure  IIG)  occurs  frequently  in  the  manuscripts,  for  instance, 
in  the  Dresden  codex,  page  14,  below,  and  in  Codex  Cortesianus,  page 
33,  above.  Viewed  from  the  front  it  Avould  give  the  mouth  tattooing 
in  e.  We  find  quite  similar  faces  in  the  Yucatan  collection,  where 
tattooing  also  occurs  most  frequently  about  the  mouth  (see  A,  i, 
and  /i  ). 

The  peculiar  object  occurring  upon  two  figures  in  the  Yucatan  col- 
lection is  also  probably  to  be  regarded  as  a  kindred  form  of  facial 
decoration.  It  is  the  facial  ornament  shown  in  the  accompanying 
cut,  I. 

We  can  hardly  explain  this  object  otherwise  than  as  a  chin  orna- 
ment, possibly  metallic,  possibly  connected  with  the  ear  ornaments. 
It  has,  as  a  comparison  shows,  the  closest  resemblance  to  the  drawings 
of  tattooed  jawbones  here  reproduced  from  the  manuscripts,  and  has 
most  probably  the  same  meaning.  There  is  much  to  be  said  against 
the  supposition  that  it  is  a  beard,  particularly  the  fact  that  the  rep- 
resentation of  a  beard  on  another  figure  in  the  collection,  already 
mentioned,  is  wholly  different  and  much  more  natural. 

There  is  no  tattooing  to  be  seen  in  the  relief  representations.  This, 
however,  is  probably  due  to  the  rougher  nature  of  those  representa- 
tions, in  which  less  attention  is  paid  to  details.  The  rudely  executed 
Codex  Troano-Cortesianus  also  has  little  of  the  sort. 

Dress 

general  characteristics 

Landa  makes  a  few  statements  in  regard  to  the  dress  of  the  ancient 
inhabitants  of  Yucatan  which  may  serve  as  a  basis  for  comparative 
investigation.    The  bishop  tells  us  in  his  Relacion  (chapter  20)  : 

Their  dress  consisted  of  a  girdle,  of  the  width  of  a  man's  hand,  which  served 
them  as  breeches  and  hose  (bragas  y  calgas),  and  which  they  bound  about  their 
loins  several  times,  in  such  fashion  that  one  end  hung  down  in  front,  the  other 
behind.a  These  ends  were  carefully  wrought  by  the  women  and  adorned 
with  embroidery  and  feather  work.  Over  this  they  wore  large  square  mantles,?* 
which  they  fastened  on  the  shoulder,  and  on  their  feet  sandals  of  hemp  or 
tanned  deerskin.    They  used  no  other  clothing. 

«  This  !S  the  same  article  of  dress  which  the  Aztecs  called  maxtli. 
''Called  zuyen  according  to  Cogolludo,  Historia  de  Yucatan. 


602 


BUKEAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


In  another  place  (chapter  5)  Landa  says,  speaking  of  the  ancient 
buildings : 

That  all  these  buildings  were  erected  by  the  same  Indios  who  live  there 
now «  is  plainly  seen  by  the  naked  men  portrayed  on  them  in  stone,  whose 
l)rivy  parts  are  covered  with  broad  girdles,  which  they  call  in  their  language 
ex.s 

And  we  are  told  of  the  warriors  that  they  went  forth  to  war  "  clad 
in  the  skins  of  tigers  and  bears 

Concerning  the  dress  of  the  women,  Landa  says,  after  paying  them 
a  very  flattering  and,  we  hope,  unbiased  compliment  ("  son  en  general 
de  mejor  dis2:)usicion  que  las  espaniolas  y  mas  grandes  y  bien 
hechas  that  it  consisted  merely  of  a  skirt,  Avhich  covered  the  body 
from  the  hips  down,  while  in  some  parts  of  Yucatan  still  another 
article  of  dress  was  used,  which  covered  the  breast.  A  long,  sacklike 
jacket,  reaching  to  the  hips  and  fastened  there  by  a  belt,  was  also 
worn  by  many.  In  chapter  3  he  states  further  that  the  female 
divinities  of  the  country  were  represented  "  vestidas  de  la  cinta  abaxo 
y  cubiertos  los  pechos,  como  usan  las  indias  ".  Lastly,  also  a  cover- 
ing is  mentioned,  which  the  w^omen  use  when  sleeping,  and  which 
"  when  they  take  journeys  they  commonly  roll  up  and  carry  on  their 
shoulders  ". 

The  meager  accounts  of  other  authors  for  the  most  part  agree  with 
the  foregoing,  for  instance,  Cogolludo  in  his  Historia  de  Yucatan. 
Bancroft,  The  Native  Races  of  the  Pacific  States,  draws  from 
recorded  statements  the  conclusion  that  the  dress  of  the  various 
classes  of  the  population  did  not  differ  greatly  among  the  Mayas, 
save  that,  of  course,  the  material  used  by  persons  of  higher  rank  was 
finer.  Warriors  were,  however,  as  already  mentioned,  provided  with 
special  articles  of  dress  (skins),  and  the  priests  were  also  undoubt- 
edly distinguished  by  their  dress  from  the  "  profanum  vulgus ". 
Landa  says,  in  his  account  of  the  Yucatec  ceremony  of  infant  baptism 
(chapter  26),  that  the  officiating  priest  "wore  an  overdress  of  red 
feathers,  decorated  with  feathers  of  various  colors,  while  larger 
feathers  were  pendent  from  it,  and  to  the  lower  hem  were  attached 
long  strips  of  cotton  reaching  to  the  ground.  On  his  head  he  wore  a 
sacerdotal  cap  of  the  same  feather  work  and  in  his  hand  he  had  a 
kind  of  aspergill  of  Avood,  Avith  elaborate  carvings,  upon  which,  in- 
stead of  horsehair,  rattlesnakes'  tails  were  fastened  ".  One  of  these 
sprinklers  is  depicted  in  Codex  Cortesianus,  page  26,  lower  middle. 

A  glance  at  the  representations  in  the  manuscripts,  the  reliefs,  and 
the  figures  in  the  Yucatan  collection  is  enough  to  show  that,  on  the 

«  This  fould  not  have  been  accepted  as  a  fact  beyond  a  doubt  even  at  that  time.  How 
else  could  Landa  have  thought  of  bringinj?  forward  express  testimony  in  its  favor? 
Ex  in  the  Maya  of  to-day  (according  to  Pio  Perez)  means  "  breeches  ". 

'"Moreover,  other  authors  say  the  same;  for  instance,  Cogolludo  (Book  IV,  chap.  G) 
and  Herrera  (Historia  de  las  Indias  Occidentales ) . 


SCHELLHAS] 


FOOT  GEAR 


603 


one  hand,  the  dress  was  far  more  varied  and  manifold,  and  that,  on 
the  other,  Landa's  description  is  not  entirely  accurate,  nor  do  the 
remains  correspond  among  themselves.  Brasseur  de  Bourbonrg's 
assertion:  "  Le  vetement  chez  la  pliipart  des  Americains  etait  innnu- 
iible  "  (Hist,  des  nat.  civ.,  volume  3,  page  647)  is  contradicted  by  the 
antiquities.  Herrera's  remark  that  "  the  Mayas  dress  like  the  Mex- 
icans "  is  not  wholly  accurate,  and  we  can  by  no  means  draw  the  con- 
clusion from  the  remains,  as  Bancroft  does,  that  the  dress  of  people 
of  various  ranks  among  the  Maya  was  very  uniform. 

FOOT  OEAR 

Let  us  begin  with  the  foot  gear.  According  to  Landa  the  Mayas 
wore  sandals.  While  these  occur  constantly  in  the  Mexican  manu- 
scripts, they  are  almost  wholly  wanting  in  the  Maya  manuscripts. 
Cogolludo  (page  187)  says,  indeed,  that  the  Maya  mostly  went  bare- 
foot ;  however,  if  they  used  sandals  at  all  we  might  expect  to  find  them 
frequently  on  the  persons  represented  in  the  manuscripts  (priests, 
warriors,  gods,  etc.).  Cogolludo's  remark  plainly  refers  to  the  daily 
custom  of  the  common  people.  In  the  Dresden  manuscript  the  feet 
are  almost  always  bare  and  quite  carefully  drawn.    There  are  but  few 

ah  c  d  e  f 

Pig.  13  7.    Representations  of  sandals,  from  Dresden  codex  and  inscriptions. 

places  where  we  find  sandals  (pages  26,  28,  46,  47,  and  50).  On 
pages  26  and  28  they  have  the  form  of  c/,  figure  117;  on  pages  46,  47, 
and  50  that  of  h. 

This  is  the  same  form  that  this  foot  gear  has  in  the  Mexican  manu- 
scripts (see  ('^  Codex  Telleriano-Remensis,  and  Fejervar}^  codex). 
On  the  other  hand,  not  a  single  sandal  occurs  either  in  the  Troano 
codex  or  in  Codex  Cortesianus ;  all  the  feet  are  uncovered ;  yet  san- 
dals are  apparently  quite  common  in  the  very  badly  preserved  Codex 
Peresianus,  usually  in  the  form  of  h  above.  They  are  certainly  far 
more  frequent  on  the  reliefs  than  in  the  Maya  manuscripts,  but  here 
of  an  entirely  different  form  (see  bas-relief  at  Labphak,  after 
Stephens,  and  /',  drawing  on  a  door  at  Chichen,  after  the  same). 
These  forms  of  foot  gear  occurring  on  Yucatec  reliefs  are,  to  all  ap- 
pearances, not  sandals,  but  complete  shoes  covering  the  entire  foot, 
no  mention  of  which  is  made  by  Spanish  authors.  Besides  these, 
simple  sandals  also  occur  on  the  reliefs. 

In  the  figures  of  the  Yucatan  collection  at  the  Berlin  Museum  the 
feet  are,  for  the  most  part,  so  ver^^  slightly  treated  that  it  is  not  pos- 


604 


BUREAtJ  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


sible  to  tell  whether  they  are  clad  in  sandals.  Some  of  them,  how- 
ever, are  evidently  bare.  The  fine,  lifelike  figure  of  a  priest  copied  in 
the  Veroffentlichungen  des  Koniglichen  Museum  fiir  Volkerkunde, 
October,  1888,  plate  x,  wears  distinctly  executed  sandals,  of  the  form 
given  in  «,  figure  118.  We  also  find  in  the  same  collection  a  certain 
number  of  large  clay  feet  with  sandals,  6,  strongly  resembling  those 
given  above  taken  from  the  Dresden  manuscript.  These  feet  do  not 
seem  to  have  been  broken  off  larger  figures,  but  to  have  an  independ- 
ent purpose,  one  of  religious  symbolism.  This  view  is  confirmed  by 
the  circumstance  that  similar  feet  are  given  in  the  Troano  codex, 
page  21,  in  a  sacrificial  scene,  c. 


^  f  iJ 


Fig.  118.    Representations  of  sandals  and  leg  ornaments. 

The  form  and  manner  of  fastening  these  various  foot  coverings  is 
easily  recognized  from  the  illustrations  (see  a  similar  modern  exam- 
ple that  follows  the  ancient  models  in  Guatemala  in  Stoll,  Ethnol- 
ogic der  Indianer  von  Guatemala,  1889,  supplement  to  Internationales 
Archiv  fiir  Ethnographic,  plate  i,  figure  15).  This  one  subject  of 
comparison  shows  how  strikingly  the  remains  differ  one  from  the 
other. 

DRESS  AND  ORNAMENTATION  OF  THE  LEG 

While  foot  wear  is  so  rare  in  the  Maya  manuscripts,  a  peculiar 
article  of  dress  or  ornament  for  the  lower  part  of  the  leg  is  all  the 
more  common,  but  only  for  males,  hoAvever,  as  the  women  do  not 
wear  it.  This  object  is  to  be  seen  on  almost  every  figure  in  all  the 
Maya  manuscripts,  and  may  be  regarded  as  distinctly  characteristic 
of  these  representations  (another  proof  of  the  common  origin  of  the 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


BULLETIN  28    PLATE  XLV 


DRESS  AS  SHOWN   IN   SCULPTURED   FIGURES,  YUCATAN 


SCHELLHAS] 


DRESS  AND   ORNAMENTATION    OF  LEG 


605 


manuscripts).  It  takes  the  form  of  d  in  all  the  manuscripts,  and 
it  ai:>2:)ears  in  similar  shape  and  almost  as  often  as  an  arm  ornament. 
To  judge  by  the  manuscripts,  it  must  have  been  in  general  use  as  a 
national  article  of  ornament.  Hence  it  is  the  more  amazing  that  we 
nowhere  encounter  it  among  the  reliefs  nor  on  any  of  the  figures  in 
the  Yucatan  collection.  A  leg  ornament  appears,  it  is  true,  quite  fre- 
quently amopg  the  former,  but  never  in  the  shape  which  we  regu- 
larly find  in  the  manuscripts.  Compare  e  (from  a  doorpost  at 
Kabah,  after  Stephens),  and  /  (mural  decoration  at  Chichen,  after 
the  same).  Such  coverings  for  the  entire  lower  leg  are  wholly  absent 
from  the  Yucatan  collection. 

Besides  the  above-mentioned  leg  ornament,  single  instances  of  an- 
other kind  appear  in  the  manuscripts,  shaped  like  g.  It  is  found  only 
on  the  figure  of  the  death  god  and  evidently  forms  one  of  his  attri- 
butes (see  Die  Gottergestalten  der  Mayahandschriften,  page  9).  Its 
purpose  is  readily  grasped.  It  consists  of  rattles  or  bells,  buckled  to 
the  leg  in  order  to  produce  a  rhythmic  sound  during  the  dance,  as 
is  still  the  custom  among  North  American  tribes. 


r       s        t  u       V  w 

Fig.  119.   Leg  and  wrist  ornaments. 


Lastly,  we  have  a  few  instances,  for  example,  Troano  codex,  page 
17*,  of  a  simple  anklet  like  a  and  figure  119;  also  in  one  place 
(Dresden  codex,  page  50)  as  a  leg  decoration  below  the  knee,  c. 

Similar  objects  occur  in  the  Yucatan  collection,  as  on  the  before- 
mentioned  figure  of  the  priest,  and  on  another  figure,  e.  These 
simple  leg  rings  are  also  frequent  in  the  reliefs  at  Palenque.  A  rich 
covering  for  the  whole  lower  leg  is  also  not  unusual  there,  /. 

A  foot  ring,  apparently  made  of  the  feather  work  that  is  held  in 
such  high  esteem  in  Central  America,  occurs  on  a  figure  in  a  carving 
on  a  beam  of  sapota  wood  at  Kabah,  </,  after  Stephens.  Similar  ex- 
amples are  frequent  at  Palenque. 


606 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


ARM  ORNAMENTS 

We  have  already  stated  that  the  leg  ornament  characteristic  of  the 
manuscript  occurs  also  as  an  arm  ornament,  h.  It  is  seen  on  women 
as  Avell  as  men  (see  Dresden  codex,  pages  IT  to  19).  So,  too,  the  other 
leg  ornaments  represented  in  the  Maya  codices  appear  as  arm  orna- 
ments, both  the  bells  (and  this  again  in  the  death  god,  for  instance, 
Dresden  codex,  page  53)  and  the  plain  rings.  The  latter  often  occur 
in  more  varied  form,  as  i  (Dresden  codex,  page  27)  and  h  (the  same 
l^lace,  page  28) . 

Here,  too,  we  haA^e  correspondences  between  the  representations  in 
the  codices  and  the  figures  in  the  Yucatan  collection.    Among  the  lat- 


/  g    ■  h 


Fig.  120.    Dress  of  the  lower  part  of  the  body  of  females. 

ter  we  find,  aside  from  the  ornament  characteristic  of  the  manu- 
scripts, quite  similar  bracelets,  as  Z,  m,  w,  and  the  form  occurring 
on  the  figure  of  the  priest ;  the  forms         and  r  also  occur. 

Nor  are  these  arm  ornaments  Avanting  on  the  Yucatec  reliefs,  and 
here  again  are  found  the  forms  of  those  in  the  manuscripts  and  the 
Yucatan  collection,  s,"  t,^  u  from  Kabah:  v\  from  Labphak;  from 
Chichen. 


"These  figures  apparently  represent  an  arm  ornament  of  feather  work  (compare  the 
anklet  from  Kabah,  y). 


SCHELLHAS] 


DRESS  OF  LOWER  PART  OF  BODY 


607 


The  ornament  met  with  on  ahnost  every  figure  in  the  manuscript  is 
not  to  be  found,  however,  on  the  reliefs,  nor  on  the  pottery  images  of 
the  collection. 

DRESS  OF  THE  LOWER  PART  OF  THE  BODY 

For  men.  According  to  Landa's  description,  this  part  of  the  dress 
consisted  of  a  strip  of  a  hand's  breadth,  which  was  wound  several 
times  about  the  hips,  so  that  the  ends  hung  down  in  front  and  behind. 
Such  an  article  of  apparel  does  indeed  occur  in  the  manuscripts;  it 
was  evidently  the  simplest  undergarment,  usually  worn  by  the  lower 
classes  of  the  people.  In  this  simplest  form  it  appears  in  the  manu- 
scripts as  shown  in  «,  figure  120  (Dresden  codex,  page  6,  middle,  com- 
pare page  5,  middle,  etc.)  and  6,  figure  120  (Troano  codex,  page  12*. 
above). 

This  is  undoubtedly  the  cotton  strip  of  a  hand's  breadth,  which  was 
wrapped  several  times  about  the  hips  in  the  manner  described.  The 
ends  hanging  down  before  and  behind  are  everywhere  to  be  seen,  both 
here  and  in  the  following  similar  representations. 

However,  a  more  elaborate  form  of  this  article  of  clothing,  which 
occurs  most  frequently  in  the  codices,  differs  from  Landa's  description 
in  so  far  that  the  strip  is  broader  and  to  all  appearance  passes  around 
the  body,  not  several  times,  but  only  once,  as  in  c;,  same  figure  (Dres- 
den codex,  page  65,  above)  and  d  (Troano  codex,  page  17,  above). 

This  form,  which  is  more  like  a  belt  made  of  leather  or  some  similar 
stiff  material  than  like  a  strip  of  cotton,  is  the  rule  in  the  manuscripts 
(and  indeed  also  uniform  in  them  all).  The  supposition  that  this 
object  forms  a  sort  of  belt  is  strengthened  by  the  fact  that  another 
article  of  clothing,  an  apron,  is  often  added  beneath,  which  is  held  up 
by  this  belt,  as,  for  instance,  in  e  (Dresden  codex,  page  5,  above)  and 
/  (Codex  Peresianus,  page  16). 

But  this  apron  also  sometimes  occurs  in  connection  with  the  simple 
cotton  strip,  as  in  Dresden  codex,  page  6,  below,  g. 

This  belt  with  the  apron  occurs  in  all  the  manuscripts  as  though  an 
article  of  dress  in  general  use.  The  stuff  was  evidently  decorated 
with  bright-colored  ornaments,  some  of  which  are  recognizable  in  the 
representations.  We  find  a  more  elaborate  form  in  the  Dresden 
codex,  where  above  the  belt  a  piece  is  added,  which  covers  the  lower 
part  of  the  body  h  (Dresden  codex,  page  14,  below). 

A  departure  from  this  generally  customar}^  mode  of  dress  occurs  in 
the  case  of  one  figure  only,  and  that  is  the  striding  priest  in  the  Dres- 
den manuscript,  pages  25  to  28,  above.  Exactly  corresponding  to 
the  description  which  Landa  gives  of  the  priests'  costume  (Relacion, 
chapter  26),  long  strips  of  cotton  reaching  to  the  ground  are  fastened 
to  the  belt,  which  is  of  the  ordinary  shape,  while  a  row  of  large 


608 


BUREAU   OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


feathers  hang  down  over  them,  r/,  figure  121  (Dresden  codex,  page 
27),  and  somewhat  different  (page  25).  The  upper  part  of  this 
figure  is  naked,  save  for  the  elaborate  neck  ornament, 

Plate  XLV,  number  5,  the  figure  of  a  priest  in  the  Yucatan  collec- 
tion (compare  the  descrij^tion  of  this  figure  by  Doctor  Uhle  in  the 
Veroffentlichungen  aus  dem  Kaiserlichen  Museum  fiir  Volkerkunde, 
October,  1888,  pages  15  and  16)  affords  a  suitable  object  for  compari- 
son with  the  above-mentioned  example  of  sacerdotal  dress,  the  only 
one  in  the  manuscripts.  Instead  of  the  cotton  strips  we  have  here 
an  obvious  stiff  belt,  as  in  the  codices,  below  it  an  apron,  which  is 
open  in  front,  just  as  in  the  manuscripts,  /  and  r/,  figure  120. 
The  pendent  strips  of  cotton  are  missing,  however.  In  the  place  of 
them  we  see  the  legs  clad  in  a  kind  of  feather-work  breeches,  nothing 


a  h  c 


Fig.  121.    Dress  of  the  lower  body,  from  codices  and  sculptures. 

analogous  to  which  occurs  in  the  manuscripts  or  on  the  reliefs,  unless 
w^e  choose  to  compare  the  leg  ornaments  already  described  (see  e.  fig- 
ure 118,  and  /,  figure  119).  Besides  this,  the  upper  part  of  the  body 
is  fully  dressed  in  a  feather  shirt,  which  even  has  sleeves,  a  thing 
which  occurs  nowhere  else  in  the  codices  nor  apparently  on  the 
reliefs.  Here,  too,  together  with  certain  resemblances,  Ave  find  strik- 
ing differences.    But  we  shall  return  to  this  figure  farther  on.<^ 

Still  greater  are  the  differences  found  by  a  comparison  of  the 
remaining  clay  figures  in  the  Yucatan  collection  and  the  figures 
on  the  reliefs  with  the  representations  thus  far  described.  The  cotton 
strip  described  by  Landa,  occasionally  occurring  in  the  manuscripts, 
is  very  unusual  on  the  Yucatec  reliefs.  It  is  unmistakably  recog- 
nized in  a  representation  at  Kabah  (c,  figure  121,  after  Stephens). 


"  See  the  standing  figure  on  the  bas-relief  in  Stephens's  Central  America,  n.  26.  The 
belt  there  has  the  same  decoration  as  in  the  above  figure  of  a  priest  in  the  collection. 


SCHELLHAS j 


DRESS  OF  LOWER  PART  OF  BODY 


609 


The  often-mentioned  belt  is  also  frequently  seen  on  the  reliefs; 
both  on  the  temple  walls  at  Palenqiie  and  in  the  statues  at  Copan 
this  article  of  dress  occurs,  frequently  combined  with  an  apron,  as  in 
the  Maya  codices. 

A  cotton  strip  of  a  hand's  breadth,  such  as  Landa  describes,  and 
as  imdoubtedly  occurs  in  the  manuscripts,  is  scarcely  to  be  found 
among  the  figures  in  the  Yucatan  collection,  but,  on  the  other  hand, 
there  is  a  very  similar  article  of  dress,  that  is,  a  wide  loin  cloth 
wound  round  the  hips  of  the  form,"  seen  in  a,     c,  figure  122. 

In  the  manuscripts  this  loin  cloth  sometimes  so  completely  covers 
the  legs  of  the  sitting  figures  that  it  looks  as  if  the  figure  wore  trous- 
ers,   bragas  y  calcas  '\  according  to  Landa  (see  e  and  /i,  figure  120). 


/  g 

Fig.  122.    Dress  of  females,  from  Dresden  codex  and  monuments. 

As  a  rule  the  lower  j^art  of  the  l>ody  of  the  cla}^  images  is  very 
superficially  executed,  so  that  we  often  can  hardly  tell  how  it  is 
dressed. 

For  women.  According  to  Landa  (see  above),  the  Maya  women 
wore  a  skirt  from  the  hips  down.  Cogolludo  says  the  same,  and 
according  to  him  this  garment  was  called  "  pic 

In  this  respect  all  the  illustrations  agree.  In  the  codices,  on  the 
reliefs,  and  in  the  Yucatan  collection  such  a  skirt  forms  a  part  of  the 

"  See  the  dress  of  the  fisjure  of  a  priest  on  two  reliefs  at  Palenque  ;  the  well  known 
representation  of  the  cross  and  the  relief  in  casa  n.  3,  after  Stephens.  There,  too,  it 
consists  of  a  wide  cloth. 

Tic  in  Maya  is  fustan  (fustian  petticoat),  according  to  Beltran  de  Santa  Rosa  Maria, 
Arte  del  Idioma  Maya. 

7238— No.  28—05  39 


610 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


women's  usual  attire.  The  representations  at  Palenque  and  Copan 
show  us  exactly  the  same  thing.  Such  petticoats  are  very  common  in 
the  Maya  manuscripts  (see  d,  figure  122,  Dresden  codex,  page  17, 
above;  e,  same  figure,  from  the  Dresden  codex,  page  21,  above  and 
/,  from  Codex  Cortesianus,  page  35).  They  are  almost  always 
richly  decorated  and  seem  to  haA^e  been  an  especially  favored  article 
of  the  weaver's  and  dyer's  art  among  the  Mayas.  Especially  dis- 
tinct ornamentations  of  a  very  tasteful  kind,  quite  recalling  the 
Greek  classic  style,  occur  in  a  figure  in  the  Troano  codex,  page  27, 
below  (plate  xlv,  number  7).  In  another  from  the  Troano  codex 
(page  25,  plate  xlv,  number  8)  the  skirt  is  shorter  than  is  usually 
seen  elsewhere  in  the  manuscripts.  The  women  of  the  lower  classes, 
however,  as  well  as  the  men,  seem  to  have  worn  merely  a  simple  cloth 
about  their  hips,  examples  of  which  are  seen  in  the  Dresden  manu- 
script, as     figure  122  (Dresden  codex,  page  10,  below). 


a  h  c 


Fig.  123.    Mantles  from  Maya  codices. 

Petticoats  like  those  copied  above  from  the  manuscripts,  and  with 
similar  ornaments,  are  worn,  as  already  stated,  by  the  female  figures 
in  the  reliefs  of  the  Yucatan  collection.  Here,  too,  the  ornamenta- 
tion often  displays  graceful  and  tasteful  meander  patterns.  This 
article  of  dress  seems  to  have  been  of  like  appearance  and  nature 
throughout  Central  America.  It  occurs  as  frequently  among  the 
reliefs  at  Palenque  as  among  the  idols  of  Copan,  and  the  pattern  in 
both  places  agrees  exactly  with  a,  figure  123  (see  Stephens,  Central 
America,  number  7,  statue  at  Copan,  and  number  34,  bas-relief  at 
Palenque).  In  old  Mayapan  proper  (Yucatan)  female  figures  are 
very  rare  among  the  architectural  remains,  but  they  are  all  the  more 
abundant  in  the  Yucatan  collection,  where  the  petticoats,  as  in  the 
Dresden  codex,  usuall}^  reach  to  the  ankles  (see  plate  xlv,  number  1). 

DRESS  OF  THE  UPPER  PART  OF  THE  BODY 

For  men.  As  a  rule,  in  the  manuscripts,  the  upper  part  of  the 
body  is  bare,  while  elaborate  necklaces  with  broad  ornaments  cover- 
ing the  breast  occur,  which  in  the  drawings  sometimes  make  the  trunk 


SCHELLHAS] 


DRESS  OF  UPPER  PART  OF  BODY 


611 


look  almost  as  if  it  were  dressed.  The  cloak  fastened  on  the  shoulder, 
described  by  Landa,  if  we  judge  from  the  representations,  can  by  no 
means  have  formed  a  part  of  the  regular  dress.  A  cloak  of  this  kind 
is  found,  it  is  true,  of  similar  shape  to  that  which  occurs  in  the  Mexi- 
can manuscripts,  but  rarely,  and  then  only  on  persons  who  evidently 
wear  a  costume  peculiar  to  a  certain  privileged  class.  The  same  can 
be  said  regarding  the  figures  in  the  Yucatan  collection  and  in  repre- 
sentations on  the  reliefs.  The  trunk  is  nude  in  far  the  greater  num- 
ber of  instances.  Moreover,  the  cloaks  occurring  in  the  manuscripts 
do  not  wholly  correspond  with  the  one  described  by  Landa.  They 
are  not  square  (as  they  usually  are  in  the  Mexican  manuscripts),  but 
apparently  oval,  and  are  not  fastened  at  the  shoulder,  but  at  the  neck, 
either  in  front  or  behind,  so  that  the  mantle  falls  either  over  the  back 
or  over  the  breast.  In  Codex  Troano-Cortesianus  the  latter  is  inva- 
riably the  case  (see  figure  123,  from  the  Dresden  codex,  page  25, 
below ;  c,  figure  123,  from  the  Dresden  codex,  page  27,  below ;  figure 
123,  Troano  codex,  page  16*,  middle,  compare  pages  15*  to  17  %  same 
place). 

These  cloaks,  like  the  women's  petticoats,  are  almost  always  adorned 
with  gay  patterns,  which  are  reproduced  in  the  representations.  It 
is  also  characteristic  of  them  that  the  hem  is  almost  always  edged  with 
fringe,  which  in  the  more  valuable  cloaks  possibly  consisted  of 
feathers.'^ 

Strange  to  say,  these  cloaks  do  not  occur  at  all  on  the  Yucatec 
reliefs.  Nor  are  they  to  be  recognized  in  representations  from  other 
Central  American  ruined  cities.  We  find  articles  of  dress  for  the 
upper  part  of  the  body,  but  usually  of  quite  another,  often  unrecog- 
nizable, shape. 

What  has  been  said  above  of  the  occurrence  of  cloaklike  garments 
in  the  manuscripts  holds  good  in  the  clay  figures  of  the  Yucatan  col- 
lection. They  are  always  an  appurtenance  of  the  dress  belonging  to 
a  special  rank.  The  collection  contains  several  very  remarkable  ex- 
amples of  such,  which  differ  in  many  respects  from  anything  that  we 
are  accustomed  to  see  on  the  reliefs  or  in  the  manuscripts.  We  have 
already  alluded  to  the  beautifully  executed  figure  of  a  priest  whose 
upper  body  is  covered  with  a  complete  shirt  (or  jacket)  with  sleeves 
which  apparently  consists  of  feather  work.  Two  other  figures  in  the 
collection  (see  plate  xlv,  numbers  4  and  6)  are  still  more  striking. 
Both  have  a  capelike  garment,  which,  beginning  at  the  throat,  covers 
the  arms  and  trunk.    While  we  may  perhaps  still  doubt,  in  regard 

"  It  is  possible  that  this  article  of  dress  is  identical  with  the  cotton  cloths  mentioned 
by  CogoUudo  (Historia  de  Yucatan),  called  "  tilmas  or  "  hayates  ",  which  were  used 
as  covers  at  night  and  as  cloaks  by  day.  The  description,  according  to  which  the  latter 
were  richly  ornamented  and  adorned  with  various  colors,  corresponds  vei-y  well  with 
the  representations  in  the  codices.  On  the  other  hand,  this  idea  is  contradicted  by 
the  fact  that  such  mantles  are  represented  so  seldom  and  apparently  only  as  garments 
of  state  at  religious  ceremonies. 


612 


BUKEAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


to  the  above-mentioned  figure  of  a  priest,  whether  the  costume  is 
indeed  of  feather  work  or,  possibly,  of  separate  strips  of  cotton  which 
lire  sewn  together  and  lap  over  one  another,  any  such  doubt  is  pre- 
cluded here  by  the  fact  that  the  feathers  are  indicated  with  perfect 
distinctness  on  one  of  these  figures,  by  outlines  like  those  of  a,  fig- 
ure 124. 

It  is  highly  probable  that  these  figures  also  represent  priests,  but 
nothing  analogous  either  to  them  or  to  the  figure  first  mentioned  is  to 
be  found  in  the  manuscripts  or  on  the  reliefs. 

Certain  sitting  figures  in  the  same  collection  are  equally  remark- 
able. The  trunk  is  covered  by  a  mantle  without  any  ornament, 
Avhich  leaves  the  upper  part  of  the  chest  bare,  and  apparently  con- 
sists of  nothing  else  but  a  large  round  covering  with  a  hole  in  the  mid- 
dle through  which  to  put  the  head  (plate  xlv,  number  3),  a  rather 
primitive  article  of  dress,  which,  however,  in  the  sitting  figures  shoAvs 
a  strong  resemblance  to  the  accompanying  illustrations  from  the  man- 
uscripts (c  and  d,  figure  123) .    It  is  possible  that  the  singular  form  of 


a  I)  c  d  e 


Fig.  124.    Figures  showinf?  dress,  feather  work,  and  necklaces. 

this  article  of  dress  is  only  the  result  of  a  lack  of  artistic  skill  in  the 
maker  of  these*  figures,  and  that  it  really  represents  one  of  those 
cloaks  so  frequently  found  in  the  Maya  manuscripts  and  the  Mexican 
codices.  Andagoya  speaks  of  a  similar  article  of  dress  in  Nicaragua 
(in  Navarrete's  Coleccion  de  los  viages,  etc.).  He  describes  it  as  a 
sort  of  cape  with  a  hole  for  the  head,  w^hich  covered  the  breast  as 
well  as  the  upper  arm. 

Otherwise,  the  upper  part  of  the  body  is  nude  as  a  rule  in  the  fig- 
ures of  the  collection  as  well  as  in  the  manuscripts. 

For  women.  ^Vliile  Landa  states  that  in  many  parts  of  Yucatan 
the  women  wore  an  upper  garment  which  covered  the  breast  or  a 
kind  of  jacket  which  was  fastened  at  the  v>^aist  by  a  girdle  there  is 
not  a  single  female  figure  to  be  found  in  any  of  the  manuscripts  with 
the  upper  part  of  the  body  covered,"  and  even  the  blanl^et  which, 
according  to  Landa,  the  women  used  to  sleep  under,  and  carried  over 
the  shoulder  when  traveling,  is  nowhere  to  be  seen.    This  fact  is 


"Compare  the  figures  Troano  codex,  pp.  15*  and  IG*,  middle  (men  with  mantles),  with 
the  figures,  pp.  18*,  19*,  and  20*,  middle  (women  with  skirts,  without  upper  garments). 


scHELLHAsl      NECKLACES,   COLLARS,   AND   EAR  ORNAMENTS 


G13 


all  the  more  surprising  because  an  upper  garment  is  by  no  means 
unusual  among  women  in  the  Mexican  manuscripts  (see  figure 
124,  Mendoza  codex,  page  69,  for  a  jacket  answering  to  Landa's 
description). 

Nor  do  we  find  anything  in  tlie  Yucatan  collection  which  corre- 
sponds to  Landa's  account.  No  actual  garment  for  the  upper  part 
of  the  body  occurs  here;  there  is  only  an  occasional  skirt,  which 
comes  just  up  to  the  breasts,  but  leaves  them  free.  Nor  do  we  find 
anything  of  the  kind  on  the  Yucatan  reliefs,  Avhile  a  mantillalike 
garment  occurs  in  the  representations  at  Palenque,  with  the  well- 
known  pattern  of  crossed  lines  (r^,  figure  123)  repeated  so  often  in 
the  women's  dress  seen  in  representations  at  that  place  and  at  Copan. 
A  peculiar  article  of  dress,  seen  scarcely  anywhere  else,  is  worn  by 
the  female  figures  on  the  well-known  relief  of  the  Cross  and  the  sim- 
ilar one  in  casa  number  3  (after  Stephens)  at  Palenque.  It  covers 
the  whole  body  from  the  throat  almost  down  to  the  knees,  but  is 
otherwise  difficult  to  define.  Knotted  and  twisted  portions  of  this 
garment  seem  to  hang  down  on  all  sides.  It  is  probably  a  garment 
of  especially  solemn  character,  only  to  be  worn  at  religious  cere- 
monies. 

NECKLACES,   COLLARS,   AND   EAR  ORNAMENTS 

This  kind  of  apparel  and  ornament  Avas,  next  to  the  head  ornament, 
the  most  popular  and  manifold  throughout  the  whole  civilized  region 
of  Central  America.  Here  again  we  find  great  similarity  among  the 
various  antiquities. 

Bead  necklaces  are  very  characteristic  of  the  Y'ucatan  representa- 
tions of  every  variety,  and  this  fact  is  all  the  more  notcAvorthy 
because  these  neck  ornaments  of  chains  or  beads  are  rare  in  the 
Mexican  codices.  In  the  Ma3^a  codices,  among  the  reliefs,  and  on  the 
clay  images  from  Yucatan,  almost  Avithout  exception,  Ave  find  on  the 
contrary,  strings  of  beads  in  the  most  elaborate  and  varied  shapes. 
There  seems  to  have  been  no  Maya  Avho  did  not  possess  such  an  orna- 
ment. Strange  to  say.  Bishop  Landa  makes  no  allusion  to  this  fact, 
Avhile,  judging  from  the  antique  remaiiis,  and  especially  from  the 
■manuscripts,  aax  should  expect  that  this  ornament  of  all  others  Avould 
haA^e  struck  him  and  Avould  haA^e  been  described  by  him. 

The  forms  of  these  necklaces  in  the  manuscripts  very  generally 
resemble  those  worn  by  the  figures  of  the  Yucatan  collection.  There 
is  often  a  medal-shaped  middle  piece  upon  the  chain,  Avhich  lies  on 
the  breast.  The  simple  form  shoAvn  in  figure  124,  Avhich  appears 
in  all  the  manuscripts,  is  most  frequent  in  the  collection.  In  the 
Troano  and  Cortesian  codices  this  simple  form  is  found  almost  exclu- 
sively (see  1)^     and     figure  120). 

In  the  Dresden  manuscript,  on  the  contrary,  very  elaborate  and 
varied  forms  are  common,  and  Ave  almost  inA\ariably  find  the  aboA^e- 


614 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


mentioned  tassel  or  locketlike  middle  piece  Avith  an  additional  orna- 
ment terminating  in  three  ends,  and  a  pecnliar  clasp  behind  (see 
figure  124,  from  the  Dresden  codex,  page  10,  middle,  and  6,  page  15, 
below). 

A^Hiile  this  neck  ornament  is  common  in  the  Dresden  codex,  it  occurs 
but  seldom  in  the  other  manuscripts  (see  a,  figure  125,  from  the 
Troano  codex,  page  18  *,  middle,  6,  figure  125,  from  Codex  Cortesianus, 


e  f  g  h  i 


k  I  n 


Fig.  125.   Necklaces,  ear  ornaments,  and  so-called  elephant  trunk. 

page  12,  below,"  also  examples  in  Codex  Peresianus,  ]oages  IT,  21, 
and  elsewhere) . 

«  The  head  of  this  figure  is  particularly  interesting,  because  it  explains  the  remarkable 
ornament  occurring  so  often  on  Yucatec  buildings,  the  much  discussed  so-called  "elephant's 
trunk  ".  Close  examination  of  this  ornament  shows  that  nlmost  invariably  the  features 
of  a  face,  rudely  executed  in  flourishes,  are  to  be  recognized  on  the  surface  of  the  wall 
behind  it.  If  we  compare  this  ornament  with  the  above  copy  from  the  Codex  Cor- 
tesianus, there  can  hardly  be  a  doubt  that  it  represents  the  face  of  the  god  B  (see  my 
Gottergestalten  der  Mayahandschriften.  p.  12)  with  the  well-known  big  nose.  The  nose 
has  exactly  the  same  shape  and  decoration  on  the  buildings  as  on  the  figui*e  in  the  manu- 
scripts (see  1,  fig.  125,  the  form  of  this  ornament).  There  is  not  the  least  occasion  for 
fanciful  zoological  speculations. 


SCHELLHAS]      NECKLACES,   COLLARS,   AND   EAR   ORNAMENTS  G15 

This  kind  of  ornament  was  worn  indiscriminately  by  men  and 
women.  The  badges  of  certain  priests  or  officials  seem  sometimes  to 
have  been  used  upon  the  tassels,  as  in  the  Dresden  codex  we  iind  one 
on  the  figure  of  the  death  god,  or  his  priestly  representative,  with  the 
sign  of  death  figure  115,  cimi;  Dresden  codex,  pages  9,  above,  10, 
above,  and  15,  middle). 

In  the  Yucatan  collection  we  have  on  various  images  the  forms 
shown  in  and  6,  figure  125,  of  which  the  last  is  a  particularly 

elaborate  specimen,  showing  a  medal  similar  to  those  in  the  manu- 
scripts. 

Instead  of  the  chain  we  sometimes  find  (very  seldom  in  the  manu- 
scripts) a  sort  of  ribbon  to  which  a  tassel  or  medal  is  attached,  as 
in  g  (Dresden  codex,  page  28,  above). 

The  same  thing  occurs  in  the  figures  in  the  collection  (see  A,  i,  k). 

Still  greater  points  of  resemblance  occur  in  the  ear  ornaments, 
which  often  seem  to  have  been  combined  with  the  necklaces.  In  the 
manuscripts,  as  on  the  Yucatec  clay  figures,  a  ring-shaped  ornament 
is  the  rule.  While  among  the  latter  it  is  often  very  simple  (see  in 
and  r<),  in  the  codices  it  usually  assumes  a  more  complicated  form. 
Almost  all  the  figures  show  either  one  or  the  other  of  the  tw^o  forms, 
which  are  given  in  a  and  or  in  and  figure  126.  The  former 
is  the  rule  in  the  Codex  Troano-Cortesianus,'^  the  latter  in  the  Dresden 
codex.  The  latter  form  is  not  infrequently  directly  combined  with 
the  necklace  and  occurs  after  the  same  fashion  on  the  clay  figures: 
certainly  a  very  noteworthy  fact,  for  these  neck  ornaments  are  entirely 
Avanting  in  the  Mexican  manuscripts.  Compare  the  example  from 
the  collection  (/,  figure  126).  The  resemblance  is  evident  and  indu- 
bitable. 

While  in  the  Mexican  codices  collars  prevail,  in  the  Maya  manu- 
scripts, as  we  have  said,  necklaces  are  predominant.  But  collars 
occur  also,  in  fact  feather  collars  of  the  selfsame  form  that  we  find 
on  the  often-mentioned  figure  of  a  priest  from  the  Yucatan  collection 
(plate  XLV,  number  5),  a  stitT  round  collar  of  feathers  standing  out 
from  the  neck  (see  A,  figure  126,  Codex  Cortesianus,  page  32,  above; 
^,  Dresden  codex,  page  20,  above;  ^,  Troano  codex,  page  34;  Codex 
Peresianus,  page  15,  and  others  having  the  form  of  this  ornament  on 
the  figure  of  the  priest,  I''').  Similar  collars  are  very  frequently 
found  in  the  Maya  codices  on  the  figure  of  the  death  god,  and  where 
such  a  collar  occurs  the  necklace  found  everywhere  else  is  absent. 

As  a  general  thing  these  collars  are  infrequent.  They  seem  to  have 
been  no  everyday  article  of  attire.  A  few^  variations  occur  in  the 
manuscripts,  for  instance,  in  m  (Dresden  codex,  page  10,  below)  and  n 
(Troano  codex,  page  31,  middle). 


«  It  also  appears  on  the  heads  in  the  glyphic  writing,  as,  for  instance,  in  the  inscrip- 
tion on  a  pottery  vessel  in  the  Yucatan  collection  {(],  fig.  126). 

"  Strange  to  say,  this  figure  wears  no  ear  ornament.    The  collar  is  half  broken  off. 


616  BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY  [bull.  28 


Lastly,  we  have  a  peculiar  ornament  in  a  picture  of  the  death 
god,  6>,  in  the  Dresden  manuscript,  page  10,  above. 

It  seems  to  be  a  necklace  of  feather  work,  from  which  hangs  the 


a     h       c  d  f  g  h 


m  V  o 

Fig.  126.     Ear  orn;inients  and  collars. 


sign  of  the  death  god,  cimi.  The  figure  is  also  interesting  because  it 
distinctly  shows  us  how  the  ear  ornaments  represented  above  ic,  e. 


a  h 

Fig.  127.     Ear  ornament  and  syml)ol. 


and  /)  are  fastened  in  the  ear,  which  is  usually  drawn  disproportion- 
ately large  in  the  codices  (see      figure  127)." 


°  The  ear  occurs  in  the  text  as  a  glyph  in  the  form  of  h,  fig.  127.  Compare  the  repre- 
sentations of  the  act  of  piercing  the  ear  in  the  Troano  codex,  p.  18,  above. 


SCHELLHAS] 


HEADDRESS 


617 


In  the  Yucatec  reliefs,  on  the  contrary,  we  have  quite  different 
styles  of  collars,  which  have  little  resemblance  to  those  of  the  manu- 
scripts and  the  clay  figures.  They  are  usually  far  more  elaborate 
and  larger,  and  cover  the  shoulders  like  a  shawl ;  they  therefore  seem 
to  have  consisted  of  some  softer  material  than  those  represented  above. 
On  the  other  hand,  necklaces  are  very  unusual  on  the  reliefs,  while 
they  appear  more  frequently  on  the  figures  from  Palenque,  and  here, 
too,  in  familiar  forms,  as,  for  instance,  Avith  the  addition  of  the 
locket-shaped  middle  piece.  Generally  speaking,  the  representations 
in  the  Yucatec  reliefs  exhibit  a  strikingly  different  type  in  this 
respect,  as  in  many  others. 

HEADDRESS 

The  overloaded  headdress,  often  most  fantastically  exaggerated 
and  scarcely  recognizable  as  such,  is  a  characteristic  feature  of  Cen- 
tral American  representations.  These  headdresses  are  most  colossal 
in  the  Yucatec  reliefs,  Avhere  they  often  develop  into  architectural 
ornaments  pure  and  simple.  Spanisli  authors  record  the  fact  that  the 
ancient  Mayas  paid  great  attention  to  the  ftishion  of  wearing  the  hair, 
ijishop  Landa  says  in  chapter  20  of  his  Relacion :  "  They  wore  their 
hair  long,  like  women.  On  the  top  they  burnt  a  sort  of  large  tonsure; 
they  let  the  hair  grow  around  it,  while  the  hair  of  the  tonsure 
remained  short.  They  bound  the  hair  in  braids  about  the  head  with 
the  exception  of  one  lock,  which  they  allowed  to  hang  down  behind 
like  a  tassel  ". 

"All  the  authorities  agree  adds  Bancroft  (Native  Races,  volume 
2),  "  that  the  priests  in  Yucatan  wore  the  hair  long,  uncombed,  and 
often  saturated  with  sacrificial  blood.  Plumes  of  feathers  seem  to 
have  been  their  usual  headdress  ". 

Here,  too,  we  can  only  accept  Landa's  description  with  many  reser- 
vations and  as  a  very  general  characterization  of  the  style  of  hair- 
dressing  when  we  compare  this  description  with  the  existing  antiqui- 
ties. Among  the  latter,  the  various  styles  of  ornamenting  and  cover- 
ing the  head  and  dressing  the  hair  are  so  extremely  numerous,  and 
Ave  find  such  manifold  forms  and  fashions,  that  an  exhaustive 
description  of  them  would  be  an  extensive  work  in  itself.  We 
must  definitely  accept  the  view  that  ditTerences  of  rank  in  Yucatan 
found  especial  expression  in  the  mode  of  dressing  and  ornamenting 
the  hair,  for  only  thus  can  Ave  explain  the  countless  different  forms. 
Warriors  and  priests  or  persons  of  high  rank  and  people  of  the  loAver 
class  Avere,  most  probably,  chiefly  distinguished  from  each  othei'  by  the 
style  of  Avearing  the  hair.  The  rest  of  the  dress  Avas  suitabl(i  to  the 
climate,  usually  simple,  and  thus  the  faA^orite  and  carefully  treated 
headdress  afforded  an  opportunity  for  cA^ery  kind  of  particularity. 

We  shall  touch  only  upon  the  most  important  points  of  the  ex- 
tremely rich  material  before  us.    The  hair  partly  bound  about  the 


618 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


head,  parti};-  hanging  down  long  behind,  as  Landa  describes  it,  is 
indeed  not  infrequently  seen  (compare  «,  figure  128,  Codex  Cor- 
tesianus,  page  33,  above,  and  h,  figure  128,  same  place,  36,  below,  with 
c  from  the  Yucatan  collection).  However,  in  most  cases  the  head 
ornament  is  much  more  elaborate.  We  constantly  find,  as  here,  the 
hair  bound  up  above  on  the  head  and  surrounded  with  ornaments 


I  m  n  0 

Fig.  128.    Headdresses,  from  Maya  codices  and  monuments. 


and  feathers,  while  it  hangs  down  long  behind,  intertwined  with 
feathers  and  ribbons. 

A  headdress  consisting  of  a  sort  of  bow  or  knot  is  most  common 
in  the  manuscripts  {d,  Dresden  codex,  page  68,  and  e  and  /,  Codex 
Cortesianus,  page  11).  Strange  to  say,  it  does  not  occur  elsewhere, 
either  among  the  reliefs  or  the  clay  figures;  another  striking  pecul- 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


BULLETIN  28    PLATE  XLVI 


HEADDRESSES  FROM   THE  CODICES  AND  MONUMENTS 


SCHELLHAS] 


HEADDRESS 


619 


iarity  of  the  four  Maya  codices.'^  There  are  otherwise,  however, 
many  resemblances  in  the  forms  of  hair-dressing  between  the  manu- 
scripts and  the  figures  in  the  collection.  Thus  the  lieaddress  from  the 
Dresden  manuscript  on  page'  19  above,  is  repeated  exactly  in  a 
figure  of  the  collection     /,  front  view ;  ^,  side  view. 

A  headdress  very  common  in  the  Dresden  manuscript  is  shown  in 
Z,  page  27,  and  m,  page  28,  b^low.  Compare  also  g  and  A,  figure  120, 
and  h  and  (?,  figure  123/  It  has  also  an  analogue  in  the  Yucatan  col- 
lection; compare  n  and  o  and  the  often-mentioned  figure  of  a  priest 
(plate  XLV,  number  5).  These  are  only  single  instances,  chosen  at 
random ;  the  forms  are,  as  we  have  said,  so  multifarious  that  but  very 
few  obvious  resemblances  can  be  established.  In  the  Yucatec  reliefs 
the  headdresses  usually  have  enormous  feathers,  which  hang  down 
before  and  behind,  showing  a  certain  resemblance  to  many  of  the 
representations  in  the  manuscripts,  which,  however,  lies  rather  in  the 
total  effect  than  in  separate  details.  The  Palenque  reliefs  also  show 
similar  feather  ornaments,  but  far  simpler  and  more  in  accordance 
Avith  reality  than  the  Yucatec  reliefs. 

We  may  also  mention  what  was  undoubtedly  the  headdress  of  a 
warrior,^  which  we  find  in  the  Mexican  manuscripts  as  w^ell  as  in  the 
Maya  codices  and  on  the  clay  figures.  In  the  first  of  these  it  takes  the 
form  of  a  and  plate  xlvi  (from  the  Mendoza  codex) .  Compare  with 
this,  c  (Dresden  codex,  page  60)  and  the  head  from  a  figure  in  the 
collection,  d. 

The  headdress  of  the  women  is  generally  simpler  than  that  of  the 
men.  The  elaborate  feather  decoration  is  missing  on  them  in  the 
manuscripts,  and  in  its  place  w^e  have  the  hair  itself  arranged  in 
long  strands,  which  fall  partly  over  the  breast,  partly  over  the  back; 
e  shows  this  arrangement  of  the  hair  that  is  peculiar  to  women,  the 
most  distinctly  recognizable  one  in  the  Dresden  manuscript. 

Besides  this,  liowxver,  we  have  another  form,  in  which  the  hair  is 
arranged  on  each  side  of  the  head  in  loops  having  the  shape  of  the 
figure  8.  This  arrangement  of  the  hair  occurs  in  all  the  Ma3^a 
manuscripts  and  on  the  clay  images  of  the  Yucatan  collection.  The 
Mexican  manuscripts  also  show  us  a  similar  puffing  of  the  hair  on 
each  side  of  the  head,  which  Spanish  authors  mention  as  prevalent 

"  See,  however,  the  headdress  so  common  in  the  Bodley  codex,  fig.  125.  The  Bodley 
codex  hears  a  strong  resemblance  to  Codex  Troano-Cortesianus,  so  far  as  the  representa- 
tions are  concerned. 

^  It  is  the  figure  with  tlie  singular  facial  decoration  that  has  already  been  mentioned 
above. 

<^  The  similarity  of  this  head  covering  with  one  common  in  the  Egyptian  representation, 
that  with  the  Uraeus  serpent,  is  startling,  and  yet  it  is  entirely  fortuitous. 

Compare  in  regard  to  this  headdress  in  use  among  the  Aztecs,  the  comprehensive 
worlc  :  Das  Prachtstiick  altmexikanisclier  Federarbeit  aus  der  Zoit  Montezumas  im  Wiener 
Museum,  by  Zelia  Nuttall  (in  d.  Abhandlungen  u.  Bericht.  d.  K.  Zool.  u.  Anthrop.-Ethnogx. 
Museums,  z.  Dresden,  n.  7,  1887). 


620 


BUREAU  OF   AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


in  ancient  Mexico.  Compare  the  Mexican  female  figure  above,  6, 
figure  124,  also  some  Mexican  clay  images  in  the  Berlin  Museum,  which 
have  the  same  style  of  hair-dressing  as  /  and  ^,  plate  xlvi  (Troano 
codex,  page  24),  A  (Codex  Cortesianus,  page  35),  i  (Dresden  codex, 
page  16),  from  the  Maya  manuscripts,  and  lastly,  the  two  styles  of 
wearing  the  hair  of  clay  images  in  the  Yucatan  collection,  represented 
in  k  and  plate  xlv,  number  2. 

Utensils  and  Kindred  Objects 

In  conclusion,  we  will  select  a  few  specimens  from  the  numerous 
representations  of  household  utensils,  weapons,  vessels,  and  other 
objects  portrayed  in  connection  with  the  human  figure.  Any  closer 
inquiry  into  these  objects  would  far  exceed  the  limits  of  the  present 
article.  The  weapons,  which  are  not  uncommon  in  the  codices,  have 
many  points  of  resemblance  with  those  represented  in  the  Mexican 
manuscripts;  none  are  apparently  to  be  found  among  the  clay  figures. 
The  Mexican  sword  with  obsidian  splinters  (maquahuitl)  was  also 
used  in  Yucatan,  together  Avith  the  small  ax,  which  Landa  describes, 
and  of  Avhich  he  furnishes  an  illustration. The  sword  is  represented 
on  a  relief  at  Kabah. 

The  clay  vessels  found  in  the  Yucatan  collection  are  of  the  same 
general  shape  as  those  in  the  Maya  codices.  Compare  the  specimens 
a,  and  <?,  plate  xlvii  (from  the  Dresden  codex),  with  t/,  and  / 
(from  the  Yucatan  collection). 

So,  too,  a  peculiar  kind  of  tall,  slender  vessel,  which  usually  appears 
in  the  manuscripts  in  connection  with  sacrificial  rites  (see  j^ai'ticu- 
larly  Dresden  codex,  pages  25  to  28),  is  found  in  its  characteristic 
form  in  the  Yucatan  collection.  Compare  r/  (from  the  Dresden  codex^ 
pages  20  and  27;  Codex  Cortesianus,  pages  G*,  7*,  40,  and  elsewhere) 
with  the  vessels,  from  the  collection,  which  may  therefore  be  re- 
garded with  certainty  as  sacrificial  vessels. 

Fans,  which  are  not  uncommon  in  the  Mexican  codices,  occur  also 
in  the  Maj^a  manuscripts,  and  a  clay  image  in  the  Yucatan  collection 
holds  a  similar  object  in  its  hand,  i  (compare  the  Mexican  fan,  k). 
Similar  forms  are  found  in  the  Maya  manuscripts  (see  Z,  from  the 
Dresden  codex,  pages  25  to  28,  above,  and  m,  from  the  Troano  codex, 
page  35,  above)".  Another  figure  in  the  Yucatan  collection  has  an 
object  in  the  left  hand  of  the  shape  represented  in  7i.  The  repre- 
sentations of  women  weaving  in  the  Troano  codex,  page  11*,  show 
us  that  this  article  is  a  weaver's  shuttle.  There  it  has  the  form  of 
figure  129.^ 

"  It  has  the  same  shape  as  in  the  manuscripts. 

'■  Cnder  this  heading  also  belongs  th.?  Mexican  spear  thrower,  the  atlatl,  found  in  vari- 
ous forms  in  the  codices,  which  recently  has  been  found  in  a  variety  of  forms  in  the 
codices  by  Doctor  Seler  and  Mrs  Nuttall,  who  is  about  to  issue  a  searching  study  of  the 
sul)ject  as  one  of  the  publications  of  the  Peabody  Museum. 


SCHELLHAS] 


CONCLUSIONS 


621 


Conclusions 

The  results  of  this  comparative  study,  which  by  no  means  exhausts 
the  subject,  and  is  only  intended  to  emphasize  the  chief  points  suffi- 
ciently for  the  present  purpose,  are  in  many  respects  striking.  One  of 
the  principal  conclusions  is:  There  is  no  single,  uniform  type  among 
what  is  known  as  the  Maya  antiquities.  The  manuscripts  form  an 
independent  group,  the  relief  representations  from  the  ruined  cities 
of  Yucatan  a  second,  the  clay  images  a  third.  Remains  of  the  differ- 
ent groups  are  alike  in  many  particulars,  but  not  so  much  as  if  all  the 
material  sprang  from  a  common  source.  The  architectural  remains 
in  Yucatan  must  naturally  be  regarded  as  having  undoubtedly  origi- 
nated with  the  ancient  inhabitants  of  Mayapan.  We  have,  however, 
already  shown  that  even  Bishop  Landa  did  not  consider  it  superfluous 
to  furnish  proofs  that  these  ancient  inhabitants  were  ethnologically 
identical  with  the  inhabitants  of  Yucatan  at  the  time  of  the  conquest. 
And  these  very  architectural  remains  bear  a  most  striking  resem.- 
blance,  especially  in  the  bas-reliefs,  to  Mexican  antiquities,  such  as  we 
do  not  find,  at  least  not  to  the  same  extent,  in  the  Maya  manuscripts 
and  in  the  clay  figures.    On  the  other  hand,  the  type  of  the  represen- 


Fig.  129.   A  weaver's  shutUe,  from  Yucatan. 

tations  in  the  codices  and  of  the  clay  figures  agrees  far  better  with  that 
found  in  the  antiquities  of  Palenque  and  Copan ;  but  even  here  the 
differences  are  still  too  great  to  establish  a  belief  in  a  common  origin. 
It  is  evident  that  very  divergent  influences  have  been  at  work  in  the 
ancient  culture  area  of  Central  America.  Especially  are  traces  of 
the  influence  of  Mexican  races,  as,  for  instance,  the  Aztecs,  plainly 
perceptible  in  Yucatan  proper.  Intercourse  and  commercial  rela- 
tions did  exist  between  the  Aztecs  and  the  Mayas.  Side  by  side  with 
this  influence  emanating  from  the  races  on  the  northwest  border,  we 
also  find  another  factor  of  civilization  whose  origin  we  may  seek  to 
the  south  of  the  peninsula  of  Yucatan.  It  seems  to  be  the  genuine, 
aboriginal  source  of  Central  American  civilization,  which  reached  its 
highest  development  among  the  Maya  races.  In  contrast  to  the  stiff, 
angular,  conventional  type  of  Mexican  art  products,  we  find,  the 
farther  Ave  pursue  this  factor  of  ciAdlization,  softer,  more  graceful, 
and  at  the  same  time  more  realistic  forms.  Among  the  antiquities 
which  show  this  influence  are  the  remains  at  Copan  and  Palenque, 
the  Maya  codices,  and  a  great  part  of  the  clay  figures  in  the  Yucatan 
collection.    All  these  facts  point  to  a  region  south  of  the  Yucatan 


622 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


peninsula  as  the  true  center  of  Central  American  civilization.  There 
the  origin  of  American  glyphic  writing  is  doubtless  to  be  sought; 
there  lie  the  roots  of  that  ancient  culture. 

It  is  difficult  to  conjecture  Avhat  race  may  have  been  the  bearer  of 
this  civilization.  The  evidence  points  to  its  having  been  a  branch  of 
the  Mayas.  In  Landa's  time  the  flower  of  that  ancient  civilization 
was  evidently  long  past ;  no  trace  of  the  earlier  vigorous  development 
remained;  the  old  intellectual  activity  manifested  itself  but  feebly; 
opposition  to  foreign  influences  was  therefore  extremely  weak.  Even 
then,  according  to  the  statements  of  Spanish  authors,  certain  build- 
ings in  Yucatan  already  wore  an  air  of  belonging  to  a  bygone  time: 
some  were  probably  even  then  deserted  and  buried  in  the  primeval 
forest.  There  is  hardly  a  doubt  that  even  at  the  time  of  the  conquest 
ruined  cities  existed  south  of  Yucatan,  in  Guatemala  and  Chiapas, 
as  they  do  to-day.  Long  before  the  coming  of  the  Spaniards  abo- 
riginal civilization  must  have  reached  its  highest  point  in  that  region, 
within  a  square  approximately  bounded  by  the  fourteenth  and  eight- 
eenth degrees  of  latitude  and  the  eighty-eighth  and  ninety-second 
degrees  of  longitude.  It  is  doubtful  whether  all  the  so-called  Maya 
antiquities  originated  among  the  Mayas  of  Yucatan.  The  manu- 
scripts perhaps  came  from  the  region  indicated  above  (Tzental?), 
and  undoubtedly  also  a  large  part  of  the  antiquities  in  the  Berliu 
Museum  of  Ethnology.  They  can  scarcely  have  originated  in 
northern  Yucatan.  They  are  evidences  and  relics  of  the  influence 
of  a  higher  civilization  which  flourished  long  before  in  the  south.*^ 

«  Since  the  publication  of  this  paper  in  1890  important  advances  have  been  made  in 
the  field  of  Maya  research.  These  are  known  to  the  specialists  in  Americanist  lore. 
Nevertheless,  these  comparative  studies  may  still  prove  to  be  of  value  to-day  in  their 
general  results  to  the  investigator  because,  although  these  general  results  themselves 
have  as  a  whole  been  controverted  or  called  in  question,  they  have  not  been  materially 
modified  by  later  investigations.  The  main  purpose  of  the  foregoing  essay,  which  was  to 
present  a  comparative  survey  of  the  details  of  the  Maya  antiquities,  will  be  fulfilled  even 
to-day,  so  much  the  more  since  there  has  unfortunately  been  no  augmentation  of  material 
worth  mentioning,  certainly  no  new  discovery  of  antiquities  that  can  alter  essentially 
the  results  reached  then.    P.  Schellhas,  Berlin,  February,  1905. 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


BULLETIN  28    PLATE  XLVII 


^  mi 


MEXICAN    AND   MAYA    HOUSEHOLD  UTENSILS 


INDEPENDENT  INDIAN  STATES  OF 
YUCATAN 

BY 

KARL  SAF^PER 


623 


INDEPENDENT  INDIAN  STATES  OF 
YUCATAN" 


By  Karl  Sapper 


It  is  a  well-known  fact  that  the  conquest  of  Yucatan  offered  the 
Spaniards  great  difficulties  and  that  the  adelantado  Don  Francisco  de 
Montejo,  although  he  fully  understood  the  art  of  craftily  turning  the 
dissensions  among  the  dilferent  Indian  states  to  his  own  advantage,  at 
length  found  himself  forced  to  call  on  Ferdinand  Cortes  for  aid. 
After  the  conquest  of  the  peninsula  Avas  finally  accomplished  the 
Indians  rose  here  and  there  to  regain  their  freedom.  The  Spaniards 
suppressed  the  insurrections  with  brutal  force,  but  could  never  dispel 
the  hatred  toward  their  Avhite  oppressors  which,  even  to  this  day, 
smolders  in  the  hearts  of  the  Mayas  and  manifests  itself  from  time 
to  time  in  a  renewal  of  bloody  insurrections,  like  those  which  took 
place  in  the  middle  of  the  last  and  of  the  present  century  (1761  and 
1847).  The  latter  rebellion  has  had  a  lasting  influence  on  the  polit- 
ical development  of  the  peninsula,  and  furnishes  a  key  to  the  compre- 
hension of  the  peculiar  conditions  which  exist  to-day.  For  this 
reason  I  will  enter  into  a  somewhat  detailed  discussion  of  them  here. 

The  movement  began  among  the  eastern  tribes,  who  were  soon 
joined  by  those  of  the  south;  a  large  number  of  villages  were 
destroyed,  and  in  the  year  1848  Bacalar,'^  the  last  important  place  of 
the  Mexicans  in  southern  Yucatan,  at  that  time  a  city  of  more  than 
5,000  inhabitants,  also  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  eastern  Indians  under 
Venancio  Pec,  Juan  Pablo  Cocom,  Teodoro  Villanueva,  and  others. 
In  the  following  year  (May  3,  1849)  the  Yucatecos,  under  Colonel 
Zetina,  succeeded  indeed  in  regaining  possession  of  the  city,  but  in 
June  of  the  same  year  the  eastern  Indians,  under  Jacinto  Pat,  rein- 
forced by  the  southern  Mayas  of  Chichanha,  under  Jose  Maria  Tzuc, 
made  another  vigorous  attack  on  Bacalar,  and  were  repulsed  only 
with  difficulty.  The  siege  lasted  for  j^ears,  and  was  only  interrupted 
when  the  Mexican  garrison  received  large  reenforcements. 

"  Globus,  V.  G7,  n.  13. 

Bacalar,  originally  called  Bakhalal,  was  founded  in  1545  by  Don  Melchor  Pacheco. 
Concerning  the  history  of  this  place  see  the  article  "  Bacalar  "  in  The  Angelus,  Belize, 
V.  9,  1893,  pp.  48  and  following. 

7238— No.  28—05  40  625 


626 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


It  was  not  until  Gen  Don  Komulo  Diaz  de  la  Vega  assumed  com- 
mand in  Yucatan  that  the  war  was  carried  on  with  greater  energ}^ 
by  the  Mexicans.  This  general  marched  by  Avay  of  Chan  Santa  Cruz, 
the  "  sacred  city  "  of  the  eastern  Indians,  to  Bacalar,  where  he  arrived 
on  March  1,  1852.  The  southern  Indians,  whom  the  Mexicans  had 
defeated,  now  offered  to  negotiate  for  peace  with  the  Yucatecos, 
which  enraged  the  eastern  Mayas,  who  turned  against  them,  unex- 
pectedly attacked  their  principal  town,  Chichanha,  and  almost 
entirely  destroyed  it.  But  soon  afterward  (July,  1852)  Diaz  de  la 
Vega  surprised  the  principal  town  of  the  eastern  Indians,  Chan  Santa 
Cruz,  which  had  been  fortified  in  the  meantime,  and  in  this  engage- 
ment the  dreaded  chief,  Venancio  Pec,  and  his  adjutant,  Juan 
Bautista  Yam,  fell.  The  Mexicans,  however,  were  not  able  to  achieve 
a  permanent  victory  over  the  eastern  Mayas,  to  whom,  in  the  year 
1858,  they  finally  lost  Bacalar,  Avhich  has  now  become  an  important 
base  of  operations  and  rallying  point  for  these  Indians.  In  1871^^  the 
Mexicans  made  another  armed  incursion  into  the  territory  of  the 
eastern  tribes,  again  captured  their  princi])al  city,  Chan  Santa  Cruz, 
and  again  withdrew  Avithout  the  slightest  permanent  success.  After 
the  withdrawal  of  the  Mexican  troops  the  Indians  quietly  returned  to 
their  former  habitations,  and  occupy  to-day  the  same  territory  that 
they  formerly  occupied.  From  time  to  time  they  make  predatory 
expeditions  into  the  Mexican  territory  of  Yucatan  or  into  the  terri- 
tories of  the  southern  tribes;  but  their  military  operations  no  longer 
aim  at  great  enterprises,  and  seem  to  be  directed  only  to  the  occa- 
sional acquisition  of  rich  booty. 

Thus^  while  the  eastern  tribes  have  stood  uninterruptedly  on  a  war 
footing  with  the  Mexican  GoA'Crnment  since  the  year  1847,  the  chiefs 
of  the  southern  tribes,  Jose  Maria  Tzuz,  Andres  Tzima,  and  Juan 
Jose  Cal,  concluded  a  treaty  of  peace  as  early  as  1853  Avith  the  Mexi- 
can agents.  Doctor  Canton,  Colonel  Loj^ez,  and  P.  Peralta,  through 
the  instrumentality  of  the  English  superintendent  at  Belize,  Ph.  Ed. 
AVoodhouse,  the  conditions  of  Avhich  Avere  recorded  in  both  the  Span- 
ish and  Maya  languages.  Unfortunately,  I  ha\^e  not  been  able  to 
examine  the  terms  of  this  treaty ;  but  the  conditions  actually  existing 
indicate  that  full  independence  in  the  conduct  of  their  internal  affairs 
(civil  and  judicial  administration,  etc.)  was  guaranteed  to  the  In- 
dians, w^hile  the  latter  formally  recognized  the  suzerainty  of  Mexico, 
and  their  caciques  have  to  be  confirmed  by  the  Mexican  Government, 
that  is,  the  gobernador  of  the  state  of  Campeche. 

The  southern  tribes  are  divided  into  two  distinct  states,  Avhose 
chief  towns  at  present  are  Ixkanha,  in  central  Yucatan,  and  Icaiche, 
in  southern  Yucatan.    Both  states,  in  the  main,  have  faithfully  kept 


°  See  A.  Woeikof,  Reise  diirch  Yucatan  und  die  siid-ostlichen  Provinzen  von  Mexiko  in 
Petermanns  Mitteilungen,  1879,  v.  25,  p.  203. 


SAPPEU] 


INDEPENDENT   INDIAN    STATES   OF  YUCATAN 


627 


their  treaty  with  Mexico,  but  in  1869  Mexican  troops  were  obliged  to 
enter  the  district  of  Ixkanha  to  suppress  an  insurrection  of  the 
Indians  under  (ieneral  Arana,  the  brother  of  (ren  Eugenio  Arana, 
now  in  office.  On  the  other  hand,  both  states  have  had  to  repel  occa- 
sional incursions  of  the  eastern  Mayas,  who  have  been  hostile  since 
the  conclusion  of  peace  in  1853,  and  thus  the  southern  Indians  have 
served  as  a  bulwark  and  outpost,  as  it  were,  for  that  portion  of  the 
state  of  Canipeche  which  is  under  Mexican  authority. 

Among  the  Icaiche  Indians,  avIio  retreated  farther  southward 
after  the  destruction  of  Chichanha,  the  warlike  spirit  once  roused 
would  not  be  quieted,  and  manifested  itself  in  numerous  raids  into 
the  territory  of  British  Honduras,  where  at  one  time  the  Indians 
advanced  as  far  as  the  neighborhood  of  the  city  of  Belize."  In  1868 
the  Icaiche  Indians,  under  their  leaders  Marcos  Canul  and  Rafael 
Chan,  occupied  the  city  of  Corozal,  but  withdrew  through  fear  of 
the  Santa  Cruz  Indians;  and  in  1872  the  warlike  Gen  Marcos  Canul 
attacked  the  city  of  Orange  AA'alk,  but  was  fatally  wounded  dur- 
ing the  siege  by  a  Swiss  named  Oswald;  Avhereupon  the  Indians 
withdreAv.  The  British  Government  complained  to  the  Mexican 
Government  of  the  repeated  Indian  invasions,  and  when  the  Mexi- 
cans explained  that  the  Icaiche  Indians  w^ere  not  under  Mexican 
authority,  but  were  an  independent  tribe,  the  English  pointed  out 
that  the  leaders  of  the  Indians  were  Mexican  generals.  The  pro- 
test, however,  Avas  not  followed  up,  since  the  Icaiche  Indians  made  ho 
more  raids  into  British  territory  after  CanuFs  death,  neither  under 
Rafael  Chan,  Canul's  successor,  nor  under  the  excellent  Santiago 
Pech,  nor  under  the  pi-esent  cacique.  Gen  Gabriel  Tamay.  At  pres- 
ent, indeed,  great  warlike  enterprises  on  the  part  of  the  Icaiche 
Indians  are  quite  inconceivable,  for  their  number  has  been  continually 
reduced  by  war,  rum,  and  pestilence,  and  in  the  year  1892  virulent 
smallpox  and  whooping-cough  epidemics  swept  away  about  half  of 
their  number,  so  that  now  the  entire  popidation  of  the  once  feared 
independent  Indian  state  can  be  estimated  at  only  about  500  souls. 
Nevertheless,  in  Icaiche,  a  few  Indians  are  always  stationed  as  sen- 
iinels  in  a  special  hut  called  the  cuartel  ("barracks"),  and  in  the 
house  in  Avhich  I  lived  during  my  residence  there  five  loaded  repeat- 
ing rifles  hung  on  the  crossbeams  of  the  roof,  a  sign  that  the  Icaiche 
Indians  are  always  on  their  guard  against  the  Santa  Cruz  Indians, 
who,  in  fact,  a  short  time  before  (during  the  rule  of  General  Tamay) 
had  made  an  unsuccessful  attack  upon  the  village. 

In  Ixkanha  there  are  a  larger  number  of  soldiers  on  guard,  day 
and  night,  in  the  I)arracks.  under  the  command  of  a  captain,  and 
although  they  do  not  Avear  a  luiiform  any  more  than  do  the  Indians 
of  Icaiche,  they  are  a  somewhat  nearer  approach  to  disciplined 


See,  respecting  these  Indian  raids,  A.  R.  Gibbs,  British  Honduras,  London,  1883. 


628 


BUREAU   OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


military,  inasmuch  as  they  use  drum  and  trumpet  calls,  etc.  In 
the  district  of  Ixkanha  the  population  has  also  diminished,  compared 
with  its  former  number,  especially  through  smallpox  epidemics  and 
owing  to  an  utter  lack  of  good  medical  aid,  and  a  few  years  ago  Gen 
Eugenio  Arana  ceded  the  important  village  of  Chunchintok  to  the 
state  of  Campeche.  NeA^ertheless,  the  population  of  the  independent 
territory  of  Ixkanha  is  probably  about  8,000. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  rebellion  the  population  of  the  Santa  Cruz 
territory  Avas  stated  to  be  about  40,000;  but  since  then  the  number 
has  also  greath^  diminished,  and  is  estimated  by  those  familiar  with 
the  country  at  8,000  or  10,000  souls.  Indeed,  it  seems  as  if  the  depop- 
ulation of  the  forest  regions  of  the  peninsula  (eastern  and  southern 
Yucatan)  were  constantly  progressing,  although  it  is  probable  that 
even  before  the  conquest  these  regions  were  more  scantily  populated 
than  the  drier  and  more  salubrious  districts  in  western  and  northern 
Yucatan.  The  population  of  Chan  Santa  Cruz  is  chiefly  confined  to 
the  strip  of  territory  between  lake  Bacalar  and  Ascension  bay,  for 
the  fierce  and  long  wars  have  resulted  in  an  ever-increasing  concen- 
tration of  population  on  the  part  of  the  eastern  Indians  and  also  on 
that  of  their  enemies,  in  consequence  of  which  uninhabited  tracts  of 
land  lie  between  the  two  factions,  in  which  the  former  roads  have 
been  rapidly  overgrown  and  rendered  impassable  by  the  luxuriant 
forest  vegetation.  Even  though  Indians  can  use  these  overgrown 
roads  in  case  of  need  in  single  file,  the  Santa  Cruz  Indians  will 
always  be  obliged  to  open  new  roads  for  incursions  on  a  larger  scale, 
which  will  serve  to  warn  the  inhabitants  of  the  threatened  district 
well  in  ad  vance. 

The  state  of  civilization  of  the  independent  Mayas  is  low.  There  is 
no  educational  system  at  all,  and  although  for  Ixkanha,  which  is 
probably  more  directly  dejiendent  on  Campeche  than  Icaiche,  owing 
to  its  closer  proximity  to  it,  the  position  of  schoolmaster  is  provided 
for  in  the  state  budget  of  Campeche,  nothing  is  gained  by  it,  since  no 
candidate  ever  applies  for  the  position.  Maya  is  exclusively  the  lan- 
guage of  common  intercourse,  and  in  each  of  the  three  independent 
districts  the  clerk  who  is  appointed  by  the  general  as  secretary  and 
interpreter  is  the  only  man  in  the  state  who  speaks  Spanish  well  and 
can  also  read  and  write  a  little.  In  ecclesiastic  matters  the  Mayas 
of  Santa  Cruz  are  dependent  upon  Corozal,  those  of  Icaiche  upon 
Orange  Walk,  and  those  of  Ixkanha  upon  the  neighboring  villages  of 
Campeche.  In  Ixkanha,  it  is  true,  I  saw  in  the  church  a  smoothly 
shaven  Indian,  not  otherwise  distinguished  from  his  fellows,  who, 
morning  and  evening,  conducted  religious  services,  consisting  largely 
of  song,  in  the  Maya  tongue;  but  he  was  evidently  not  a  genuine 
priest. 


SAPPEuJ  INDEPENDENT  INDIAN   STATES  OF  YUCATAN  629 

The  public  and  private  buildings  of  the  independent  Mayas,  with- 
out exception,  are  thatched,  wooden  huts,  such  as  are  customary  else- 
where among  the  Indian  inhabitants  of  the  peninsula.  The  houses 
of  sun-dried  brick  or  stone  which  existed  before  the  rebellion  are 
either  destroyed  or  have  fallen  to  ruins,  and  in  Santa  Clara  Tcaiche, 
for  example,  only  the  numerous  foundation  walls  and  cellars  still 
recall  their  former  existence. 

The  dress,  mode  of  life,  and  occupations  of  the  independent  Mayas 
are  very  simple,  and  in  this  respect  the  general  is  in  no  wise  distin- 
guished from  his  subjects,  except  that  he  keeps  saddle  horses  in 
accordance  with  his  greater  wealth. 

In  dress  the  independent  Indians  scarcely  differ  from  the  rest  of 
the  Mayas.  The  women  wear  a  white  cotton  skirt  and  a  white  guipil 
of  the  same  material  reaching  to  the  knees,  which  is  often  orna- 
mented with  red  embroidery  around  the  hem  and  the  neck  of  the 
bodice.  The  hair  is  gathered  in  a  knot  at  the  back  of  the  head.  Their 
ornaments  are  large  gold  earrings,  while  necklaces,  so  popular  among 
the  Indian  women  elsew^here,  are  seldom  worn  here.  The  men  wear 
white  cotton  trousers  and  shirts,  straw  hats,  and  sandals,  Avhich  are 
fastened  to  the  feet  with  cords.  The  Indians  cultivate  the  more 
important  plants  for  food,  luxury,  and  textile  fibers;  raise  cattle, 
swine,  and  poultry;  spin  and  weave  their  clothing  and  braid  their 
straw  hats  and  hammocks,  etc.,  so  that  they  are  obliged  to  import 
comparatively  few  articles,  only  arms,  ammunition,  salt,  ornaments, 
and  the  like.  The  products  of  the  chase  are  of  great  importance 
to  the  household  of  the  Indians  of  Icaiche  and  Santa  Cruz,  who  live 
in  the  forest  regions.  The  chase  is  of  less  importance  to  the  Mayas 
of  Ixkanha,  who  live  in  the  region  of  the  dry  brush-covered  plains, 
and  border  only  on  the  south  and  east  on  the  region  of  unbroken  j^ri- 
meval  forests. 

A  few  English  have  settled  in  the  district  of  Chan  Santa  Cruz,  and 
a  few  English  and  Yucatecos  in  the  district  of  Icaiche  for  the  purpose 
of  cutting  mahogany  and  logwood.  For  every  ton  of  wood  that  they 
export  they  pay  a  certain  sum  to  the  general  of  the  district,  and  out  of 
this  income  he  meets  the  public  expenses,  such  as  the  cost  of  arms 
and  ammunition  and  the  salary  of  the  clerk.  Any  surplus  remaining 
seems  to  belong  to  the  general  himself.  There  are  no  taxes  or  duties. 
As  the  Ixkanha  district  is  nowhere  contiguous  either  to  the  sea  or  to 
navigable  rivers  nor  is  intersected  by  highways,  the  logwood,  which 
is  present  in  considerable  quantities,  can  not  be  made  marketable.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  people  collect  a  good  deal  of  chicle,  a  kind  of 
gum  obtained  from  the  milky  juice  of  the  chicosapote.  I  do  not 
know  from  what  source  the  public  revenues  of  Ixkanha  are  derived. 

The  Indians  of  Santa  Cruz  trade  chiefly  with  Corozal,  the  Mayas 
of  Icaiche  with  Orange  Walk,  while  the  trade  of  the  people  of 


630 


BUREAU   OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  2S 


Ixkanha  is  chiefly  with  Caiiipeche.  A  short  time  ago,  it  is  true,  Gen- 
eral Araiia  had  a  direct  bridle  path  cut  from  Ixkanha,  by  way  of  Chi- 
chanha,  to  Santa  Cruz  on  the  Rio  Hondo,  and  to  Orange  Walk,  for  the 
purpose  of  reviving  the  direct  trade  with  the  British  colony  and  the 
once  active  carrying  trade  from  there  to  Campeche;  but  as  this  route 
passes  near  the  territory  of  the  Santa  Cruz  Indians  and  the  trading 
caravans  are  thcM'cfoi'c  in  danger  of  highway  robbery,  and  as  most  of 
the  imported  wares  are  at  present  not  appreciably  cheaper  in  British 
Honduras  than  they  are  in  Campeche,  very  active  traffic  on  this  road 
can  not  be  expected. 

Commercial  relations  have  a  decided  influence  upon  the  monetary 
system  of  the  independent  Maya  states.  Since  in  British  Honduras 
the  small  coins  of  Guatemala  as  well  as  Chilean  and  Peruvian  silver 
dollars  are  mosth^  in  circulation,  these  coins  are  also  most  in  use  in  the 
districts  of  Santa  Cruz  and  Icaiche.  In  the  Ixkanha  district,  on  the 
other  hand,  Mexican  money  is  the  only  currency;  but  when  some 
years  ago  the  old  fractional  currency  was  discarded  in  the  Republic 
of  Mexico  and  a  new  one  l)ased  on  the  decimal  system  was  adopted, 
the  Ixkanha  Indians  did  not  conform  to  the  innovation,  but  con- 
tinued to  use  the  Mexican  an.d  old  Spanish  medios  and  reals,  which 
long  ago  had  been  withdraAvn  from  circulation  in  Mexican  territory. 

The  office  of  cacique  is  not  hereditary  in  any  particular  family,  but 
at  the  death  of  the  general  the  next  below  him  in  military  rank,  the 
commandant,  advances  to  the  position,  while  at  the  same  time  the 
senior  captain  is  promoted  to  the  rank  of  commandant,  etc.  During 
the  absence  of  the  general  the  conmiandant  acts  as  his  representative. 
The  general  has  supreme  command  in  war,  and  he  fills  the  office  of 
judge,  for  which  reason  the  caciques  of  Ixkanha  and  Icaiche,  when 
they  are  confirmed  in  office  by  the  gobernador  of  Campeche,  are  as  a 
matter  of  form  officially  appointed  to  the  position  of  jefe  politico  and 
comandante  de  armas  as  well  as  to  that  of  judge.  Both  generals  use 
a  stamp  which  bears,  besides  the  Mexican  eagle,  the  inscription 
Pacificos  del  Sur,  in  accordance  with  the  custonuiry  division  of  the 
independent  Mayas  of  Yucatan  into  the  Indios  sublevados  pacificos 
("  peaceful  insurgents  ")  of  Ixkanha  and  Icaiche,  and  the  Indios 
sublevados  bravos  ("  fighting  insurgents  ")  of  Chan  Santa  Cruz. 

The  general  seems  to  be  in  some  measure  answerable  to  the  popu- 
lar assembly  for  his  actions,  in  so  far  as  these  do  not  directly  relate  to 
military  matters  or  to  his  judicial  office,  as  I  think  I  may  infer  from 
some  remarks  made  by  the  clerk  of  Icaiche.  Even  after  General 
Tamay  had  given  me  permission  to  travel  in  his  district  I  had  to  leave 
behind  me  in  Icaiche  a  copy  of  the  circular  addressed  to  the  authori- 
ties of  the  Republic  which  I  had  obtained  from  the  ministry  of  the 
interior,  so  that  the  general  could  have  in  this  document  a  justifica- 
tion of  his  actions  before  his  fellow  citizens,  wdio  had  been  called  to 


sappiokJ 


INDEPENDENT   INDIAN   STATES   OF  YUCATAN 


631 


meet  in  a  popular  assembly  on  the  clay  after  my  departure,  March  1, 
1894.  If  I  had  not  come  to  Icaiche  as  an  official  of  the  Mexican 
Government,  I  should  in  all  prohahility  have  been  refused  permission 
to  pass  through  this  territory. 

The  general  of  the  Santa  Cruz  Indians  has,  as  I  gather  from  my 
inquiries,  the  same  authority  as  the  chiefs  of  the  Ixkanha  and  Icaiche 
Indians.  On  the  whole,  the  conditions  in  the  three  independent 
Maya  states  are  almost  identical. 

Among  the  independent  Mayas  military  service  is  compulsory; 
every  man  capable  of  bearing  arms  is  obliged  to  perform  militar}^ 
duty  and  is  drafted  for  sentinel  duty.  The  firearms  in  use  are  quite 
miscellaneous;  modern  repeating  rifles  are  seen  side  by  side  with 
heavy  old-fashioned  muzzle-loading  muskets.  In  general,  the  inde- 
pendent Mayas  are  considered  good  shots  and  courageous,  efficient 
soldiers,  skilled  in  the  strategems  of  war.  The  Ma^^as  who  accom- 
panied me  as  guides  through  the  interior  of  Yucatan  always  carried 
their  shotguns  on  their  shoulders,  loaded  and  cocked,  with  percussion 
cap  on,  and  nsually  with  great  promptness  brought  down  the  game 
which  crossed  our  path. 

The  administration  of  justice  is  prompt  and  summary,  but  it  is,  I 
believe,  very  conscientious,  in  favorable  contrast  to  the  dragging, 
uncertain  methods  of  Mexican  courts.  The  accused  is  either  set  free 
or  flogged  or,  in  serions  cases,  among  which,  as  I  was  assured,  rape  is 
reckoned,  he  is  shot.  There  are  no  prisons  and  no  punishment  by 
imprisonment. 

The  existing  laws  are  strictly  enforced.  I  myself  experienced  a 
slight  proof  of  this,  manifested  in  a  logical,  though  somewhat  petty, 
decision  of  the  authorities.  I  had  obtained  in  Icaiche  three  Mayas  as 
guides  and  interpreters  and  had  made  a  legal  contract  with  them 
before  the  clerk  of  Icaiche,  according  to  which  they  Avere  to  accom- 
pany me  to  Ixkanha,  receiving  in  advance  half  of  the  pay  agreed 
upon,  the  rest  to  be  paid  at  Ixkanha.  When  we  reached  Ixkanha,  the 
three  Icaiche  men  voluntarily  proposed  that  for  a  certain  sum  they 
should  accompany  me  still  farther  to  the  railroad  station,  and  that  I 
should  there  pay  them  the  whole  amount.  To  this  arrangement  I 
agreed.  The  Indians  of  Icaiche  and  Ixkanha  are  compelled  to  have 
passports,  and  therefore  my  Icaiche  men  could  not  journey  farther 
without  the  express  permission  of  the  Ixkanha  authorities.  As 
General  Arana  was  absent,  my  guides  had  to  transact  their  business 
with  the  commandant,  the  contract  I  have  mentioned  serving  to  prove 
their  identity.  After  a  while  I  was  also  summoned,  and  the  com- 
mandant informed  me  through  his  interpreter  that  I  had  not  fulfilled 
the  contract,  since  the  Icaiche  Indians  had  not  yet  been  paid.  Al- 
though they  did  not  in  the  least  wish  it,  I  nevertheless  hastened  to 
pay  them,  while  the  commandant  looked  on  attentively.    He  then 


632 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


informed  me  that  a  new  contract  might  now  be  made.  He  conferred 
with  the  Icaiche  Indians,  communicated  their  conditions  to  me 
through  his  interpreter,  and  when  I  declared  layself  satisfied  with 
them,  the  clerk  was  instructed  to  draw  up  the  contract  and  to  sign  it 

in  the  name  of  General  Arana  upon  which  the  Icaiche  Indians, 
after  the  proceedings  had  lasted  about  an  hour,  received  permission  to 
accompany  me  farther.  Although  the  whole  affair  was  of  no  impor- 
tance whatever,  I  was  glad  to  observe  how  much  trouble  the  com- 
mandant took  to  protect  against  possible  fraud  the  Indians  who  on 
their  part  did  not  in  the  least  distrust  me,  and  how  quietly  and 
straight  to  the  point  the  whole  transaction  Avas  conducted.  The  mis- 
trust of  foreigners  is  very  easily  explained  wlien  one  knows  how  fre- 
quently the  Indians  are  defrauded  and  cheated  of  their  stipulated 
pay  by  the  half-breed  element  of  tlie  population. 

As  to  the  character  of  the  inde])endent  Mayas,  I  can  make  an  almost 
wholly  favorable  report  from  my  own  experience.  Having  come 
from  Honduras,  where  the  indolent  negro  and  half-breed  population, 
spoiled  by  the  too  liberal  laws,  can  often  be  kept  only  with  difficulty 
to  the  fulfillment  of  engagements  into  which  they  have  entered,  I  was 
particularly  impressed  by  the  reliableness  of  these  Mayas,  by  the 
punctuality  with  which  they  fulfilled  a  promise  once  given,  and  by 
the  fidelity  which  they  showed  to  me  on  my  journey.  My  Maya 
guides  freely  shared  their  hunting  booty  with  me  and  the  bearers  who 
accompanied  me  from  Guatemala.  Everywhere,  even  in  the  most  iso- 
lated hut,  we  found  hospitable  entertainment.  Family  life  was  peace- 
ful and  quiet,  wherever  I  had  an  opportunity  to  observe  it,  and 
although  the  Mayas  are  somewhat  reserved  and  more  silent  than  the 
tribes  of  Guatemala  and  Chiapas,  they  are  by  no  means  of  a  sullen 
disposition,  but,  on  the  contrar}^  very  quick  to  appreciate  a  harmless 
jest.  It  is  often  said  of  the  Ma^^as  that  they  are  honest  in  important 
matters,  but  that  they  readily  steal  trifles;  but  I  have  never  had  the 
least  thing  stolen  from  me  during  my  travels  in  Maya  territory.  On 
the  other  hand,  drunkenness  is  a  prevailing  vice;  and  I  can  believe 
the  accusation  of  cruelty  against  the  Mayas,  the  more  readily  as  from 
my  own  observation  I  judge  that  a  certain  trait  of  cruelty  is  peculiar 
even  to  the  mildest  of  the  Central  American  Indians.  The  blood- 
thirsty cruelty  and  warlike  readiness  which  the  Santa  Cruz  Indians 
in  particular  evince  in  their  expeditions  have  made  their  name  exceed- 
ingly feared,  and  have  caused  the  generally  accepted  report  of  their 
great  numbers  and  invincible  armies. 

This  reputation  and  the  slight  commercial  relations  of  the  inde- 
pendent Mayas  are  probably  the  principal  reasons  why  scientific  trav- 
elers so  seldom  visit  these  regions  and  why  their  topography  and  pecu- 
liar political  conditions  are  so  little  known.  Engineer  Miller,  the 
account  of  whose  travels  in  the  Proceedings  of  the  Royal  Geographical 


SAPPKul  INDEPENDENT   INDIAN   STATES   OF  YUCATAN 


683 


Society,  1889,  is  nnfortiinately  not  accessible  to  me,  was  the  first  Euro- 
pean since  the  rebellion  of  1847  to  visit  Chan  Santa  Cruz,  the  chief 
city  of  the  eastern  Mayas,  and  toward  the  end  of  1S93  two  Englishmen, 
Mr  Strange  and  Mr  Bradley,  passed  through  the  same  village,  at 
that  time  almost  depopulated,  on  their  way  to  see  the  chief  of  this 
tribe  at  his  place  of  abode,  the  neighboring  Chanquec."  I  could  ascer- 
tain even  less  concerning  southern  Yucatan  than  concerning  the 
Santa  Cruz  territory  when  at  the  beginning  of  the  year  1804  I  in- 
tended to  advance  through  that  region  to  the  civilized  northern  por- 
tion of  the  peninsula.  Orange  Walk  was  the  first  place  where  I  could 
obtain  fairly  accurate  information  regarding  the  route  to  be  followed. 
Unfortunately,  1  am  not  permitted  in  this  article  to  use  my  itinerary 
maps,  and  therefore  am  restricted  to  an  approximate  location  of  places. 
As  the  basis  of  my  sketch  map  I  have  used  the  "  Map  of  the  Penin- 
sula of  Yucatan,  based  mainly  on  the  Mapa  de  la  Peninsula  de  Yuca- 
tan of  1878,  compiled  by  Joachim  Hilbbe  and  Andres  Aznar  Perez, 
and  revised  and  enlarged  by  C.  Hermann  Berendt given  by  Dr  A. 
Woeikof  in  Petermanns  Mitteiiungen,  1879,  plate  ii.  From  this  map 
I  have  copied  without  change  the  comparatively  well-known  northern 
and  western  part  of  the  peninsula,  but  have  omitted  the  details,  be- 
cause the  latter,  based  merely  on  hearsay,  are  for  the  most  part  very 
unreliable.    On  the  other  hand,  I  have  added  the  railroads. 

I  have  given  the  location  of  the  ruins,  as  far  as  they  are  known  to 
me,  owing  to  the  great  interest  attached  particularly  to  those  of 
Yucatan.  I  have  been  able  to  make  some  not  unessential  corrections 
in  regard  to  the  south  and  east  of  the  peninsula.  At  Icaiche,  where 
Berendt's  map  gives  a  lake,  there  is  no  large  permanent  body  of  water. 
According  to  the  information  which  I  received,  the  Aguada  of  Hola- 
uolpech  is  only  about  150  to  200  meters  across.  The  connected  lakes 
of  Chonil  and  Chacanbacab,  with  a  width  of  about  half  a  legua,  are 
together  2  leguas  in  length.  The  Laguna  Corriente  and  the  lake 
of  Olchem  are  each  4  leguas  in  length.  I  have  inserted  the  salt  lake 
of  Chichankanab  in  accordance  with  the  verbal  statements  of  Mr  E. 
Thompson,  of  Merida,  who  has  recently  measured  it.  The  largest 
of  the  three  narrow  Avater  basins,  probably  connected  at  high  water, 
is  of  leguas  in  length.    As  the  interior  of  Yucatan  is  very  scantily 

«  The  two  Englishmen  had  gone  there  as  envoys  to  quiet  the  Santa  Cruz  Indians,  who 
had  been  aroused  by  political  news  recently  received,  namely,  that  the  British  Government 
had  concluded  a  boundary  treaty  with  the  Mexican  Government  on  July  8,  1893,  in  which, 
among  other  things,  the  English  bound  themselves  to  prohibit  the  selling  of  arms  and 
ammunition  to  the  independent  Mayas.  This  stipulation  aroused  such  dissatisfaction 
among  the  Santa  Cruz  Indians  that  a  i-aid  on  Corozal  was  seriously  feared.  However,  a 
largo  part  of  the  Mexican  people  claim  the  northern  section  of  British  Honduras,  includ- 
ing Belize  itself,  as  Mexican  territory,  and  on  this  account  condemned  the  boundary 
agreement ;  hence  the  ^Mexican  Senate,  in  deference  to  public  opinion,  refused  to  ratify 
the  treaty. 


634 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


populated  and  many  settlements  Avere  forsaken  or  destroyed  in  conse- 
quence of  the  rebellion  and  the  war  following  upon  it,  many  villages 
and  roads  no  longer  exist  which,  as  a  rule,  are  still  marked  on  the 
maps.  According  to  my  information  and  experience,  only  the  fol- 
lowing important  roads  are  still  extant  in  the  southern  and  eastern 
parts  of  Yucatan:  (1)  The  road  from  Peten  to  Yucatan,  which 
divides  into  two  branches  at  Concepcion;  one  branch  going  by  way 
of  Convuas  to  Champoton,  the  other  by  way  of  San  Antonio  and 
Tubusil  to  Campeche;  both  can  be  traversed  on  horseback.  (2)  From 
Icaiche,  which  can  be  reached  from  Belize  either  by  way  of  Orange 
Walk  and  Corosalito,  or  by  way  of  P]l  Cayo  and  Caxuvinic,  there  is 
a  road  over  Ilalatun  to  Ixkanha,  which  is  little  traveled  and  can  be 
used  only  by  pedestrians  and  beasts  of  burden.  The  road  which 
once  led  from  Icaiche  over  Xaibe  to  San  Antonio  is  now  overgrown. 
(3)  A  bridle  path  leads  from  Orange  Walk,  by  way  of  Santa  Cruz,  on 
the  Rio  Hondo,  to  Ixkanha.  From  there  a  direct  road  leads  over  Xul 
to  the  railroad  station  Oxkutzcab  and  another  runs  by  way  of  Chun- 
chintok  to  Iturbide  or  to  Tzibalchen  and  Campeche.  (4)  A  bridle 
path  leads  from  Bacalar  to  Petcacab,  and  thence  through  populated 
territory,  by  way  of  Chunox,  to  Santa  Cruz  la  Grande  and  Chanquec. 
Foot  paths,  but  seldom  used,  lead  from  the  district  of  Santa  Cruz  to 
the  neighboring  inhabited  regions.  The  topography  of  the  peninsula 
of  Yu(;atan,  apart  from  that  of  the  seacoast,  is  still  very  defective,  and 
therefore  I  hope  that  the  modest,  approximate  corrections  presented 
by  ni}^  sketch  map,  which  is  intended  only  for  general  orientation, 
will  not  be  deemed  quite  without  value. 


TWO  VASES  FROM  CHAMA 

BY 
AND 

E.  FOR.STEMANN 


635 


CONTENTS 


Page 

A  pottery  vase  with  figure  painting,  from  a  grave  in  Chama,  by  E,  P.  Dies- 

eldorff,  with  remarl<s  by  Doctor  Schellhas   639 

The  vase  of  Chama,  by  E.  Fiirstemann   647 

The  vase  of  Chama,  by  Eduard  Seler   651 

A  clay  vessel  with  a  picture  of  a  vampire-headed  deity,  by  E.  P.  Dieseldorff  _  665 

637 


A  POTTERY  YASE  WI'I'H  FIGTTRE  PAINTING, 
FROM  A  (iRAVE  IN  CHAMA" 


By  E.  p.  Dieseldorff 


A  notable  discovery  has  recently  been  made  in  the  Chama  valley, 
known  to  us  through  Verhandlungen  der  Gesellschaft  fiir  Anthro- 
pologie  for  1893,  pages  375  and  548.  Tn  the  excavation  of  the  north- 
western-temple mound  of  the  upper  plaza  on  the  left  bank  of  the 
Salta  river  a  grave  formed  of  stones  was  discovered,  nearly  8  feet 
below  the  surface,  containing  several  potterj^  vessels,  the  most  im- 
portant of  which  I  borrowed  for  a  short  time  in  order  to  make  the 
accompanying  drawing  (plate  xlviii).  The  original  is  now  in  the 
United  States,  where  it  probably  figures  as  one  of  the  chief  ornaments 
of  some  draAving-room. 

When  I  first  began  my  excavations  in  Chama,  in  1892,  I  began  to 
explore  the  hill  in  question,  but  Avas  forced  to  abandon  work  because 
the  owner  forbade  further  search,  in  the  belief  that  the  articles  found 
Avere  of  great  money  value. 

I  observed  then  that,  just  as  in  the  northern  mound  of  the  lower 
plaza  (described  in  Verhandlungen,  1893,  page  376),  about  3  feet  . 
below  the  surface  there  Avas  a  layer  of  resin  about  6  feet  broad  and 
one-half  of  a  foot  thick,  in  AAhich  a  quantity  of  small  broken  sacri- 
ficial plates  Avere  mingled  Avith  bits  of  burnt  stone  beads  and  polished 
disks  of  iron  pyrites,  Avhich  I  recognized  as  the  remains  of  a  burnt 
offering  to  the  god  of  the  north. 

Unfortunately,  no  notes  Avere  taken  at  the  time  of  the  discovery  of 
the  graA^e,  but  I  heard  that  various  pieces  of  jadeite  Avere  found  among 
the  pots,  but  no  remains  of  bones,  which  is  explained  by  the  fact  that 
the  tomb  had  partially  fallen  into  ruins. 

The  pottery  vase  is  cylindric ;  its  height  is  23.5  centimeters,  and  its 
diameter  at  the  top  and  at  the  bottom  is  14.8  centimeters,  while  the 
sides  are  4  millimeters  and  the  bottom  5  millimeters  thick.    In  the 

"  Ein  bemaltes  Thongefiiss  mit  figiirlichen  Darstellungen,  aus  einem  Grabe  von  Chama. 
Verhandlungen  der  Berliner  Gesellschaft  fiir  Anthropologie,  Ethnologie  und  Urgeschichte, 
pp.  372  and  following,  published  in  the  Zeitscurift  fiir  Ethnologie,  1894,  pt.  v. 

G39 


640 


BUKEAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


colors  used,  in  polish  and  border  decoration,  it  corresponds  to  the 
vases  described  in  Verhandlungen,  1893,  page  548,  except  that  the 
ground  is  white.  It  is  well  preserved,  and  does  not  seem  to  have  been 
used  before  burial. 

This  time,  however,  the  picture  is  essentially  different.  Thus  far 
we  have  only  met  with  paintings  where  one  figure  appears  twice  on 
the  same  pot,  w^ith  slight  variations ;  on  this  vase,  on  the  contrary,  we 
have  a  group  of  seven  persons  taking  part  in  a  common  action.  This 
is  no  conventional  design,  but  a  painting  which  possesses  life  and 
shows  an  amazing  degree  of  artistic  skill.  It  seems  to  represent  some 
religious  ceremony  which  was  celebrated  at  the  completion  of  a  cer^ 
tain  still  undetermined  period  of  time,  and  at  which  human  sacrifice 
was  performed.  It  ought  to  be  possible,  however,  to  determine  this 
period,  since  the  glyph  referring  to  it  occurs  on  the  monuments 
of  Palenque  and  Copan.  Unfortunately,  it  has  not  thus  far  been  pos- 
sible to  collect  sufficient  accurate  material  for  such  comparisons,  and 
yet  it  is  of  the  utmost  importance  for  the  decipherment  of  the 
glyphs  that  the  inscriptions  on  stone  should  be  made  accessible  to  all. 
The  only  student  who  has  made  this  his  life  task  is  the  distinguished 
Englishman,  Mr  A.  P.  Maudslay,  Avho  for  many  years  has  studied 
the  ruins  and  collected  extensive  material,  which  he  is  gradually 
publishing  in  his  work,  Biologia  Centrali-Americana,  issued  in 
London.  Thus  far  four  volumes  have  appeared, which  treat  of  Copan 
and  Quirigua,  and  which  should  be  consulted  by  all  w^ho  are  inter- 
ested in  Maya  investigation.  Science  owes  Mr  Maudslay  a  debt  of 
gratitude  for  his  generous  labors,  to  which  he  is  devoting  much  care 
and  expense.  It  is  to  l^e  hoped  that  others  may  soon  follow  who 
w^U  share  in  these  researches,  but  wealthy  institutions  and  govern- 
ments are  particularly  called  upon  to  undertake  this  work.  In 
Germany  we  possess  the  most  valuable  Maya  manuscript,  and  our 
scholars  have  taken  the  most  active  part  in  deciphering  it;  but,  on  the 
other  hand,  almost  nothing  has  been  done  on  the  part  of  Germany 
toward  collecting  fresh  material  and  promoting  researches  which 
give  such  rich  returns  when  conducted  on  the  spot.  The  British 
Museum,  on  the  contrary,  as  soon  as  space  can  be  found  will  arrange 
a  Maya  department  in  which  the  plaster  casts  prepared  by  Mr 
Maudslay  are  to  be  placed,  and  the  Peabody  Museum  has  leased 
the  ruins  of  Copan  for  eight  years  more  and  has  already  begun  exca- 
vations, the  results  of  which  will,  it  is  hoped,  very  soon  be  published. 

Meanwhile  some  of  the  ruins,  especially  Quirigua,  past  which  the 
new  Guatemalan  railroad  is  to  be  carried,  will  soon  be  completely 
destroyed.  If  Germany  desires  to  take  part  in  these  researches  a 
beginning  must  be  made  at  once. 

I  will  now  proceed  to  a  description  of  the  picture.  I  will  designate 
the  Indian  standing  in  the  left-hand  corner  by  <2,  the  next  by  5,  and 


dieseldokff] 


POTTERY  VASE  WITH  FIGURE  PAINTING 


641 


SO  on.  An  elderl^^  Indian,  who  has  been  chosen  for  the  sacrifice, 
kneels  in  the  center;  a  bhick  personalise  of  rank  advances  toward  him 
from  the  right,  hokling  a  lance  and  apparently  demanding  his  life 
with  bloodthirsty  vengeance,  while  another  stands  on  the  left,  evi- 
dently trying  to  pacify  his  opposite  neighbor.  About  this  main  group 
stand  four  Indians  who  take  no  active  part  in  the  proceedings,  and 
seem  more  like  subordinates,  upon  Avhom  the  execution  of  the  sacri- 
fice devolves.  Each  of  them  has  a  strongly  marked  type  of  face,  of 
which  I  have  found  examples  among  the  Kekchi  Indians  showing 
an  almost  perfect  resemblance.  From  the  diversity  of  headdress, 
ornament,  and  clothing  we  are  justified  in  supposing  that  the  char- 
acters represented  filled  different  offices.  It  is  probable  that  the 
Indian  advancing  from  the  right  held  the  office  of  high  priest,  the  one 
opi^osite  him  that  of  chilan,  "  soothsayer  and  that  the  other  four 
were  the  Chacs,  who  were  chosen  by  the  priests  and  people  in  the 
month  Pop  from  among  the  old  men  of  rank  to  assist  at  sacrifices  and 
religious  ceremonies  (see  Landa,  Kelacion,  pages  146,  160,  and  166). 

The  kneeling  figure,  Avhich  I  have  designated  by  ^,  holds  a  staff, 
which  is  either  the  token  of  his  rank,  like  the  short  thick  staff  that  the 
stewards  of  the  caciques  of  Mayapan  used  to  carry  (see  Landa,  page 
40),  or  was  used  to  ignite  fires,  as  in  the  pictures  of  the  codices.  On 
his  arms  and  legs  appears,  painted  or  tattooed,  the  design  of  the 
woven  mat,  which  I  call  the  pop  character,  and  to  which  I  shall  recur 
later.  His  right  hand  is  held  over  the  left  shoulder  so  that  it  is  not 
visible,  though  it  seems  to  hold  a  white  flower.  He  has  no  head  cov- 
ering or  ornament.  The  wrinkles  on  his  face  and  his  black-rimmed 
eyes  characterize  him  as  an  old  man.  His  mien  is  rather  that  of  fear 
than  of  calm  submission  to  his  fate,  such  as  Indians  usually  show. 

The  chief  priest,  advancing  from  the  right,  is  painted  black 
and  has  in  his  outstretched  right  hand  a  gala  lance,  with  a  flint  point 
and  rattles,  the  shaft  of  which  reaches  to  the  ground.  In  his  left 
hand  he  holds  a  painted  fanlike  object,  which  I  recognize  as  the 
soplador  woven  of  palm  leaA^es,  used  in  every  household  in  this 
country  to  kindle  the  fire,  and  which  I  do  not  think  was  ever  used  for 
fanning,  a  custom  unknown  among  the  Indians.  A  jaguar  skin  with 
head  and  forepaws  hangs  from  his  shoulders  and  seems  to  be  fastened 
to  a  white  article  of  attire  on  the  breast,  something  like  a  shirt  front. 
The  under  side  of  the  animal  skin  is  visible  below  the  left  arm 
arid  has  a  jagged  edge  produced  in  drying,  the  fresh  skin  being 
stretched  on  the  ground  with  wooden  pegs.  A  black  stick  protrudes 
from  his  neck,  which  I  can  not  explain.  Wrists  and  ankles  are 
swathed  in  colored  fabrics,  also  the  left  leg  above  the  knee.  The  ex 
appears  between  the  feet.  The  face  is  covered  by  a  long  beard,  and 
there  is  a  white  rim  about  the  mouth,  such  as  we  find  in  the  black 
male  monkey  (batz,  in  Maya),  and  it  is  therefore  probable  that  he 
7238— No.  28—05  41 


642 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


wears  a  monkey  mask,  like  the  priest  in  the  Dresden  codex,  pages  25  to 
28,  who  appears  with  an  animal  mask  at  the  ceremony  of  the  new  year. 

To  the  left  of  the  kneeling  figure  stands  the  figure  d,  painted  black, 
holding  in  its  right  hand  a  two-lashed  scourge,  while  the  left  is 
raised  appeasingly.  The  orbit  of  the  eye,  the  ear,  and  the  lower  part 
of  the  face  are  painted  yellow.  A  checkered,  pointed  cap,  such  as 
the  chief  priests  usually  wore,  is  bound  on  the  back  of  his  head. 
An  ex  of  elaborate  design  hangs  down  before  and  behind.  The  black 
painting  of  figures  /  and  d  may  possibly  have  some  connection  with 
the  thirteen  days'  fast  Avhich  is  observed  at  the  end  of  the  year, 
during  which  it  was  the  custom  of  the  Mayas  to  paint  their  bodies 
with  lampblack  (see  Landa,  pages  278  and  280),  or  the  persons  repre- 
sented may  be  the  j^riests  of  black  gods. 

The  short  but  corpulent  figure  c  that  follows  holds  a  soplador  in  his 
right  hand.  The  face  is  distinguished  by  an  aquiline  nose  and  droop- 
ing lower  lip  and  the  black  ring  about  the  eye  already  noted  in  figure 
e,  which  I  had  also  noticed  in  a  statue  at  Copan.  The  head  is  bound 
with  a  strip  of  jaguar  skin,  from  which  the  hair  protrudes  in  rays. 
Below  the  ear  and  on  the  necklace  hangs  a  round,  black  ball,  which 
also  appears  on  the  shoulder  of  figure  and  looks  almost  like  a  blot, 
but  undoubtedly  has  a  meaning. 

Figure  h  has  the  same  sort  of  stalf  in  his  hand  as  the  kneeling 
figure.  The  face  is  dark-colored,  and  the  headdress  similar  to  that 
just  described,  save  that  the  hair  is  worn  in  tufts.  On  the  breast, 
attached  to  a  neck  chain,  rests  a  shield  bearing  the  pop  character, 
with  an  edge  of  sharp  points.  One  end  of  the  chain  seems  to  be 
held  by  the  man  behind,  as  if  he  Avere  holding  him  fast  by  it,  an 
idea  which  is  probably  not  conveyed  intentionally. 

Figure  a  is  marked  by  a  huge  headdress  resembling  a  beehive,  from 
which  two  feather  fans  project  sidewise.  TJie  long,  straight  hair 
hangs  down  from  the  back  of  the  head.  The  left  hand  grasps  a  bone 
partly  painted  red,  and  the  right  hand  carries  a  soplador.  The  wrists 
and  ankles  are  swathed.  A  Avhite  shield  lies  on  the  breast.  Figure  </, 
standing  in  the  right-hand  corner,  in  man}^  points  resembles  the  one 
just  described.  He  also  holds  a  bone  in  his  left  hand,  which  is  vari- 
ousl}^  applied  as  head  ornament  and  ear  peg.  In  his  right  hand, 
which  is  thrown  over  the  shoulder,  he  grasps  a  three-lashed  scourge, 
and  under  his  arm  is  a  soplador.  Bright-colored  fabrics  are  bound 
around  his  ankles  and  above  the  knee.  The  headband  is  narrow  and 
yellow,  and  the  eye  is  surrounded  by  a  black  ring  with  rays. 

There  is  a  monstrous  wart  on  the  nose,  which  was  probably  con- 
sidered beautiful,  for  we  note  the  same  excresences  in  figures  h  and  6, 
and  a  has  even  bristles  on  his  nose  and  forehead. 

The  pop  sign,  alread}^  observed  twice,  occurs  on  the  sculptures  of 
Copan  and  Yucatan  and  on  the  wooden  tablets  of  Tikal.    I  have  also 


niESELDORFF]        POTTERY  VASE  WITH  FIGURE  PAINTING 


643 


found  it  on  a  fragment  of  pottery  at  Canasec,  near  Coban,  It  appears 
in  Copan  very  frequently  and  in  various  forms,  as  a  breastplate,  on 
the  sides  of  the  idols,  and  even  as  the  basis  of  the  glyphs  on  a  stela, 
to  be  read  in  the  order  of  succession  as  the  plaiting  runs ;  but  it  is  not 
to  be  found  in  the  codices,  from  which  we  may  infer  that  it  refers  to 
men  of  distinction,  but  not  to  priests  or  gods.  It  appears  in  the 
codices  as  a  mat  {a,  figure  130),  Avhich  in  all  languages  of  the  Maya 
group  is  called  pop,  for  which  reason  I  call  it  the  pop  sign.  Now  the 
title  of  a  prince  was  Ahpop,  the  secular  head  of  the  Kiches  was 
called  Ahau-ahpop,  and  that  of  the  Cakchikels  Ahpop-Zotzil  (see 
Ximenes,  page  36;  Titulo  de  los  Senores  de  Totonicapan,  page  128; 
The  Annals  of  the  Cakchikels,  page  30).  I  therefore  conjecture  that 
figures  h  and     plate  xlviii,  were  secular  princes,  Ahpops. 

We  may  further  expect  to  find  the  plaited  pattern  in  the  glyph 
of  the  month  Pop,  which  is  the  case  in  certain  passages  of  the  codices, 
the  wooden  tablets  of  Tikal,  and  the  Palenque  tablets  h,  and  d. 
figure  130,  where,  as  in  Landa's  reproduction  of  it,  e,  the  character  for 
"  yellow  "  occurs,  consisting  of  five  small  rings  in  a  circle,  so  that  the 
glyph  signifies  "  yellow  plaiting  which  is  synonymous  with  bast 
mat,  or  pop.  In  some  cases  the  center  ring  is  missing,  which  may 
often  be  explained  by  lack  of  space  or  indistinctness,  but  in  other  cases 
it  is  intentional  and  perhaps  stands  with  certain  secondary  signs  for 
the  rank  of  Ahpop. 

In  the  picture  there  are  23  glyphs,  of  which  those  between  a  and 
(/,  plate  XLVIII,  and  those  in  front  of  e  seem  to  refer  to  the  action, 
and  the  rest  chiefly  to  the  persons  participating  in  it.  For  greater 
clearness  I  Avill  number  them  as  follows:  Those  behind  a,  plate 
XLVIII,  in  their  order  as  1,  2,  3;  before  Z>,  4,  5,  6  (number  6 
is  Imix)  ;  before  c,  7,  8,  9;  before  d,  10,  11;  before  /,  12,  13,  14,  15 
(12  is  the  jaguar's  head)  ;  behind  /,  16,  17,  18,  19 ;  and  before  e,  20.  21, 
22,  23  (the  last  is  the  sign  for  the  A^ear).  Glyphs  1  and  10  are  the 
same,  except  that  the  latter  has  an  affix,  which  I  translate  by  aj, 
as  I  take  1  for  the  sign  of  the  month  Pop  and  10  for  the  Ahpop 
rank  (see  the  sign  of  the  month  Pop  in  the  Dresden  codex,  /,  figure 
130).  Glyph  2  signifies  a  period  of  time,  which  is  greater  than 
20  years  of  360  days  each,  because  it  appears  twice  in  the  Palenque 
relief  in  a  place  where  a  period  of  time  and  a  date  are  given  and 
in  both  cases  the  sign  for  20  years  of  360  days  each,  determined  by 
Professor  Forstemann,  stands  next  as  indicating  less  value  (Zeitschrift 
fiir  Ethnologic,  1891,  page  150,  and  here  (/,  7i,  and    figure  130). 

Sign  3  is  the  glyph  for  yellow  (kan).  Sign  4  occurs  with  pre- 
fixes as  sign  17  and  21 ;  the  prefix  of  17  signifies  black,  and  as  it 
belongs  to  /,  plate  xlviii,  which  I  regard  as  the  black  high  priest, 
sign  4  might  read  "  priests  ",  which  would  harmonize  with  the  fact 
that  figures  h  and  e  carry  the  staff  used  b}^  priests  to  ignite  the  fire. 


644  BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY  [bull.  28 

If  we  compare  sign  12  with  the  headpiece  of  jaguar  skin,  the  rela- 
tion is  certainly  striking.  Here  I  would  recall  the  fact  that  the 
same  glyph  occurs  on  the  urn  described  in  the  Verhandlungen  der 
Berliner  Gesellschaft  fiir  Anthropologic,  1893,  page  550,  which  we 
now  recognize  as  the  gl3l3h  of  the  day  Ix,  more  correctl}^  written  Hix 
("jaguar").  Signs  15  and  18  are  the  gWph  of  the  lightning  beast, 
mapatch,  in  Indian  aj-ou,  which  was  represented  by  Landa  as  the 
letter  "  o  ",  and  erroneously  assumed  by  Brasseur  to  be  the  letter  p  ". 
The  same  glyph  appears  in  the  codices  as  the  month  Xul,  and  since 
xul  in  the  Kekchi  tongue  has  retained  its  original  significance,  which 
is  "  animal  ",  the  month  is,  therefore,  the  animal  month  {h^  and  m, 
figure  130).  The  double  "  ik  "  as  an  affix  of  sign  15  recalls  Landa's 
reproduction  of  the  month  Pop,  e.  Sign  10  seems  to  be  the  picture 
of  a  dead  bearded  monkey's  head,  which  reminds  me  that  figure  / 
apparently  Avears  a  monke}^  mask.    Sign  20  is  the  glyph  of  the  god 


a  bed  e 


i  h  ni  p 

Fig.  130.    Glyphs  from  Maya  codices  and  inscriptions. 

designated  by  Doctor  Schellhas  as  F,  the  companion  of  the  death  god 
(Verhandlungen  der  Berliner  Gesellschaft  fiir  Anthropologic,  1892, 
page  112).  Sign  21  occurs  in  the  Dresden  and  Troano  codices  in  con- 
nection with  fire-kindling;  it  also  appears  on  the  Palenque  relief,  ?i 
(figure  130).  Sign  23  is  the  sign  for  the  year  with  the  numeral  5, 
and  it  occurs  similarly  in  the  Dresden  codex,  o.  Doctor  Seier  consid- 
ers it  equivalent  to  the  glyph  of  god  N,  p. 

Much  in  the  preceding  picture  and  in  the  glyphs  is  still  unex- 
plained, and  much  may  have  been  erroneously  interpreted  by  me.  It 
is  therefore  desirable  that  further  investigations  should  be  instituted 
by  others.  I  believe  that  the  ceremony  represented  is  connected 
either  with  the  beginning  of  a  Kan  year  or  of  a  new  katun.  On  the 
latter  occasion  (consult  Brasseur,,  Landa,  and  Pio  Perez)  it  Avas 
always  the  custom  to  offer  a  human  sacrifice  and  to  kindle  a  new  fire. 


REMARKS  BY  DOCTOR  SCHELLHAS  « 


The  discoveries  of  Mr  E.  P.  Dieseldorlf  show  in  the  forms  of  the 
pictorial  representations  and  of  the  glyphic  characters  the  greatest 
resembhmce  to  the  antiquities  of  Palenque.  They  evidently  belong  to 
a  common  cultural  region  and  cultural  group;  to  the  same  group, 
indeed,  to  which  the  MaA^a  manuscripts,  and  especiall}^  the  Dresden 
and  Peresian  codices,  belong.  On  the  other  hand,  they  show  the  same 
deviations  from  the  antiquities  of  Yucatan  proper  as  do  the  manu- 
scripts and  the  antiquities  of  Palenque  and  also  those  of  Copan. 
Aztec  accordances  and  influences,  such  as  exist  in  northern  Yucatan, 
seem  to  be  wanting.  Mr  Dieseldorff's  discoveries  (especially  the 
present  one  and  the  one  published  in  the  Verhandlungen  der  Berliner 
Gesellschaft  fiir  Anthropologic,  1893,  page  547  and  following)  con- 
firm the  theory  already  set  forth  by  me  in  Internationales  Archiv  fiir 
Ethnographic,  volume  3,  1890,  at  the  end  of^  the  paper  entitled 
"  Vergleichende  Studien  aus  dem  Felde  der  Maya  Alterthiimer  that 
the  Maya  manuscripts  originated  in  a  region  to  the  south  of  the  pen- 
insula of  Yucatan  and  that  we  must  seek  in  that  region,  that  is,  in  the 
interior  of  Chiapas  and  Guatemala,  for  the  primal  seat  and  origin 
of  the  ancient  civilization  of  Central  America,  whose  more  highly 
artistic  and  more  realistic  forms  appear  in  Yucatan  proper  to  be 
already  blended  with  and  influenced  by  the  more  rigid,  conventional 
types  of  Mexican  art  and  mode  of  representation. 


«  Same  place  as  the  preceding  paper. 


645 


THE  VASE  OF  CHAMA" 


By  E.  Fokstemann 


My  friend,  Mr  Dieseldorff,  of  Coban,  Guatemala,  has  rendered  a 
most  acceptable  service  to  Maya  investigation  by  the  discovery  and 
first  discussion  of  this  remarkable  vessel  ( Verhandlungen,  volume  1(), 
pages  372  to  377  and  plate  viii).  As  he  is  desirous  that  it  should  be 
further  investigated  by  others,  I  will  not  Avithhold  my  opinion, 
although  I  am  well  aAvare  I  can  add  but  little  and  must  still  leave 
much  in  obscurit}^ 

For  the  better  comprehension  of  Mr  Dieseldorff's  drawing,  I  will 
first  set  down  the  23  glyphs  belonging  to  the  picture  in  the  order 
in  which  they  occur  on  the  plate  (plate  xlviii).  They  are  arranged 
in  seven  groups,  as  follows : 

1  4,  (3       7       10       12,  13  IG 

2  5  8       11  14  17 

3  1)  15  IS 


20  19 

21,  23 

22 

My  first  remark  refers  to  a  certain  resemblance  between  this  picture 
and  the  lower  half  of  page  GO  of  the  Dresden  codex.  There  we  see  on 
the  left  a  personage,  spear  in  hand,  enthroned  on  a  serpent,  wliich 
lies  upon  the  neck  of  a  second  personage,  whose  eyes  are  bandaged.  A 
third  personage  in  warlike  dress,  armed  with  a  spear,  leads  a  fourth 
toward  this  group  from  the  right;  this  fourth  figure  is  cowering 
on  the  .ground,  with  arms  bound  and  eyes  rimmed  AA^th  black.  These 
four  are  all  gods,  and  I  have  already  expressed  my  ideas  regarding 
this  picture  elsewhere. 

The  vase  of  Chama,  on  the  contrary,  for  once  presents  nothing 
supernatural,  but  more  agreeably,  if  I  may  say  so,  a  scene  of  purely 
human  interest.  The  picture  here  clearly  refers  to  the  great  feast 
celebrated  by  the  Mayas,  as  well  as  by  the  Aztecs,  every  8  years, 
that  wonderful  solar  and  Venus  period  of  2,920  days,  which  I  last 
discussed  in  my  article  "  Zur  Entzifferung  der  Mayahandschriften, 

"  Das  Oefdss  von  Chama,  Vei-handluuyen  der  Berlinei-  Gesellschatt  liii-  Anthropologie, 
Ethnologie,  and  Urgeschichte,  pp.  573  and  following,  published  in  Zeitschi-ift  fiir  Ethnoi- 
ogie,  1894,  pt.  6. 

647 


648 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


ly  ".  Glyphs  1  to  3  and  23,  the  initial  ones  and  the  last,  point  to  this 
period  of  time,  unless  we  are  wholly  mistaken.  Mr  Dieseldorff 
regards  sign  1  as  that  of  the  first  20-day  period  of  the  year,  Pop, 
and  I  have  no  other  suggestion  to  offer,  although  we  have  here  only 
a  part  of  Pop.  In  regard  to  sign  2.  I  differ  with  Mr  Dieseldorff, 
who  is  reminded  of  the  designation  of  a  period  of  time  on  a  relief  at 
Palenque.  But  the  period  referred  to  there  embraces  a  huna,  that  is, 
400  years,  and  this  seems  to  me  entirely  irrelevant  here.  It  seems 
rather  to  suggest  a  variant  of  the  sign  of  the  south,  that  is,  the  Cauac 
years.  But  the  sign  of  the  south  is  something  resembling  a  pair  of 
scales,  doubtless  referring  to  the  rising  and  setting  of  the  sun,  and  be- 
low this,  the  sign  yax  ("power",  "strength")  as  symbolic  of  the 
power  of  the  southern  sun.  In  this  case  I  believe  I  find  the  sign  yax 
duplicated,  the  scales  being  merely  indicated  for  lack  of  space.  Mr 
Dieseldorff  regards  sign  3  as  that  representing  yellow  color,  but  it  is 
the  symbol  of  the  east  and  the  Kan  years.  According  to  this  1  to  3 
Avould  read  "  the  month  Pop  midAvay  between  the  Cauac  and  the  Kan 
years  ".    It  might,  therefore,  be  regarded  as  a  method  of  dating. 

The  concluding  sign,  23,  offers  no  difficulty  at  all.  It  consists  of 
the  glyph  for  year  combined  with  the  number  8  and  a  prefix,  which 
possibly  gives  that  glyph  the  value  of  305  days,  while  by  itself  it 
denotes  only  300  days. 

Moreover,  I  believe  that  this  picture  does  not  represent  this  feast 
in  general,  but  a  particular  feast  of  this  nature,  and  that  it  may  not 
be  impossible  in  the  future  to  determine  the  time  of  this  feast  exactly. 
The  festival  consisted,  after  previous  fasting  and  scourging,  princi- 
j^ally  in  the  kindling  of  new  fire,  in  feasting,  and  in  human  sacrifice. 

Fasting,  as  Mr  Dieseldorff  also  thinks,  is  probably  indicated  by  the 
painting  black  of  the  personages  d  and  /,  possibly  also  by  the  black- 
rimmed  eyes  of  and  g.  Whether  the  scourges  carried  by  d  and  g 
relate  to  this  chastisement  (it  seems  very  much  as  if  g  were  engaged  in 
the  very  act)  I  leave  uncertain. 

The  kindling  of  fresh  fire,  which  plays  so  important  a  part  in 
the  Perez  calendar  given  by  Stephens,  is  indicated  by  the  implement 
held  by  (X,  <?,  /,  and  ^,  which  Mr  Dieseldorff  distinctly  recognizes  as 
the  soplador,  or  fire  kindler,  still  in  use.  The  personage  h  seems  to 
be  the  actual  kindler  of  the  fire,  since  he  holds  the  wooden  fire  drill  in 
his  hand ;  in  the  Perez  calendar  the  fire-kindler  is  a  special  official.  It 
is  with  h  that  we  find  sign  4,  so  often  met  with,  which  plays  so  great 
a  part  and  is  apparently  connected  with  fire,  for  instance,  in  the  Dres- 
den codex,  pages  4c  to  5c;  perhaps  it  even  designates  the  rising  flame. 
This  glyph  appears  tw^ice  more  in  our  picture ;  first,  as  sign  17,  where 
it  has  a  prefix,  apparently  that  of  the  north,  and,  secondly,  as  sign  21, 
where  it  also  has  a  prefix,  which  apparently  occurs  three  times  in  the 


FORSTE.MANN  I 


THE  VASE  OF  CHAMA 


649 


Dresden  codex,  pages  5b  to  Gb.  in  direct  connection  with  the  kindling 
of  fire. 

The  banquets  are  very  realistically  indicated  by  the  bones,  which 
the  two  personages,  a  and  g,  doubtless  the  lowest  in  rank  among  the 
seven,  hold  in  their  hands.  Therefore  it  would  seem  that  the  glyphs 
ought  also  to  refer  to  food,  whicli  reminds  us  that  the  sign  Imix 
(6  and  14  here,  both  provided  with  the  same  secondary  sign)  has 
the  added  sense  of  maize.  Indeed,  I  would  make  the  suggestion, 
though  I  may  be  in  error,  that  glyphs  8  and  22,  which  are  Avholly  unfa- 
miliar to  me,  may  perhaps  denote  some  local  form  of  baked  food. 

We  now  come  to  the  human  sacrifice,  the  performance  of  which  we 
do  not  see  here,  as  in  certain  passages  of  the  manuscripts,  but  only 
the  preparation.  I  imagine  the  purport  of  the  scene  to  be  as  follows : 
A  warrior  of  high  rank  has  captured  a  wounded  enemy,  who,  against 
the  will  of  the  actual  victor,  is  claimed  by  the  priest  as  a  sacrifice. 
Let  us  now"  consider  the  separate  actors  in  this  scene. 

The  prisoner,  of  course,  is  the  central  point.  We  see  him  sunk 
down  upon  the  ground.  In  his  hand  is  a  staff,  which  I  can  by  no 
means  regard  as  a  fire  drill,  but  either  as  a  badge  of  rank  or  as  a 
broken  spear.  It  is  evident  to  me  that  he  is  wounded  from  the  arrow 
point  piercing  the  lower  jaw  and  the  agonized  motion  toward  it  of 
the  right  hand.  Behind  the  neck  we  see  a  flower.  This  may  possibly 
express  the  prisoner's  name,  but  I  will  not  withhold  another  observa- 
tion regarding  it.  Tw^o  words  are  common  to  all  the  Maya  dialects, 
one  of  which  is  written  quix,  chix,  chiix,  and  the  like,  the  other 
quic,  chich,  chic,  etc.  The  former  seems  to  signify  a  plant,  the  dic- 
tionaries usually  giving  the  meaning  of  thorn;  but  the  second  word 
invariably  signifies  blood.  Does  the  flower,  possibly  that  of  a  thorn 
bush,  refer  to  the  wound  ? 

Before  the  prisoner,  at  the  right,  stands  the  warrior,  /,  who  claims 
him  as  his  property ;  for  that  he  is  a  Avarrior  and  not  a  j^riest  is  indi- 
cated by  the  lance  (the  tip  of  w^hich  seems  to  be  stained  Avith  blood, 
as  in  the  Troano  codex,  pages  5b  to  4b)  and  by  the  jaguar  skin  thrown 
about  him.  Before  his  face  are  the  four  characters  12  to  15,  whicli 
seem  to  have  reference  to  him.  I  regard  12  as  the  sign  of  his  rank, 
which  is  further  emphasized  by  sign  13,  the  Avell-known  ahua 
("  lord  ").  14  is,  like  G,  imix;  I  am  uncertain  as  to  what  it  signifies 
here.  Nor  do  I  A^enture  to  decide  regarding  15,  although  the  sign 
above  it  is  clearly  the  ben-ik  sign,  so  frequently  found  in  the  manu- 
scripts and  inscriptions,  to  which,  until  a  better  meaning  appears,  I 
attach  that  of  the  lunar  month  of  28  days;  unfortunately  the  prin- 
cipal sign  beneath  it  is  indistinctl}'  drawn.  AVhat  the  staff  protrud- 
ing from  this  person's  neck  signifies  I  am  unable  to  say,  as  is  Mr 
Dieseldorff.  If  it  is  a  spear  thrower  (Aztec,  atlatl),  then  it  is  indis- 
tinctly represented. 


650 


BUEEAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


Behind  /  stands  doubtless  a  person  of  lower  rank,  belaboring 
himself  with  his  scourge  and  rejoicing  in  his  bone.  I  can  not  explain 
the  four  glyphs  16  to  19  before  his  face;  16,  with  the  closed  eye, 
generally  indicated  death  or  the  death  god ;  IT  seems  to  be  composed 
of  the  signs  for  the  north  ^^the  region  of  death)  and  for  flame.  I 
venture  no  conjecture  concerning  18  and  19.  Can  this  whole  group 
be  an  allusion  to  human  sacrifice  ? 

We  now  come  to  the  four  j^ersonages  to  the  left  of  the  prisoner. 
The  black  one,  r/.,  recognizable  as  chief  priest  by  his  headdress,  seems 
to  lay  claim  to  the  prisoner.  I  venture  no  suggestion  as  to  the  two 
signs  10  and  11,  apparently  belonging  to  him;  perhaps  the  first,  as 
Mr  DieseldorlT  thinks,  refers  directly  to  the  priest. 

Next  comes  the  interesting  personage  a  short,  stout  gentleman, 
whose  face  is  not  in  the  least  conventional,  but,  on  the  contrary,  very 
individual,  Avhich  suggests  the  idea  that  the  artist  in  this  case,  as 
possibly  also  in  that  of  the  other  personages  represented,  had  certain 
individuals  in  mind.  His  jaguar-skin  cap  and  perhaps  the  black 
balls  hanging  below  his  ear  and  over  his  breast  indicate  his  high  rank, 
and  sign  9  (ahau,  "lord"),  close  before  his  forehead,  confirms  this. 
If  signs  7  and  8,  as  I  suggested,  refer  to  the  feast,  then  the  former 
indicates  the  presiding  officer,  for  which  his  corpulence  well  befits  him. 
This  personage  seems  to  me  to  have  something  humorous  about  him. 

c  is  accompanied  by  the  fire-kindler,  1j,  who  seems  to  give  his  opin- 
ion in  regard  to  the  quarrel  between  priest  and  warrior  with  the  look 
of  an  experienced  official.  Of  the  three  gl3q3hs  alloted  to  him,  4  to  6, 
the  last  at  any  rate  gives  his  rank,  while  1  have  tried  to  attribute  to 
i  the  kindling  of  the  fire  and  to  5  the  banquet. 

There  still  remains,  on  the  extreme  left,  a  subordinate  figure,  a,  who 
was  not  deemed  worthy  of  a  glyph,  and  who  has  an  extremely  stupid 
face  and  an  open  mouth.  His  livery,  confined  wholly  to  his  head, 
must  have  seemed  comical  even  to  the  Mayas  themselves. 

I  suppose  that  this  discovery  is  the  more  valuable  because  we 
possess  hardl}^  any  representations  pertaining  to  actual  human  life 
from  the  Mayas,  except  perhaps  in  some  parts  of  Codex  Troano- 
Cortesianus. 


THE  VASE  OF  CHAMA^ 


By  Edijard  Seler 


The  beautiful  vase  of  which  Mr  Dieseldorff  was  unfortunately  not 
able  to  send  the  society  more  than  a  drawing,  which  is  reproduced  in 
plate  VIII  of  the  volume  for  1894,  was  discussed  in  the  last  number 
of  the  same  volume  by  Mr  P].  Forstemann.  To  my  mind  it  is  not  safe 
to  attempt  special  interpretations  of  complex  representations  of  this 
kind  in  which  glyphs  also  play  a  part,  when  only  a  draAving  and 
not,  at  the  very  least,  a  photographic  reproduction  serves  as  a  guide ; 
for  we  know  how  even  the  master  hand  of  a  Catherwood  and  of  the 
artist  whom  Lord  Kingsborough  employed  failed  in  the  reproduction 
of  these  intricate  figures  and  symbols.  I  would,  therefore,  have 
avoided  any  expression  of  my  opinion  as  to  the  meaning  of  these  rep- 
resentations had  I  not  observed  that  an  incidental  identification  men- 
tioned by  Mr  Dieseldorff  in  his  description  of  the  picture,  and  which 
is  certainl}^  incorrect,  has  been  used  by  Mr  Forstemann  as  the  princi- 
pal argument  to  prove  a  certain  point. 

Mr  Dieseldorff  ^  says :  "  The  chief  priest,  /,  advancing  from  the 
right,  is  painted  black  ...  ;  in  his  left  hand  he  holds  a  painted  fan- 
like object,  which  I  recognize  as  the  soplador,  woven  of  palm  leaves, 
used  in  every  household  in  this  country  to  kindle  the  fire,  and  which 
I  do  not  think  was  ever  used  for  fanning,  a  custom  uni^nown  among 
the  Indians  And  similarly,  in  discussing  the  other  figures,  he 
speaks  of  this  implement  as  a  "  soplador  ".  But  Mr  Forstemann  con- 
cludes :  ^  The  implement  held  by  persons,  c.  /,  and  g  points  to  the 
kindling  of  the  new  fire,  and  is  most  distinctly  recognized  by  Mr 
Dieseldorff  as  the  soplador,  or  fire  kindler,  still  in  use  "  (see  plate 

XLVIIl). 

It  is  certainly  true  that  fans  woven  of  strips  of  palm  leaf  are  used 
in  Guatemala,  as  in  many  parts  of  tropical  America,  to  kindle 
and  keep  up  the  fire.    Dieseldorff's  statement  that  the  Indians  of  the 

«  Das  Gefass  von  Chama,  Verhandlungen  der  Berliner  Gesellschaft  fiir  Anthropologic, 
Ethnologic,  and  Urgeschichte,  1895,  pp.  307  to  320,  published  in  Zeitschrift  fiir  Ethnologie, 
1895,  pts.  3-4. 

"  Verhandlungen,  v.  26,  1894,  p.  374. 

<■  Verhandlungen,  v.  26,  1894,  p.  574. 

651 


652 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


present  day  in  Guatemala  do  not  use  a  fan  for  fanning  themselves  is 
also  doubtless  true.  Neither  to  my  knowledge  are  fans  used  among 
the  Mexican  Indians  of  to-day,  at  least  not  as  a  general  custom,  but 
among  the  ancient  Mexicans  the  fan  was  an  article  in  general  use. 
We  know  this  from  the  language;  we  learn  it  from  the  texts  and 
from  history,  and  we  see  it  in  the  illustrations  of  the  Mendoza  codex. 
And  it  was  not  otherwise  with  the  Maya  races,  for  the  word  exists 
in  the  Maya  language  proper  as  well  as  in  the  languages  of  Guate- 
mala.*^  If  w^e  find  no  fans  represented  in  the  few  Maya  manuscripts 
which  we  possess,  it  is  simply  because  they  treat  only  of  religious  and 
calendric  matters,  just  as  we  also  look  in  vain  for  fans  in  Mexican 
picture  writing  of  the  same  kind.  But  Ave  find  pictures  of  them  in 
the  Mendoza  codex,  the  only  manuscript  which  treats  of  everyday 
civil  and  political  life,  and  they  occur  in  Mixtec  picture  writings, 
which  a2:)pear  principall}^  to  relate  to  legends  of  the  immigrations  of 
ancestors,  human  or  divine.  It  strikes  me  as  simph^  inconceivable 
that  the  fire  fan  should  have  been  used  in  the  ceremony  of  procuring 
fire  by  friction  or  that  it  should  have  been  placed  in  the  hands  of  the 
figures  portrayed  merely  to  convey  to  the  beholder  the  idea  of  the 
ceremony  of  fire-making.  In  the  many  representations  of  fire  drill- 
ing with  wdiich  I  am  familiar  in  Mexican  picture  manuscripts,  and 
there  can  not  be  far  from  a  hundred  of  them,  the  fan  is  not  used  for 
this  purpose  in  a  single  instance.  The  use  of  a  fire  fan  is  depicted  by 
old  de  liery  as  familiar  to  the  Tupinambas  of  Brazil,  and  he  describes 
it  as  follows:  "At  night  he  orders  the  fire  betimes  to  be  blown  to  a 
flame  with  a  kind  of  small  bellows,  called  tatapecona,  not  unlike  the 
screen  which  our  women  hold  before  their  faces  when  they  stand 
by  the  fire  But  when  he  describes  the  fire  drill  he  does  not  men- 
tion "a  small  bellows".  He  says:  "Such  rapid  and  vigorous  rub- 
bing produces  not  only  smoke,  but  also  fire.  Then  they  put  on  cotton 
or  dry  leaves,  instead  of  our  tinder,  and  the  fire  kindles  very  easily  ". 

Two  kinds  of  fans  were  in  use  among  the  ancient  Mexicans.  Those 
of  one  kind,  made  of  feathers,  were  costly.  They  were  used  at 
festivals  and  served  as  tokens  of  high  rank,  inasmuch  as  kings  and 
noble  Avarriors  Avere  entitled  to  Avear  those  made  of  the  precious  green 
tail  feathers  of  the  quetzal  bird,^  the  great  merchants  being  alloAA'ed 
only  to  use  those  made  of  the  feathers  of  the  grouse^  of  the  tierra 

« Ual,  "  abanico,  aventador,  mosqueador "  (Perez,  Diccionario  de  la  Lengua  Maya). 
A'al,  "aventador  de  pluma,  6  de  pahna  "  (Brasseur,  A^ocabulaire  do  la  langue  Quichee). 
A'ual,  "  Fiicher  "  (in  the  Pokomam  tongue,  according  to  Berendt).  On  the  other  hand, 
hopob-kak  or  hopzah  kak,  "  soplador  del  fuego  "  (I'erez). 

Usaban  traer  los  Sefiores  unos  mosqueadores  en  la  mano  que  Uamaban  quetzal  ecaceu- 
aztli,  y  con  unas  bandas  de  oro  que  subian  con  las  plumas  (Sahagun,  v.  8,  cap.  9). 

"  Cuando  lleguemos  a  nuestra  tierra  sera  tiempo  de  usar  los  barbotes  de  ambar,  y  las 
orejeras  que  se  llaman  quetzalcoyolnacochtli  y  nuestros  baculos  negros  que  se  llaman 
xauactopilli  y  los  aventadores  y  ojeadores  de  moscas  (coxoli  yehcaceuaztli) ,  las  mantas 
ricas  que  hemos  de  traer  y  los  maxtles  preciados  (Sahagun,  v.  9,  cap.  2). 


seler] 


THE  VASE  OF  CHAMA 


653 


caliente.  Fans  of  the  other  kind  were  simpler  and  were  used  in 
traveling.  Hence  they  are  the  symbol  for  a  traveler  or  for  a  king's 
messenger.  I  reproduce  here  a  pictnre  from  the  Mendoza  codex, 
page  69  (figure  131),  whicli  represents  the  old  and  tried  warriors 


Fig.  131.    Warriors  with  fans,  from  tlie  Mendoza  codex. 


who  had  received  the  title  Teqniua  from  the  king  and  had  the  right 
conferred  on  them  to  go  as  his  ambassadors  (embaxadores)  and  to 
serve  as  leaders  and  pathfinders  in  Avar  (adalides  en  las  guerras). 
They  are  represented  "with  their  great  lances  and  fans"  (con  sus 


Fig.  132.    Messengers  and  traders  attaclted,  from  the  Mendoza  codex. 


lanzones  y  ventallos),  as  the  translation  says,  and  with  their  bodies 
painted  black,  corresponding  to  their  rank,  and  because  they  are 
bound  on  an  official  mission.  In  figure  132,  I  give  a  pair  of  mes- 
sengers of  lower  rank   (mandones — executores  y  embaj adores  del 


654 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


Senorio  de  Mexico),  from  the  Mendoza  codex,  page  67,  who  have 
carried  a  declaration  of  war  to  the  cacique  of  a  village  and  are  flee- 
ing from  the  now  hostile  region,  pursued  b}^  archers.  In  same 
figure,  also  from  the  Mendoza  codex,  page  67,  we  have  the  event 
which  occasioned  the  challenge — the  surprise  and  murder  of  Mexi- 
can traders  by  natives  of  the  village  in  question.  Here,  too,  besides 
the  carrying  frame  Avith  the  bale  of  wares  and  the  traveling  staif, 
we  have  the  fan  as  a  necessar}^  article  to  be  carried  on  a  journey 
as  a  matter  of  course.  To  these  three  pictures  from  the  Mendoza 
codex  I  add  still  another  example  («,  figure  133) ,  taken  from  the  Mix- 
tec  Colombino  (Dorenberg)  codex,  illustrating  a  subject  of  a  more 
mythologic  nature.  Here,  too,  is  an  undoubted  representation  of 
travelers,  who  therefore  hold  in  their  right  hand  what  may  be  a 
lance  or  merely  a  traveling  staff  and  in  their  left  hand  carry  a  fan. 
But  the  foremost  of  these  persons  is  the  most  famous  of  the  Mexican 


Fig.  133.    Truvelers  and  whip,  from  the  Mixtec-Columbino  codex  and  the  Chama  vase. 

gods,  Quetzalcoatl,  the  wind  god  and  the  hero  of  the  myths  of  the 
wandering  Toltecs. 

The  application  of  these  pictures  to  the  scene  represented  on  the 
Chama  vase  is  self-evident.  Whoever  examines  the  attitude  and  bear- 
ing of  the  separate  personages  impartially  will  scarcely  form  the  idea 
that  one  of  the  chief  priests  advancing  from  the  right  "  seems  to  de- 
mand the  death  of  the  kneeling  victim  with  bloodthirsty  vehemence, 
while  the  one  opposite  is  evidently  trying  to  pacify  him  It  is 
scarcely  probable  that  such  matters  were  ever  discussed.  If  a  sacri- 
fice was  deemed  necessary  or  useful,  and  a  fit  subject  was  at  hand, 
the  sacrifice  was  performed.  The  scene  assuredly  has  an  entirely 
different  meaning  from  the  one  ascribed  to  it,  and  I  think  I  can 
explain  it  in  two  words :  arrival  and  reception. 

Now  for  the  kneeling  figure.    Mr  Dieseldorff  thinks  it  is  an  elderly 


seler] 


THE  VASE  OF  CHAM  A 


655 


Indian  intended  for  sacrifice,  and  Mr  P\)rstemann  refers  us  to  page  60 
of  the  Dresden  manuscript,  where  we  see  a  captive  kneeling  at  the 
feet  of  a  warrior  armed  Avith  shield  and  spear  and  adorned  Avith  a 
great  feather  crown. 

Whoever  is  Avilling  to  conclude  that  the  person  in  question  (e, 
according  to  Dieseldorff's  designation)  is  an  Indian  intended  for 
sacrifice,  merely  because  he  is  represented  kneeling,  may  do  so. 
But  I  do  not  believe  that  he  will  succeed  in  finding  anything  to 
support  his  theory  in  any  pictorial  representation  of  a  Maya  manu- 
script or  Mexican  picture  writing.  To  me  it  seems  indubitable 
that  this  figure  (see  plate  xlviii)  is  not  meant  to  represent  a  prisoner. 
In  their  pictorial  representations  these  ancient  peoples  were  wont  to 
speak  a  language  which  can  not  so  easily  be  misunderstood.  The  pris- 
oner was  dragged  to  the  spot  by  the  hair  of  his  head.  That  is  the 
usual  mode  of  representation  in  Mexican  picture  writing  and  on 
Mexican  reliefs.  That  was  the  actual  procedure  in  the  Avorship  of  the 
Mexicans  Avhen  a  prisoner  Avas  offered  as  a  sacrifice.  Or  else  the  pris- 
oner is  represented  as  a  captiA^e,  Avith  arms  bound  behind  his  back,  or 
carried  in  a  bag  like  a  trophy  of  the  chase.  It  is  thus  in  the  Maya 
manuscripts.  Mr  Forstemann  goes  still  more  into  detail  in  describ- 
ing his  ]:)icture.  He  belicA^es  he  recognizes  in  the  object  Avhich  the 
person  e  has  in  his  hand  either  a  badge  of  office  or  a  broken  spear.  He 
sees  an  arroAV  head  sticking  in  the  loAver  jaAv,  and  the  right  hand  seems 
to  him  to  be  raised  in  agony  toward  the  Avound.  And,  lastly,  he  is 
inclined  to,  consider  the  flower  Adsible  at  the  back  of  the  neck  as  a 
symbol  for  blood,  the  result  of  an  association  of  ideas  produced  by 
the  similarity  of  sound  between  quix  ("  thorn  ") ,  and  quic  ("  blood  ") . 
Precisely  Avhat  Mr  F()rstemann  takes  for  the  arroAv  head  piercing 
the  lower  jaAv,  Avhether  it  is  the  tAvo  last  hairs  of  the  beard,  or  the 
black  marking,  Avhich  seems  to  be  below  the  upper  lip,  or  perhaps 
the  tAYO  ear  pegs,  I  frankly  confess  I  do  not  knoAv.  As  for  the 
gesture  of  the  right  hand,  Avhich  is  moreover  exactly  the  same  as 
that  of  the  last  personage,  the  companion  of  the  adA^ancing  chief- 
tain, it  has  quite  a  different  and  a  v^ery  definite  meaning.  It  A\as  the 
customar}^  salute  among  the  pagan  Mayas,  or  rather  a  sign  of 
humility  and  submission,  the  sign  of  peaceful  intent." 

The  gesture  is  perfecth^  comprehensible.  The  hand  in  Avhich  the 
enemy  holds  his  Aveapon,  the  hand  Avith  which  he  deals  a  bloAv,  is  turned 
backAvard,  away  from  the  one  Avho  is  to  be  peacefully  saluted.  The 
weapon  w^hich  is  held  in  the  right  hand  was  probably  laid  aside  for 

«  See  Cogolludo,  v.  9,  cap.  8,  and  A^illagutierre  y  Sotomayor,  v.  2,  cap.  2  :  Luego  que 
llegaron,  saludaron  los  dos  capitanes  (Itzaex),  a  los  dos  Religiosos,  a  su  usanga  (que  es, 
echar  el  brago  derecho  sobre  el  ombro,  en  seual  de  paz  y  amistad),  that  is  they  saluted 
the  two  monks  after  their  fashion,  by  raising  the  right  arm  upward  toward  the  shoulder, 
as  a  sign  of  peace  and  friendship. 


656 


BUKEAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


the  moment."  In  this  picture  the  figure  </,  the  companion  of  the 
visitor,  has  tucked  the  fan,  which  he  originall}^  held  in  his  right  hand, 
under  his  left  arm  in  a  rather  comical  manner,  in  order  to  perform  the 
salute.  The  reason  why  but  two  of  the  seven  figures  in  our  picture 
perform  the  salute  is  that  this  gesture  is  here  made  only  by  the  fol- 
lowers of  the  chief  personages.  These  chief  personages  are,  on  the 
one  side,  the  strange  chieftain  just  arriving;  on  the  other  side,  the  four 
princes  of  the  tribe  visited,  who,  if  they  were  of  the  Kiche  tribe,  for 
instance,  would  bear  the  titles  Ahpop,  Ahpop  Camha,  Ahau  Kalel, 
and  Ahtzic  Vinak.  The  kneeling  person,  therefore,  marked  for  sacri- 
fice by  Mr  DieseldorfF,  regarded  by  Mr  Forstemann  as  a  wounded, 
bleeding  captive  claimed  as  a  victim  by  the  priest  against  the  will 
of  the  real  victor,  I  consider  simply  as  the  attendant,  the  servant,  the 
follower — the  slave,  if  you  will — of  the  four  princes  who  are  receiv- 
ing the  strange  chieftain  into  their  territory.  It  is  possible  that  he 
IS  represented  kneeling  merely  for  the  sake  of  economizing  space, 
since  the  attitude  of  a  person  advancing  in  rapid  action  left  a  gap 
not  otherwise  to  be  filled.  Moreover,  a  greater  degree  of  submissive- 
ness  is  justifiable  or  at  any  rate  courteous  on  the  part  of  those  receiv- 
ing a  guest. 

Mr  Forstemann  is  quite  correct  in  assuming,  contrary  to  Mr  Diesel- 
dor  ff's  view,  that  the  personage  advancing  from  the  right  can  only 
be  a  warrior.  I  would  like  to  be  more  explicit  and  assert  that  he  is 
a  warrior  chief.  The  common  soldier  among  the  Mexicans  carried 
the  maquauitl,  the  wooden  sword  with  an  edge  of  obsidian  splinters. 
The  chieftains,  as  figure  131  and  other  pictures  in  the  Mendoza  codex 
show,  carried  long  pikes,  Avhich  had  at  the  point  a  bladelike  expansion 
armed  with  obsidian  splinters.  The  common  soldier  among  the 
Mayas  was  armed  with  bow  and  arrows  and  the  chief  carried  a  long 
pike.  In  the  passage  which  I  cited  in  confirmation  of  the  gesture  of 
salutation  these  pikes  which  were  carried  by  the  Maya  chiefs  are 
exactly  described.  I  w^ill  quote  the  description  here,  because  it  puts 
into  words  precisely  what  we  see  in  the  Chama  picture.  The  refer- 
ence is  to  the  two  leaders  whom  Canek,  the  chieftain  of  the  Itzas, 
sent  to  Tipu  in  1618  to  meet  the  two  Franciscan  monks,  Bartholo- 
mew de  Fuensalida  and  Juan  de  Orbita:  "  They  carried  pikes  with 
blades  of  flint,  quite  after  the  manner  of  ours,  only  that  ours  have 
blades  of  steel,  and  they  have  at  the  base  of  the  blade  many  feathers 
of  bright  and  beautiful  colors,  just  as  our  ensigns  have  tassels  wound 
about  at  the  head.    The  blades  are  about  one- fourth  of  an  ell  long, 

«In  the  same  way  the  North  American  Indians  hold  out  the  right  hand,  palm  upward, 
or  raise  both  hands  empty,  in  sign  of  peace  and  friendship,  while  the  Natchez,  who  met 
La  Salle's  column  in  1682,  expressed  the  same  idea  hy  clasping  their  hands  together. 
8ee  Garrick  Mallery  in  First  Annual  Report.  Bureau  of  Ethnology,  pp.  530  and  531. 


kelbr] 


THE  VASE  OF  CHAMA 


657 


two-edged,  and  with  points  as  sharp  as  a  (higger  j:>oint.  The  other 
Ttzas  carried  bows  and  arrows,  without  which  they  never  venture 
out  of  their  town  ". 

With  the  view  I  hold  in  regard  to  the  kneeling  figure  in  our 
picture,  I  can  not,  of  course,  suppose  the  object  which  this  person 
holds  in  his  left  hand  and  seems  to  be  presenting  to  be  a  part  of  a  fire 
drill.  Owing  to  the  indistinctness  of  the  drawing  I  can  not  say  what 
it  really  represents. 

On  the  other  hand,  I  can  only  regard  as  a  misapprehension  the 
statement  of  Messrs  Dieseldorff  and  Forstemann  that  the  companion 
of  the  advancing  chief  {g,  plate  xlviii)  has  a  scourge  in  his  hand. 
The  whip  is  familiar  to  us,  peoples  of  the  Old  World,  as  an  instru- 
ment for  inflicting  pain,  because  we  have  saddle  and  draft  horses 
which  are  driven  with  the  whip.  But  among  the  ancient  Central 
Americans,  who  were  unfamiliar  with  the  use  of  animals  for  such 
purposes,  there  was,  ordinarily,  no  reason  for  the  invention  of  such 
an  instrument.  The  only  instance  I  know  of  a  whip  in  Mexico  and 
Central  America  (Z>,  figure  133)  is,  in  fact,  contained  in  a  picture  in 
which  an  animal  is  being  led.  It  is  one  of  the  interesting  clay  reliefs 
from  Chiapas,  preserved  in  the  Museo  Nacional  of  Mexico,  which 
shows  the  sacred  tapir  led  by  two  richly  clad  priests."  But  this  is  the 
only  instance  of  which  I  know.  I  have  never  thus  far  found  a 
scourge  in  the  long  list  of  instruments  used  by  the  Mexicans  and  Cen- 
tral Americans  to  inflict  torture  upon  themselves  or  others,  and  these 
lists  are  recorded  with  pedantic  exactness  in  various  passages  of  the 
picture  wTitings. 

What  Messrs  Dieseldorff  and  Forstemann  regard  as  a  whip  brand- 
ished in  the  hand  of  r/,  plate  xlviii,  in  the  Chama  picture,  is,  if  the 
drawing  is  indeed  correct,  nothing  more  than  a  necklace,  somewhat 
displaced  by  the  energetic  motion  of  the  right  hand,  and  consisting 
of  a  large,  four-cornered  prismatic  or  cylindric  stone  bead,  strung 
on  a  twisted  cord.  We  know  from  actual  specimens  in  our  collections 
that  such  long  cylindric  or  prismatic  beads  w^ere  worn,  and  this  is 
shown,  for  instance,  by  various  clay  figures  and  fragments  in  Doctor 
Sapper's  collection.  Whoever  compares  this  supposed  whip  of  g 
Avith  the  cord  on  Avhich  a  ring,  apparently  cut  from  a  mussel  shell, 
is  hung  about  the  neck  of  h  must  be  convinced,  it  seems  to  me,  of  the 
correctness  of  my  vieAv. 

I  need  hardly  dAvell  upon  the  fact  that  I  am  equally  unwilling  to 
regard  the  object  held  in  the  hand  of  d  as  a  scourge.  This  black- 
painted  figure  is  apparently  the  spokesman  of  the  group  represented 

«  These  clay  tiles  are  reproduced  in  the  splendid  souvenir  publication  issued  by  the  Junta 
Columbina  in  Mexico  three  years  ago  for  the  celebration  of  the  four  hundredth  anniver- 
sary of  the  discovery  of  America. 

7238— No.  28—05  4-2 


658 


BUREAU   OF  AMERICAAT  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


on  the  left  side  of  the  picture.  The  uplifted  hand  shoAvs  that  he  is 
uttering  the  speech  of  welcome.  But  I  can  not  say  what  the  object 
may  be  which  he  holds  in  his  right  hand,  whether  it  is  a  badge  of 
office,  or  what  it  is. 

I  now  come  to  the  bones  which  both  a  and  g  hold  in  the  left  hand. 
Forstemann's  theory  that  by  means  of  them  "  the  banquets  are  very 
realistically  indicated "  is  anything  but  convincing,  and  I  really 
think  it  must  be  characterized  as  grotesque.  For  even  the  other 
glyphs  to  which  Mr  Forstemann  refers  are  of  undetermined  mean- 
ing. I  think  that  there  can  be  no  question  here  of  anything  but  an 
implement  or  a  cognizance.  In  the  picture  Avritings  and  the  collec- 
tions we  chiefly  find  three  kinds  of  implements  made  of  bone.  Bones 
pointed  at  one  end  were  used  as  daggers  (punches,  awls)  and  as 
instruments  of  castigation.  Bones  with  parallel  incisions  on  the  sur- 
face could  be  used  as  rattles  (Mexican  omichicauaztli)  by  passing 
over  them  the  prong  of  a  deer's  horn  or  a  snail  shell.  Flutes  were 
also  made  of  long  bones,  as  in  ancient  Peru  and  among  the  Guiana 
Caribs.  Such  bone  flutes  were  dug  up,  for  instance,  at  Progreso,  near 
Merida,  Yucatan,  witli  ancient  clay  vessels  and  skeletons  with  mal- 
formed skulls."  The  bone  held  by  a  and  g  can  not  have  been  used  as  a 
dagger  on  account  of  its  form.  We  may  assume  that  it  was  a  musi- 
cal instrument,  a  flute,  or  a  rattle. 

As  for  the  persons  represented,  the  most  st rilling  thing  about  them 
is  that  all,  with  the  single  exception  of  ^,  farthest  to  the  right,  have 
more  or  less  marked  indications  of  a  beard.  We  know  that  Indians 
in  general  have  a  very  slight  growth  of  beard,  and  among  many, 
indeed  among  most,  tribes  the  law  of  beauty  demanded  that  tlie  face 
and  body  should  be  kept  as  smooth  as  possible.  Tweezers  play  an 
important  part  among  the  antiquities  and  in  modern  ethnography 
everywhere  in  America.  Of  the  Mayas  of  Yucatan  in  particular  the 
chronicler  relates  that  they  had  no  beards  and  that  children  even  were 
subjected  to  a  prescribed  treatment  to  prevent  the  growth  of  beards.^ 
The  arriving  chieftain,  /,  has  a  beard  of  singularly  striking  form. 
Mr  Dieseldorff  recognizes  it  as  the  form  of  beard  which  occurs  in  the 
males  of  a  species  of  monke}^  known  to  the  Indians  as  batz,  and  there- 
fore suggests  that  the  figure  in  question  v^^ears  a  monkey  mask.  I 
will  not  deny  that  the  shape  of  this  beard  may  stand  in  distinct  spe- 
cific relation  to  the  beard  of  a  monkey,  but  I  can  not  admit  that  / 
Avears  a  monkey  mask.  The  face  of  the  monkey  has  certain  distinctly 
characteristic  features,  which  are  usually  faithfully  grasped  and 
reproduced  by  Indian  artists;  but  these  arc  wholly  wanting  here. 


«  Anales  del  Museo  Nacional  de  Mexico,  v.  3.  p.  278. 

*  "  No  criavan  barbas,  y  decian  que  les  quemavan  los  rostros  sus  madres  con  panos 
caUentes,  siendo  nifios,  porque  no  les  creciesen  "  (Landa). 


selkrJ 


THE  VASE  OF  CHAMA 


659 


The  sun  god  is  represented  in  Ma^^a  maniiscri])ts  as  bearded,  and  so, 
frequently,  in  Mexican  2)icture  Avritings,  is  the  god  Qnetzah'oatl,  who, 
although  usually  called  the  wind  god,  can  not  deny  kinship  Avith  the 
sun  god  of  the  Maya  tribes. 

The  Mayas  styled  the  sunbeams  u  mex  kin  beard  of  the  sun  ")/^ 
I  give  in  a,  figure  184,  two  pictures  of  Quetzalcoatl,  and  below^  them 
four  pictures  of  the  sun  god  from  the  Dresden  manuscript,  Avhich  may 
safely  be  designated  as  Kinich  Ahau.  The  beard  surrounding  the 
entire  chin  is  unmistakable.  The  last  two  i)ictures  particularly  agree 
Avith  /,  plate  xlviii,  of  the  Chama  vase  in  the  shape  of  the  beard, 
indeed  I  might  almost  say  in  the  features,  especially  in  the  shape  of 
the  nose,  Avhich  in  the  drawings  of  the  Dresden  manuscript  is  usually 
stereotyped  and  characteristic  for  the  individual  gods.    The  person- 


h  c  d  e  f 


Fig.  134.   Figures  from  codices  showing  beard,  and  glyphs  from  vase. 

ages  at  the  left  of  the  picture,  on  the  other  hand,  have  beards  corre- 
sponding more  nearly  to  the  natural  sparse  growth  of  Indians.  In 
this  connection  I  Avill  not  omit  to  draAv  attention  to  the  fact  that 
among  the  antiquities  from  the  Kekchi  territory,  the  region  about 
Coban,  in  the  possession  of  the  Royal  Museum  of  Ethnolog}^,  there 
are  various  small  clay  masks  and  heads  with  plainly  dcA^eloped 
mustaches. 


"  Mexkin  rayos  del  sol  (Perez's  dictionary). 


660 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


In  one  of  the  famous  reliefs  of  Santa  Lucia  de  Cozumalhuapa  the 
sacrificial  j^riest  is  seen  in  the  center,  and  in  the  four  corners  his  four 
assistants,  Avho  are  variously  costumed  according  to  the  cardinal 
points  to  which  they  belong,  and  are  in  part  represented  as  skeletons. 
Each  of  the  five  personages  bears  in  his  arm,  that  is,  in  his  hand,  the 
head  of  a  human  being,  and  each  of  these  heads  has  peculiar  features, 
a  peculiar  style  of  Avearing  the  hair,  etc.  Only  the  head  held  by  the 
chief  priest  agrees  in  features  and  coiffure  with  that  carried  by  the 
skeleton  in  the  loAver  riglit-hand  corner.  Both  heads  have  an  aged, 
bearded  face.  Were  not  the  distinguishing  marks  of  old  age  clearl}^ 
exhibited  by  both  these  heads,  together  with  the  beard,  we  should  be 
justified  in  thinking  that  the  four  cut-off  heads  were  meant  to  indicate 
the  four  tribes  living  at  the  four  cardinal  points,  and  that  the  tribe  in 
the  lower  right-hand  corner  Avas  distinguished  by  a  groAvth  of  beard 
and  Avas  also  the  chief  enemy  of  the  builders  of  the  monuments  of 
Cozumalhuapa. 

To  return  to  our  Chama  picture,  both  Dieseldorff  and  Forstemann 
especially  call  attention  to  the  knobby  excrescences  on  the  forehead 
and  nose  of  seA^eral  of  the  characters  on  the  left  hand.  Both,  Avithout 
hesitation,  declare  them  to  be  Avarts.  I  do  not  think  such  groAvths 
Avere  deemed  particularly  beautiful  by  any  tribe,  much  less  that  the 
ancient  Indian  artist  Avould  haA^e  felt  obliged  to  make  them  thus 
prominent.  I  am  rather  inclined  to  believe  that  Ave  here  have  to  deal 
Avith  a  kind  of  decoration  Avith  inserted  knobs,  similar  to  those  on  the 
head  in  the  loAver  left  corner  of  the  relief  just  described  and  especially 
evident  on  the  nostrils  and  above  the  root  of  the  nose  of  6,  figure  134, 
Avhich  I  haA^e  also  taken  from  a  relief  of  Cozumalhuapa. 

I  Avill  not  enter  into  the  details  of  dress  and  ornament,  but  I  Avill 
only  add  that  thereby  the  chief  dignitaries  of  a  tribe  are  evidently 
characterized,  of  whom  there  Avere  ahvays  four  among  the  Kiches 
and  other  Guatemala  tribes,  distinguished  by  special  titles.  Mr 
Dieseldorff,  in  describing  the  black-painted  figure  (r/,  plate  xlviii), 
mentions  that  he  Avears  bound  on  the  back  of  the  head  "  a  pointed, 
checkered  cap,  such  as  chief  jDriests  usually  Avore  ".  I  do  not  remem- 
ber to  haA^e  found  this  described  anyAvhere  as  the  dress  of  a  "  chief 
priest  ",  nor  to  haA^e  seen  it  anywhere.  The  object  projecting  from 
the  back  of  the  neck  of  the  chief  personage  /,  advancing  from  the 
right,  Avhich  looks  like  a  staff,  I  Avill  not  venture  definitely  to  interpret. 
It  may  be  connected  in  some  Avay  with  the  ear  ornament  or  Avith  the 
back  boAv  of  the  neck  ornament.  The  ear  ornament  is  sometimes  of 
monstrous  size  on  the  figures  of  Maya  art,  one  of  the  deities  in  the 
Maya  manuscripts  having  an  entire  bird  as  an  ear  peg. 

The  glyphs  still  remain  to  be  discussed.  Messrs  Dieseldorff  and 
Forstemann  have  numbered  them  as  folloAvs,  according  to  their  order 
in  the  picture ; 


seler] 


THE  VASE  OF  CHAMA 


661 


10  12       13  ]G 

11  14  17 
15  18 

19 

20 

21  23 
22 

The  last  one,  23,  is  explained  by  Fiu-stemann  as  a  numeric  expres- 
sion. It  does,  indeed,  contain  tlie  numeral  8  and  the  element  which 
in  the  Dresden  inanuscript  and  upon  tlie  Copan  stelae  denotes  the 
period  of  3()0  days,  combined,  it  is  true,  with  another  element  as  yet 
unknown.  Forstemann  conjectures  that  the  entire  glyph  is  meant 
to  indicate  a  period  of  8  solar  years. 

Glyph  12  may  have  a  similar  special  meaning.  It  may  possibly, 
in  so  far  as  the  indistinct  drawing  admits  of  any  recognition,  denote 
the  uinal  Xul.  The  other  glyphs,  the  groups  1,  2,  3 ;  4,  5,  6 ;  7,  8,  9 ; 
10,  11;  20,  21,  22;  13,  U,  15;  J  6,  IT,  18,  19,  would  belong,  respec- 
tively, to  figures  a,  Z>,  c,  (L  /,  and  r/,  beside  which  they  stand. 
As  to  the  significance  of  all  these,  only  vague  conjectures  can  be 
made.  The  special  reference  to  food  which  Forstemann  accepts  for 
6  and  14  is  more  than  questionable.  The  reference  to  the  fire  drill 
which  he  conjectures  for  4,  IT,  21  may  stand,  Avithout  justifying  th'^ 
conclusions  which  he  draws  from  the  fact.  From  the  entire  order  of 
arrangement  I  should  conjecture  that  in  each  case  the  glyphs  stated 
the  title  and  name  of  the  person  in  question;  but,  as  we  know 
nothing  about  either  the  one  or  the  other,  speculations  concerning 
them  are  of  little  value.  I  am  somewhat  in  sympathy  with  Diesel- 
dorff's  definition  of  1  and  10  as  Ah-pop.  In  that  case  we  should  have 
a  curiously  reduced  form  of  Pop. 

Should  it  be  correct  that  12  denotes  the  uinal  Xul  and  23  the  period 
of  8  solar  years,  I  might  develop  a  theory  which  would  accord  veiy 
well  with  Forstemann's  fundamental  assumption,  although,  of  course, 
the  interpretation  of  the  principal  conception  moves  along  wholly 
different  lines.  Froui  the  sixteenth  day  of  uinal  Xul  to  the  fii'st  day 
of  uinal  Yaxkin,  inclusive,  the  departure  of  Cukulcan  was  celebrated 
at  Mani  in  Yucatan,  and  it  was  believed  that  during  those  days  Cu- 
kulcan descended  from  heaven  to  receive  gifts  and  homage  in  person. 
Now,  Cukulcan  is  Quetzalcoatl,  and  Quetzalcoatl  is  identified  with 
Venus,  and  in  /,  plate  xlviii,  of  our  vase  painting,  Ave  are  reminded 
of  Quetzalcoatl  by  the  form  of  the  beard.  If  the  two  glyphs, 
therefore,  correspond  to  the  periods  indicated  above,  we  should  have 
here  the  revolution  of  Venus  and  the  feast  held  in  honor  of  the  god 
wdio  is  identified  Avith  Venus,  Quetzalcoatl-Ceacatl,  the  morning 
star,  Avho  appears  and  begins  his  course  ancAV.  This  would  then  be 
the  fundamental  idea  of  our  A^ase  painting. 

The  above  would  be  my  explanation  if  I  had  only  /  and  the  two 


662 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


glyphs  in  question  to  take  into  consideration,  and  if  I  could  be 
convinced  of  the  exclusively  astronomic  purport  of  the  manuscripts 
and  of  the  myths  of  the  Central  Americans.  But  I  think  that  all  the 
personages,  including  /,  exhibit  so  much  realism  and  local  color  that 
we  can  not  rest  content  with  mere  astronomy.  This  realism  is  like- 
wise fully  appreciated  by  Mr  Forstemann. 

A  certain  analogy  existing  between  the  first  person  in  the  picture 
given  above  in  r/,  figure  133,  and  /,  plate  xlviu,  of  the  vase  picture, 
might  admit  of  another  explanation.  The  Maya  races  in  Guatemala, 
as  I  have  already  shown  in  an  earlier  essay,"  were  well  acquainted 
with  the  Toltecs,  the  Yaqui-Vinak,  and  their  god  Quetzalcoatl.  In 
the  Popol  Vuh  the  creative  god  is  identified  with  Gucumatz,  that 
is,  Quetzalcoatl,  and  in  one  place  he  is  actually  called  Ah-Toltecat, 
the  Toltec.  According  to  the  traditions  of  the  Guatemala  tribes, 
as  well  as  those  of  the  Maj^as  of  Yucatan,  the  ancestors  of  their  races 
came  from  Tula,  the  city  of  the  Toltecs.  In  a  most  valuable  treatise 
upon  the  Toltec  question  Doctor  Stoll  ^  calls  attention  to  the  great 
part  v,'hich  traveling  Nahuatl  merchants  and  the  great  hordes  of 
Nahuatl  nationality  which  crowded  into  these  southern  regions  as 
traders  and  colonists  nuist  doubtless  have  played  in  Central  America. 
Is  it  not  possible  that  the  painting  on  our  vase  illustrates  the  appear- 
ance of  one  of  these  tribal  hordes,  represented  by  their  deity,  in  the 
midst  of  the  native  Maya  population?  There  is  undoubtedly  a  cer- 
tain contrast  between  the  figures  on  the  right  and  those  on  the  left 
of  the  pictTire.  The  arrangement  and  bearing  of  the  dilfeient  figures 
in  the  two  groups  would  seem  entirely  natural  if  we  accept  such  a 
solution.  Unfortunately,  there  is  very  little  prospect  of  ever  attain- 
ing positive  knowledge  in  regard  to  questions  of  this  sort.  It  is 
principally  in  Guatemala  that  we  are  very  insufficiently  or  not  at  all 
informed  respecting  the  local  traditions  and  myths  of  the  various 
tribes.  Priests  sent  to  Guatemala  were  forbidden  by  an  absurd 
decree  to  teach  Christianity  to  the  Indians  in  their  own  language. 
Hence  the  priests  took  no  interest  in  the  language  or  in  the  traditions 
of  the  natives,  and  the  later  discovery  of  such  interesting  documents 
as  the  Popol  Vuh  can  not  wholly  supj^ly  the  absolute  Avant  of  a 
medium  of  interpretation.  Unfortunately,  a  Sahagun  did  not  arise 
for  the  ancient  races  of  Central  America. 

In  concluding  these  remarks  I  will  add  a  few  observations  concern- 
ing the  other  vessels  from  Chama  which  Mr  Dieseldorff  has  de- 
scribed. It  is  particularly  worthy  of  notice  that  at  least  four  of  the 
vessels — the  one  first  discussed,  the  one  with  the  bat  god  (Verhand- 
lungen,  1894,  plate  xiii),  and  the  two  vessels  showm  in  plate  xvi,  Ver- 

«  Verhandlungen,  1894,  p.  578. 

*  Guatemala.  Reisen  und  Schilderungen  aus  den  Jahren,  1878-1883,  Leipzig,  1886, 
pp.  408  to  412. 


THE  VASE  OF  CHAMA 


663 


handlungen.  1898 — are  proved  by  the  style  of  the  figitres  and  glyphs, 
and  especially  by  the  pattern  of  decoration,  to  be  allied  to  each 
other  and  evidently  to  have  been  made  in  the  same  place.  The 
glyphs  generally  agree  with  the  forms  with  wlii(;h  we  are  familiar 
in  the  Maya  manuscripts  and  on  the  reliefs  of  Copan  and  Palenc^ue 
without  enal)ling  us  to  connect  them  more  closely  with  any  one 
manuscrii)t  or  relief.  With  regard  to  the  figures,  the  god  in  the 
snail  shell,  occurring  on  two  vessels,  may  at  once  be  identified  with 
the  god  who  is  regent  of  7  Ahau  in  the  Perez  codex.  I  sent  a 
drawing  of  this  god  to  Mr  Dieseldortf,  wdiich  is  reproduced  in  his 
first  essay."  I  would,  however,  remark  that  this  god  does  not  hold  a 
skull  in  his  hand,  but  the  head  of  the  god  with  the  proliferous  nose, 
the  god  of  increase  and  abundant  water,  whom  I  think  I  can  identify 
Avith  Ah  Bolon  Tzacab.  The  god  in  the  snail  shell  is  the  third  in  the 
series  of  ^0  deities  in  the  Dresden  manuscript  He  has  no  direct 
connection  with  the  old  god,  D  of  Schellhas's  nomenclature.  This 
puts  an  end  to  the  speculations  in  regard  to  the  moon  and  the  north. 
The  relations  of  this  old  god  to  the  moon  are  at  least  very  doubtful. 

A  youthful  god  is  represented  on  one  of  the  two  vessels,  wdiich  are 
reproduced  in  volume  25  of  the  Verhandlungen,  plate  xvi.  The 
glyphs  between  the  two  ])ictures  of  the  god  in  the  upper  half  of  the 
decorated  surface  may  be  of  value  in  determining  this  deity.  These 
consist  of  two  rectangles,  each  containing  two  day  signs.  The  first 
one,  whcli  I  have  reproduced  in  c,  figure  134,  undoubtedly  contains 
the  signs  ben  and  ix."  In  the  other,  c/,  the  lower  character  is 
with  equal  certainty  meant  for  Caban,  while  the  upper  one  is  some- 
what more  uncertaiii,  but  in  my  opinion  it  may,  with  tolerable  prob- 
ability stand  for  Gib.  Now,  as  Ben  and  Ix  both  precede  the  charac- 
ter Men,  while  Cib  and  Caban  are  the  day  signs  immediately  follow- 
ing it,  it  seems  probable  that  the  picture  of  the  god  between  the  two 
rectangles  containing  the  glyphs  is  meant  to  represent  or  to  express 
the  sign  Men,  which  is  missing  between  the  two  pairs  of  day  signs, 
as  being  a  deity  in  some  manner  associated  with  it. 

Two  rectangles  containing  gh^phs  occur  on  the  other  vessel,  that 
represented  in  plate  xvi,  which  is  decorated  with  the  figure  of  the  god 
in  the  snail  shell.    One  rectangle,  /,  figure  134,  contains  the  same 

«  Verhandlungen,  1893,  p.  370,  fig.  9. 
Mr  Dieseldorff  originally  read  these  ben-imix,  or,  with  reference  to  the  three  dots  in 
the  second  sign,  Imox.  After  receiving  a  commnnication  from  me  he  accepted  my  reading, 
p.  370  of  the  Verhandlungen  for  1894.  But  when  he  says  there:  "  Ix,  more  correctly 
written  hix  ('jaguar')",  I  must  observe  that  the  Maya  Ix  corresponds  to  Iz  or  Itz  of 
the  Guatemalan  tongue,  and  the  latter  means  "  magic  ",  or  "  magician  ".  In  the  latter 
sense  it  may  take  the  prefix  ah,  the  sign  of  the  masculine  gender,  which  gives  us  ah-ltz, 
and  in  Maya,  hix.  But  the  latter  is  by  no  means  necessary,  and  indeed  we  more  fre- 
quently find  the  Maya  character  written  Ix  and  Hix.  The  day  sign  Yiz,  Ix,  or  Ah-ltz,  Hix 
corresponds  in  Pipil  to  the  character  Teyolloquani  ("the  magician").  The  latter  word 
was  undoubtedly  allied  in  the  old  Indian  conception  to  tequani,  another  word  for  Ocelotl 
("jaguar"),  the  Mexican  name  for  this  day  sign. 


664 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


signs  Ben  and  Tx  in  reverse  order.  In  the  other,  I  think  1  recognize 
without  a  doubt  the  day  sign  Oc. 

I  am  still  doubtful  about  the  upper  character.  But  if  we  could  as- 
sume that  the  same  connection  between  the  picture  and  the  glyphs 
exists  here  that  I  have  just  proved  to  exist  on  the  other  vessel,  we 
might  read  the  upper  character  in  e  as  Chuen,  and  Ave  should  then 
have  in  d  Oc  and  Chuen,  the  two  signs  preceding  Eb,  in  /,  Ben  and  Ix, 
the  tAvo  signs  following  Eb,  and  could  therefore  assume  that  the 
deity  in  the  snail  shell,  who  is  twice  repeated  upon  this  vessel,  is 
intended  to  represent  or  to  express  the  day  sign  Eb.  In  that  case  we 
should  have  a  very  peculiar,  hitherto  unknown,  form  of  the  sign 
Chuen  to  deal  Avith. 

A  third  god  is  the  bat  god,  Avho  is  also  represented  on  tAvo  of  the 
Dieseldorff  vases.  In  an  earlier  article  I  assembled  Avhat  informa- 
tion I  had  at  hand  regarding  this  deity  and  pointed  out  that  special 
A^eneration  Avas  paid  to  it  in  Guatemala,  among  other  places.  I  had  at 
that  time  only  very  cursorily  seen  the  glyphs  accompanying  the  pic- 
ture of  the  bat  god  on  the  Dieseldortf  A^ase.  Opportunity  now  being 
afforded  by  the  publication  of  the  draAving  to  study  them  carefully,  I 
still  consider  the  same  reserve  to  be  Avise  on  my  part  Avhich  Mr  Diesel- 
dovE  maintains  on  his  in  regard  to  their  interpretation.  I  Avill  only 
remark  that  the  jDicture  of  the  bat,  Avhich  is  obvious  in  the  glyph  of 
the  uinal  Zotz  and  in  the  other  glyphs  reproduced  there,  does  not 
api^ear  here.  If  Ave  designate  the  gh^phs,  as  in  plate  xiii,  volume  2G 
of  the  Verhandlungen,  by  the  numbers  1  to  G  from  above  dowuAvard, 
then  glyph  1  appears  to  me  to  be  the  principal  one.  It  contains  the 
cloud  masses  of  the  cauac  sign,  Avhich  also  occur  everyAvhere  on  the 
head  of  the  bat  in  the  glyphs  on  the  Copan  stehr.''  The  second  glyph 
may  contain  the  skull  of  the  character  Cimi.  The  third  seems  allied 
to  the  sixth,  and  both  seem  to  contain  the  character  Kan.  The  fifth 
contains  the  character  Imix,  together  Avith  another  element,  Avhich, 
combined  Avith  Imix,  occurs  in  another  glyph  on  page  01  of  the  Dres- 
den manuscript.  But  I  can  offer  no  suggestion  as  to  the  actual  mean- 
ing of  all  these  glyphs. 

Mr  Dieseldorff  has  rendered  to  science  a  conspicuous  service  by  his 
careful  and  expert  excavations  and  by  the  publication  of  their  results. 
Had  there  been  the  same  careful  and  thorough  researches  made  in 
many  different  localities  of  Mexico  and  Central  America,  Ave  might 
decide  Avith  much  more  certainty  the  problems  Avhich  noAv  occupy  us, 
and  Ave  should  more  clearly  comprehend  the  early  history  of  these 
interesting  ancient  races.  May  Mr  Diesel dorfl'  be  enabled  to  continue 
his  iuA^estigations  and  may  equally  active  and  equally  successful 
workers  come  forAvard  in  other  places  to  increase  our  knoAvledge. 


«  Verhandlungen,  v.  26,  1894,  pp.  577  and  following. 
"  Verhandlungen,  v.  26,  1894,  pp.  583,  584. 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


BULLETIN  28,  PLATE  XLIX 


DESIGN  ON  A  VASE   FROIVK  CHAMA 


A  CLAY  VESSEL  WITH  A  PrCTURE  OF  A  VAM- 
PIRE-HEADED DEITY " 


By  E.  p.  Dieseldorff 


The  accompanying  drawing  of  the  vampire  god  (plate  xlix)  occurs 
on  a  clay  vessel  which  I  found  buried  with  a  dead  person  on  the  sum- 
mit of  a  temple  mound  in  Chama,  together  with  urn  2,  discussed  in 
Verhandlungen,  189e3,  page  549,  Avhere  I  described  the  spot  where  it 
was  found. 

The  pot  is  cylindric  in  form,  about  55  centimeters  in  circumfer- 
ence, measured  around  the  outer  edge,  and  15  centimeters  in  height. 
It  Avas  broken  into  many  pieces,  and  the  polish  and  painting  are 
greatly  damaged.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  reddish  black,  droplike 
spots  occur  all  over  the  pot,  as  if  some  resinous  fluid  had  been  sprin- 
kled over  it  with  a  brush.  I  have  also  observed  similar  spots  on  pots 
from  the  Zacapa  region. 

In  order  to  form  a  characteristic  image  of  the  Yampire  god  we  must 
direct  our  attention  to  his  dress  and  to  similar  representations  on 
the  monuments  of  ancient  Maya  ciY^ilization. 

The  first  thing  that  strikes  us  is  that  he  wears  the  collar  of  the 
death  god,  showing  the  three  round  balls,  which  also  appear  on  the 
cloaklike  wings,  and  which  Dr  Eduard  Seler,  no  doubt  correctly, 
assumes  to  be  human  eyes. 

That  an  ornament  of  this  kind  should  be  given  to  the  death  god  is 
entirely  in  keeping  with  the  fact  that  the  extinction  of  the  eyesight 
in  approaching  dissolution  is  one  of  the  most  striking  phenomena  of 
death. 

In  the  temple  at  Copan  which  bounds  the  w^estern  court  on  the 
north,  on  the  east  side  of  the  inner  entrance,  was  the  representation  of 
a  battle  between  the  vampire  god  and  Cukulcan,  the  god  of  light, 
Avhich  I  am  inclined  to  regard  as  morning  twilight,  the  struggle 
between  darkness  and  liglit.  On  the  basis  of  this,  supported  by  the 
fact  that  the  vampire  leaves  his  liiding  place  at  tAvilight,  I  regard 

"  Ein  ThongefUss  mit  Darstellung  einer  vainpyrkopfigen  Gottheit,  Verhandlungen  der 
Herlinei-  Gesellschaft  fiir  Anthropologie,  Ethnologic,  und  Urgeschichte,  pp.  576-577,  pub- 
lished in  Zeitschi-ift  fiir  Ethnologie,  1894,  pt.  6. 

665 


666 


BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHKOLOGY 


[bull.  28 


the  bands  of  breath  that  shoot  from  his  mouth  as  a  symbol  of  sunset 
and  dawn.  It  seems  to  me  certain  that  this  does  not  mean  wind,  with 
which  force  of  nature  this  god  has  no  connection,  although  I  know 
that  his  glyph  often  occurs  with  Ben-Ik,  which  combination,  however, 
refers  to  all  birds,  beasts,  and  gods  whose  life  and  dwelling  is  sup- 
posed to  be  the  air. 

We  may  therefore  regard  the  vampire  god  as  the  servant  of  death, 
the  ruler  of  twilight. 

The  god  Cuku.lcan,  ruler  of  air  and  light,  and  therefore  of  life, 
is  represented  in  almost  all  the  temple  pictures  and  on  the  monoliths 
of  Copan,  sometimes  with  a  human  body,  more  frequently  as  a  bird, 
also  as  a  double  snake.  I  will  not  at  present  enter  more  deeply  into 
the  reasons  which  have  led  me  to  this  decision  because  the  subject 
deserves  treatment  in  a  special  paper. 

The  glyphs  belonging  to  the  picture  on  this  vessel  afford  us  no 
solution,  since  we  do  not  understand  them;  the  central  gl^^phs  of  plat6 
a  probably  denotes  the  vampire  god,  since  the  dots  appearing  on  the 
forehead  remind  us  of  the  representations  at  Copan,  where  the}^ 
occur  in  a  similar  manner.  The  central  glyph  of  plate  h  occurs  in 
the  Dresden  codex,  page  Gl,  at  the  bottom. 

I  do  not  think  that  this  clay  vessel  was  prepared  especially  for 
burial,  as  I  supposed  in  regard  to  the  urns  with  a  melon-shaped  base. 
It  seems  to  me  rather  to  have  served  for  religious  purposes. 


NOTES  AND  EMENDATIONS  BY  DR  EDUARD  SELER 


Owing  to  the  absence  of  Doctor  Seler  on  an  expedition  to  Mexico 
and  Central  America  during  the  period  in  which  his  papers  were 
going  through  the  press,  the  proofs  could  not  be  placed  in  his  hands. 
On  his  return  to  Berlin,  however,  he  kindly  consented  to  prepare  the 
accompanying  notes,  in  which  are  incorporated  such  corrections  and 
additions  as  he  deemed  most  important: 

1  (page  22,  line  4).  My  supposition  that  the  Jesuit  astronomer  Don  Carlos 
Siguenza  y  Gongora  was  the  first  who  brought  up  the  theory  of  an  intercalation 
of  thirteen  days  at  the  end  of  each  period  of  fifty-two  years  was  an  erroneous 
one.  The  same  opinion  had  been  stated  before  him  by  Jacinto  de  la  Serna,  the 
author  of  Manual  de  Ministros  de  Indios,  who,  too,  relied  on  former  authorities. 
It  is  quite  probable  that  these  were  the  same  as  those  consulted  by  Siguenza. 
Nevertheless  I  have  not  been  able  to  find  a  trace  of  a  similar  explanation  from 
the  contemporaries  of  Father  Sahagun  and  his  immediate  successors. 

2  (page  34,  line  3  from  the  bottom).  I  have  lately  changed  my  opinion  in 
regard  to  the  correspondence  of  colors  and  directions.  I  believe  now  that  the 
correspondence  given  by  Landa — that  is  to  say,  that  yellow,  red,  white,  and 
black  represent,  respectively,  south,  east,  north,  and  west — was  the  generally 
accepted  one,  but  that  Landa  did  not  connect  in  the  right  way  the  colors  and 
their  directions  with  the  different  years.  He  ascribed  the  colors  and  the  direc- 
tions to  the  years  next  following  their  respective  years,  because  in  the  last  five 
days  of  a  certain  year  the  u-uayeyab,  or  evil  demon,  of  this  year  was  taken  to 
the  plaza  of  the  village,  and,  after  certain  performances  had  taken  place 
over  him,  was  thrown  out  of  the  village  in  the  direction  appropriated  to  the 
new  year.  Thus,  for  instance,  the  yellow  demon  of  the  south  was  set  up  in  the 
last  five  days  of  the  Cauac,  or  southern,  years,  and  thrown  out  of  the  village  in 
the  direction  east,  appropriated  to  the  new  year,  viz,  the  Kan  year.  The  pages 
SOb  and  29b,  31d  and  30d  of  the  Troano  codex,  adduced  by  me  in  support  of  the 
theory  I  presented  in  my  former  paper,  admit  a  different  explanation.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  very  name  given  by  Landa  as  designating  the  Ekel  Bacab,  or 
black  Bacab — Hozan  ek — is  a  proof  that  this  Bacab  and  his  coior  are  to  be 
ascribed,  as  is  done  by  Landa,  to  the  western  sky  ;  for  Hozan  ek  is  the  name  of 
the  evening  star. 

3  (page  35,  line  6).  In  the  later  edition  of  this  paper,  reprinted  in  the  first 
volume  of  my  Gesammelte  Abhandlungen  zur  amerikanischen  Sprach-  und 
Alterthumskunde,  page  530,  and  in  another  paper  published  in  the  same  volume, 
pages  367  to  389,  I  pointed  out  that  not  only  the  two  signs  of  north  and  south, 
represented  on  pages  20  and  28  of  the  Dresden  codex,  but  the  whole  lower  parts 
of  these  two  pages,  with  the  signs  of  north  and  south  they  contain,  must  be 
changed. 


667 


668 


BUREAU  OP  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


4  (page  36,  line  14  from  the  bottom).  The  name,  correctly  spelled  Ah  bolon 
tz'acal),  occm's  in  corresponding  places  in  the  different  books  of  the  Chilam 
Balam. 

5  (page  55,  line  (>).  Brinton,  in  his  Native  Calendar,  drew  attention  to  the 
fact  that  the  name  of  this  sign  with  the  Yucatecs,  as  well  as  with  the  different 
Gnatemalan  tribes,  means  "thunder  storm",  "thunder  and  lightning".  In  the 
Zapotec  language  "thunder  and  lightning"  are  rendered  by  the  term  laha 
quiepaa  quec;a  quiepaa,  "  fire  on  the  sky,  water  on  tlie  sky  ",  and  the  verb  "  it 
thunders  "  is  given  by  ti  api  nic.-a,  ti  api  laa,  "  water  comes  down,  fire  comes 
down  ".  It  may  be  that  this  very  api,  "  to  come  down  ",  is  to  be  supposed  to  be 
contained  in  the  Zapotec  name  of  the  nineteenth  day  sign.  Ape,  Appe,  Aape, 
Gappe.  The  turtle  may  be  identified  with  the  cloud  or  the  thunder  storm, 
because  the  carapace  of  the  turtle  was  generally  used  as  a  drum.  The  thunder 
is  the  "  big  drum  of  the  heavens." 

G  (pages  08,  line  10  from  the  bottom,  and  117,  line  5  from  the  bottom).  As 
to  the  region  to  which  the  Vienna  manuscript  and  the  allied  codices  belong  I 
have  changed  my  opinion.  I  believe  now  that  they  originated  in  the  territo- 
ries bordering  the  Gulf  coast,  inhabited  by  the  people  that  are  designated  in  the 
Aztec  manuscrii)t  of  Father  Sahagun  as  Olmeca  Uixtotin  Mixteca. 

7  (pages  J)5,  line  2,  and  112,  line  3  from  the  bottom).  The  comparison  with 
the  so-called  relief  tiles  of  Chiapas,  i)reserved  in  the  National  Museum  in  the 
City  of  Mexico,  ought  not  to  be  taken  into  consideration,  as  these  relief  tiles 
seem  to  be  a  fraud. 

8  (pages  157,  line  27).  The  element  generally  explained  as  giving  the  idea 
xocoyotl,  "the  younger",  is  the  yacaxiuitl,  "blue  (or  turquoise)  nose  orna- 
ment ",  the  particular  badge  of  the  soul  of  the  dead  warrior,  as  it  is  represented, 
for  exami)le,  by  the  nmmmy  bundle  built  up  at  the  time  of  the  feast  Tititl.  (See 
Codex  Magliabecchiano,  page  72,  XIII,  8,  edited  by  the  Due  de  Loubat.)  The 
hieroglyph  giving  the  name  Motecuhzoma  xocoyotzin  is  in  fact  designative  of  the 
soul  of  the  dead  warrior  or  dead  king,  which  may  have  been  in  some  way 
identified  by  the  Mexicans  with  the  fire  god.  (See  my  (iesammelte  Abhandlungen 
zur  amerikanischen  Sprach-  und  Alterthumskunde,  1004,  volume  2,  pages  731  to 
738  and  742  to  745.) 

9  (page  179,  line  4).  The  figure  in  question  is  more  correctly  designated 
Tlauizcalpan  Tecutli,  "  god  of  the  morning  star  ".  (See  my  paper  on  the  Venus 
Period  in  Picture  Writings  of  the  P>orgian  Codex  Group,  pages  355  and  follow- 
ing.) Camaxtli,  the  war  god  of  the  Tlaxcaltecs,  was,  it  seems  to  be  beyond 
question,  a  very  near  relative  of  the  god  of  the  morning  star,  wearing  the  same 
color  of  the  body  and  the  same  facial  painting  as  the  morning  star. 

10  (page  287,  last  line).  The  confrontation  indicated  in  the  text  is  not  to  be 
taken  into  consideration,  as  pages  1  and  2  of  the  Tonalamatl  of  the  Aubin  Col- 
lection seem  to  l^e  a  fabrication,  attributable  to  Leon  y  Gama,  the  author  of 
the  well-known  book  Las  Dos  Piedras,  or  to  one  of  his  contemporaries. 

11  (page  293,  line  lO).  It  has  become  a  matter  of  doubt  to  me  whether  the 
words  "  corazon  del  pueblo  "  are  in  all  cases  to  be  identified  with  the  Mexican 
Tepeyollotl.  There  might  be  applied  to  it  the  more  simple  meaning  of  "  life  of 
the  sky  "  or  "  tribal  god  ".  As  to  the  idol  fetish  of  the  town  of  Achiotla,  the 
sculpture  on  its  surface,  described  by  Father  Burgoa,  points  to  the  name 
Quetzalcoatl.  who,  it  seems,  ought  not  to  be  iderdified  offhand  with  Tepeyollotl. 

12  (page  312,  line  28).  I  have  of  late  become  more  doubtful  regarding  even 
the  meaning  and  the  origin  of  those  compounds  of  radiant  eyes,  and  am  now 
inclined  to  retain  for  them  the  character  of  luminous  objects  in  general  and 
particularly  of  stars.    Doctor  Preuss  has  lately  identified  them  with  the  butter- 


srler] 


NOTES  AND  EMENDATIONS 


669 


fly  as  an  image  of  fire.  This  is  in  a  certain  way  proved  by  the  particular  form 
which  these  radiant  eyes  assume  on  certain  monuments  of  Mexican  construction. 
(See  the  account  of  the  quauhxicalli,  "dish  for  sacrificial  blood",  of  the 
National  Museum  in  the  City  of  Mexico  in  my  Gesammelte  Abhandlungen  yaw 
amerikanisclien  Sprach-  und  Alt(n-thnniskiin(l(\  11»04,  volnnie  2,  ]y.\'j:{'  Sll.)  But 
here,  too,  the  coincidence  might  be  cx])l;iin('d  in  a  different  way — tliat  is  to  say, 
by  the  supposition  that  the  Mexicans  by  this  form  tried  to  transform  the  star 
symbol,  which,  i)erhaps,  was  handed  over  to  lliein  by  tlie  astronomer-priests  of 
the  eastern  tril)es,  into  a  symbol  more  in  aecoi-daiice  with  Mexican  thought  and 
Mexi'can  pictorial  style.  As  to  the  true  meaning  of  these  eyes  and  the  faces 
by  which  in  fragments  II  to  XI  of  our  Mitla  wall  paintings  the  eyes  are 
replaced,  it  is  an  important  fact  that  in  fragment  V  the  faces  surrounded  by 
eyes,  which  are  seen  looking  down  from  the  sky.  are  painted  with  the  quincunx, 
the  facial  painting  of  the  morning  star.  The  interpretation  I  gave  of  the 
border  of  which  these  eye-surrounded  luminous  faces  form  part,  viz,  that  this 
border  represents  the  eastern  sky,  is  proved  by  this  to  l)e  true. 

13  (page  342,  line  2).  The  plain  on  which  the  houses  of  the  village  of 
Tepoxtlan  are  built  is  the  bottom  of  a  huge  crater,  the  borders  of  which  sur- 
round the  plain  on  the  north  and  south  sides  of  the  village. 

14  (page  344,  line  8).  On  my  recent  trip  to  Mexico,  in  October  and  Novem- 
ber, 1904,  I  took  the  opportunity  to  visit  Tepoxtlan,  in  order  to  make  molds  of 
the  sculptures  that  adorn  the  walls  of  the  cella.  I  there  assured  myself  that 
the  walls  of  the  pyramid  are  plainly  visible  from  the  village  site,  being  dis- 
tinguished by  their  white  color  from  the  surrounding  mountain  crest. 

15  (page  346,  line  5).  On  visiting  Tepoxtlan  I  saw  that  it  is  not  a  picture  of 
the  sun  that  is  seen  on  the  pillars  walling  the  entrance  to  the  cella,  but  the 
lower  part  of  a  huge  glyph  of  the  chalchiuitl,  or  green  precious  stone. 

16  (page  366,  line  20).  I  was  mistaken  in  assuming  that  the  day  sigh  Cipactli, 
on  page  25  of  the  Borgian  codex,  is  placed  beside  the  god  C  (figure  04),  who, 
by  the  striped  white  body  coloring  and  the  deep  black  painting  around  the 
eyes,  resembles  Tlauizcalpan  Tecutli.  the  divinity  of  the  morning  star.  It 
escaped  my  notice,  when  I  first  brought  together  the  material  handled  in  this 
article,  that  on  page  25  of  the  Borgian  codex  it  is  indicated  by  red  lines  in  what 
manner  the  day  signs  are  to  be  connected  with  their  corresponding  figures. 
By  these  red  lines  the  sign  Cipactli  is  appointed  to  the  figure  in  the  upper 
corner  on  the  right  hand,  who,  by  his  long  beard  and  general  appearance, 
resembles  the  god  E  (figure  94).  This  god  is  consequently  to  be  considered 
as  the  representative  of  the  east,  and  the  figure  resembling  Tlauizcalpan 
Tecutli,  the  divinity  of  the  morning  star,  corresponds  to  the  north.  The  latter 
figure  is,  in  fact,  not  the  morning  star  represented  in  a  special  role.  It  is 
an  image  of  Mixcuatl,  the  god  of  the  chase,  the  god  of  the  Chichimecs,  who 
is  not  identical,  it  is  true,  with  the  morning  star,  but  must  be  regarded  as 
very  nearly  related  to  him.  I  explained  this  more  in  detail  in  the  revision  of 
this  article,  published  in  my  Gesammelte  Abhandlungen  zur  amerikanischen 
Sprach-  und  Alterthumskunde,  1902,  volume  1,  pages  618  to  (UJT,  and  in  the 
first  volume  of  my  interpretation  of  the  Borgian  codex,  1904,  pages  259  to  265. 

17  (page  367,  line  15).  As  I  pointed  out  in  the  foregoing  note,  the  god  with 
the  heavy  beard  and  eyebrows  and  the  bicolored,  half  red,  half  black,  face 
painting,  must  be  regarded  as  the  lord  of  the  first  division,  or  the  east ;  Xipe 
Totec,  consequently,  as  the  lord  of  the  third  division,  or  the  west,  and  Tlaloc 
as  the  lord  of  the  fourth  division,  or  the  south. 

18  (page  369,  line  8).  As  to  this  point,  too,  I  came  recently  to  another  inter- 
pretation.   I  believe  now — and  I   explained  these  figures  in  this  way  in 


670 


BUKEAU  or  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL.  28 


volume  1  of  my  interpretation  of  the  Borgian  codex — that  the  first  two  rows 
of  divinities  are  constructed  with  regard  to  the  planet  Venus  as  morning  star, 
and  consequently  refer  to  the  east ;  but  that  the  two  latter  rows  are  constructed 
with  regard  to  the  evening  star,  and  refer  to  the  west.  The  east  is  the  region 
of  the  w^arriors,  that  is,  of  the  sacrificed;  the  west,  that  of  the  women.  In 
the  first  two  regions  we  have,  therefore,  representations  of  sacrifice;  in  the 
latter  two,  representations  referring  to  childbirth  and  nursing.  The  tearing 
out  of  the  yellow^  stripe  ending  in  flowers  and  precious  stones  I  am  inclined  to 
consider  now  as  a  figurative  expression  of  childbirth,  since  it  is  very  common 
in  Mexican  figurative  speech  to  allude  to  a  newly  born  child  by  the  names  of 
precious  feathers  or  precious  stones. 

19  (page  3G9,  last  line).  In  conformity  with  the  view  expressed  in  the  fore- 
going note,  I  am  now  inclined  to  accept  the  nursing  of  the  female  deities  simply 
as  that  which  it  is,  i.  e.,  the  nursing  of  a  child. 

20  (page  371,  line  25).  I  repeat  that  h  and  d,  figure  95,  as  well  as  c  and  d, 
figure  94,  represent  not  the  morning  star  himself  but  the  morning  star  in  his 
special  role  of  hunting  god  and  war  god ;  that  is  to  say,  the  god  Mixcuatl,  or 
Camaxtli. 

21  (page  389,  line  25).  I  am  now  inclined  to  assume  another  correspondence 
of  these  five  spear-throwing  gods  with  the  five  directions,  supposing  that  each 
of  these  divinities  was  allotted  to  the  quarter  just  opposite  to  that  where  lives 
the  demon  at  whom  he  throws  the  spear.  On  this  supposition,  the  black  god 
would  occupy  the  region  of  the  west,  throwing  his  spear  at  the  god  of  festivity 
in  the  east ;  this  black  god,  consequently,  would  correspond  to  the  god  Xipe  of 
page  25  of  the  Borgian  codex.  The  red  rain  god  of  the  second  period,  throwing 
his  spear  at  the  jaguar  in  the  north,  would  then  own  the  region  of  the  south  and 
correspond  to  the  rain  god  of  the  Borgian  codex.  The  god  with  the  animal  face, 
who  throws  his  spear  at  the  maize  god,  that  is,  to  the  west,  must  correspondingly 
belong  to  the  east  and  be  identified  with  the  god  with  the  heavy  beard  and 
eyebrows  and  the  bicolored,  half  red,  half  black,  face  who  stands  in  the  upper 
right  corner  of  the  page  in  the  Borgian  codex.  And  the  warrior  with  the  face 
painting  resembling  that  of  the  Mexican  Tezcatlipoca,  who  throws  his  spear 
at  the  sun-bearer,  the  turtle,  the  symbol  of  the  kings,  nmst  correspond  to  the 
Chichimec  god  Mixcuatl  of  the  Borgian  codex,  god  of  the  north.  The  fifth  and 
last  divinity  is  the  god  with  the  beady  eyes,  who,  I  said,  must  symbolize  the 
lower  region,  or  the  earth.  He  throws  his  spear  at  the  warrior,  that  is,  the 
inhabitants  of  the  upper  world,  of  the  heavens,  where  the  dead  warriors  go 
(see  my  interpretation  of  the  Borgian  codex,  1904,  volume  1,  pages  327  to  336). 


INDEX 


Acalan.   female  deity  worshipped 

in    81 

inliabitants  of   7!) 

visited  by  Cortes_   78 

Acalans.  worsliip  among   82 

AcatI  (i-eed),  Mexican  year  sign__  24, 
25,  26,  27,  33,  47 
Achiotlan,  holy  city  of  Mixtecs-__  292-293 

idol  at   292-293,  668 

oracle  at   292 

Acompanados,  the  nine  "  lords  of 

the  night  "   18 

Ahau,  Maya  day  sign   26, 

27,  30,  33,  35,  36,  54 

Ahpula,  date  of  death  of   332 

Akbal,  Maya  day  sign   26,  33,  34,  35 

Alta  Vera  Paz,  ancient  inhabitants 

of   101 

characteristics  of   78 

Alva  Ixtlilxochitl,  Juan  de,  paper 

belonging  to   20 

Amatitlan,  toothed  vessels  of   77 

Ambras,  collection  at  castle  of   59,  73 

Anales  de  Quauhtitlan,  account  of 
light  of  planet  Venus 

in    384-385 

ornaments  ascribed  to  Quetz- 

alcouatl  in   60 

Andagoya  on  dress  in  Nicaragua--  612 

Antequera,  settlement  of   260 

Antiquities,     Maya,  comparative 
studies  of,  paper  on, 

by  P.  Schellhas   591-622 

no  uniform  type  among   621 

Zapotec,  bearing  of,  on  myth- 
ical conceptions   302-305 

Architecture  in  Guatemala   81 

Arm  ornaments,  Maya   606-607 

Atemoztli,  Mexican  feast   23 

Atlcaualco,  as  first  month  of  Mexi- 
can year   139 

Aubin-Goupil  collection,  figure  of 

Axayacatl  in   59,  60 

papers  of  Siguenza  contained 

in   20 

shield  in   64 

synopsis  of,  by  E.  Boban   60,  64 

Auitzotl,  King,  glyph  of,  in  temple 

of  Tepoxtlan   347 

Axayacatl,    figure    of,    in  Aubin- 
Goupil  collection   60 

in  war  against  Moquiuix   61 

Xipe  dress  worn  by   62, 


63,  64,  65,  67,  69 


Page. 

Azcapotzalco,  Mexicans  freed  from, 

by  Itzcouatl   61 

Bancroft,  H.  11.,  on  Maya  dress_  602, 

603,  617 

Banner  of  Axayacatl  and  Bilimec 

warriors   72 

Bastian,    Adolph.    on    the    "  geo- 
graphical province"-  266 

Bat  god,  corresponds  to  east   241 

cult  of,  limited  to  Maya  and 

Zapotec-Mixtec   235 

drawing  of,  sent  by  Dieseldorff 
to  Anthropological 

Society   233 

glyph  of   238-241 

names  of   234 

of  the  Maya,  paper  on,  by  Ed 

uard  Seler   233-241 

on   vase   excavated   by  Dies- 
eldorff   241 

Beard,  depicted   in   Maya  manu- 
scripts   599-600 

in    Mexico   658-659 

Becker,  P.  J.,  Mixtec  manuscripts 

in  collection  of   64 

Been,    Chiapanec    or    ISIaya  year 

sign   24. 

26,  27,  33,  34,  35,  40,  47 
Benito,  Fray,  idol  at  Achiotlan  de- 
stroyed   by   292-293 

Berendt.   C.   H.,  books  of  Chilan 

Balam  prepared  by_    27,  329 

on    Lacandons   80 

Berlin     Anthropological  Society, 
drawing   of  painted 

vessel  sent  to   87 

report   of   Dieseldorfif's  work 

published  by   78 

Bernal  Diaz,  on  date  of  Cort^s's  en- 
trance into  Mexico- _  140 
on   expedition   of   Cortes  to 

Honduras   78,  79,  80 

on  Zagoatan  in  Tabasco   81 

Bibliography,    Maya   537-538 

Biblioteca  Laurenziana,  figure  from 
Sahagun  manuscript 

in    132 

Biblioteca  Nazionale  at  Florence, 
picture  manuscript 

in    59,  60,  72 

Bilimec  collection,  painting  in   60, 

62,  63,  64,  65,  67 
Bill  for  provisions  from  Mizqui- 

yauallan    196-200 


671 


672 


INDEX 


rage. 

Bill  of  complaint,  Indian  210-212 

Biologia    Centrali-Americana   575 

Blood  offering  among  Zapotecs   277 

Boban,    E.,    synopsis    of  Aiibin- 

Goupil  collection  by_      60,  64 

Bolon  Zacab,  Maya  god   34,  46,  668 

Bones,  use  of,   in  making  imple- 
ments   658 

Boturini     Bernaducci,  Cavaliere 
Lorenzo,  Museo  Indi- 

ano   of   128 

on  fragments  iii  and   iv  of 

Humboldt  collection-  176-178 
Siguenza's  papers   in  posses- 
sion of   20 

Boturini  collection,  fragments  of 
Humboldt  collection 

attributed    to   100. 

196.  200,  217,  221,  227-228 
Bowditch,  C.  P.,  study  of  native 
American  writing 

promoted  by   !) 

translation  of  papers  on  na- 
tive American  writ- 
ing directed  by   10 

Bowls,  circular,  of  Amatitlan   110 

Bradley,  Chan  Santa  Cruz  visited 

by    633 

Brasseur    de     Bourbourg,  Abbe, 
Landa  manuscript 

discovered  by   501 

on  blessing  of  the  fields   43 

on  dress  of  American  In- 
dians   603 

on  morning  star   321 

Brinton.   I),   (i.,  books  of  Chilan 

Balam  owned  by   27 

Chilan  Balam  published  by   320 

glyph    on    vessel  reproduced 

by   111 

on     relation    of    glyphs  to 

meaning  of  word   517 

on  sign  Cauac   668 

Buildings,  magnificence  of,  in  Za- 

potec  country   248 

Burgoa, .  Father,  on  harvest  cere- 
mony at  Quiecolani_  300 
on   house  of   high   priest  at 

Mitla  _  249-252,  253-254,  255 
on    human    sacrifice  among 

Zapotecs    277 

on  idol  at  Achiotlan   292,  668 

on  intercalary  days   19 

on  marriage  of  Mexican  prin- 
cess    and  Zapotec 

king   Cocijoeza   264 

on  Mixtec  cave  burial   248 

on  southern  migration  of  Za- 
potecs   261 

on  Zapotec  expiation  of  sin   278-280 

on  Zapotec  high  priest   248 

on  Zapotec  priest  pupils   277 

on  Zapotec  priests   275,  276 

Caban,  Maya  day  sign   33,  50,  51.  52 

Pacique,     office    of,     among  the 

Mayas   ^^..^  630 


Page. 

Cahabon,  characteristics  and  lan- 
guage  of   88 

Calendar,   Central    American,  in- 
vention of,  ascribed 

to  Toltecs   327 

paper  on,  by  E.  Forste- 

mann   515-519 

Maya,  baffling  points  in   4  75 

dates    of   402-407 

nature   of   327 

significance  of,  in  historic 
chronology,  paper  on, 

by  Eduard  Seler   325-337 

III    2;    13,    3d  month, 

explanation    of   477 

Mexican,    origin    in  Zapotec 

country   55 

table   illustrating   136 

Zapotec    36-54,  266-267,  268 

four  sections  of,  referred 

to  rain  god   268-269 

initial  days  of  foui"  quar- 
ters according  to   25 

Calendars.   Central   American   450 

Calli  (house),  Mexican  year  sign_  24, 
25,  26,  27,  33 

Camaca,  estate  of  Motecuhzoma_  155. 

157-15S 

Camaxtli,  Tlaxcaltec  war  god   179, 

668,  670 

Campur,    cave    in,    excavated  by. 

Sapper    8i>-90 

Canek,  cacique  of  Peten,  visited 

by    Cortes   78 

Cannibalism  among  Mexicans  and 

Zapotecs    278 

Cardinal  ))oints,  colors  for   31-33,  667 

glyphs  for   27-35 

in  Zapotec  calendar   38 

symbol    of  132-133 

Carrillo  y  Ancona,  Crescentio.  on 
vessel    found  at 

Puerto    Progreso  108-109 

Castaneda.  B.,  collection  of   113 

Cauac,  Maya  glyph  -53,  54,  668 

Maya  year  sign   24, 

26.  27,  28,  33,  34,  35,  667 
Cave  burial  among  Zapotecs  and 

Mixtecs    247-248 

Cazuelas,  three-footed  dishes   92 

Ceamay,    cave    in,    excavated  by 

Sapper   90 

Chac,  Maya  god  of  rain  and  thun- 
der   22, 


Chalca,  subjugated  by  Motecuhzo- 

ma  the  elder   61 

Chalcatongo,  cave  of,  burial  place 

of  Mixtec  kings   248 

Chama,  Maya  ruins  near   86,  87,  88 

two  vases  from,  papers  on,  by 
Dieseldorff,  Seler, 
and  Forstemann   635-666 

Chan  Santa  Cruz,  sacred  city  of 

eastern    Mayas   626, 


628,  629,  630,  633,  634 


INDEX 


678 


Page. 

Charencey,  Count  de,  vocabulary 

by    50 

Charnay,  I).,  sacrificial  vessels 
found  by.  at  Menche 

Tinamit    H'.i 

vessels  from  Tabasco  placed 
in  Trocadero  Museum 

by  -  90 

Chiapas,  as  an  industrial  center   110 

Lacandons    in   SO 

Chiatzam,  collections  from   90 

Chibiras,  Zapotec  goddess   50 

Chichen  Itza,  fall  of  liUQ-li^l 

ruins  of   385 

Chilan  Balam,  books  of,  assign- 
ment of  Maya  year 
to  cardinal  points  in  27 

chronology   in   330-331 

initial  day  of  Maya  year 

in   26 

nature  of   329 

sixteenth     Zapotec  day 

sign  in   49 

Chimalli  stone  from  Cuernavaca_  64 
Chimalpahin,  on  date  of  Cortos's 

entrance  into  Mexico  140 

on  death  of  Quauhtemoc  159-160 

on    San    Antonio  I'imentel 

Tlauitoltzin   194 

Chinax,  Chiapanec  year  sign   24 

Chixoy,  valley  of,  ruins  in   86 

Chols,  characteristics  and  lan- 
guage   of   S1-,S3 

described  by  Dominican  monks  82-83 

fate  of   S2 

location    of   80 

Chronica  de  la  S.  Provincia  del 
Santissimo  Nombre 
de  Jesus  de  Guate- 
mala, 1683    19 

Chronology,  Maya,  paper  on,  by  H 

Forstemann   473-481) 

Mexican,  early,  contradictions 

in   332-333 

how   reckoned  134-139 

in  early  history   330 

paper     on.     by  Eduard 

Seler    11-55 

peculiarities  of   13 

Ciclografia  Mexicana.  lost  work 
by  Siguenza  y  (ion- 

gora    20 

Cipactli,  Mexican  day  sign   25, 

26,  366,  369 
Civilization,    degree   of,    in  Vera 

Paz    110 

Central  American,  character- 
istics   of   596-597 

source    of    621-622 

Maya,   modern   628-634 

relation  of  to  Aztec  civil- 
ization   540-543 

Mexican  and  Central  Ameri- 
can, unity  of   266-274 


Page. 

Clavigero,   on  beginning  of  time 

cycle    25 

on  intercalary  days   20 

Cloaks  used  l)y  Mayas   611 

Coatl,  Mexican  day  sign   42 

Cocij,  Zapotec  time  period  of  13 

days    '271 

Cocijo,  Zapotec  god  of  rain,  etc   267,  300 

Cocijoeza.  marriage  of.  with  Mexi- 
can princess   264 

Codex,  Borgian,  demon  Xolotl  in   46 

Mexican  chronology  in   21 

pictures  of  bat  god  in   235-237 

rain  god  in  .38,  269-270 

Tezcatlipoca  represented  in  __  68 

tiger  drumskin  in   67 

Xolotl  represented  in   65 

Codex.  Boturini.  glyph  in   60 

Codex.  Cortes,  cardinal  points  in_  28,  29,  31 

glyph  in   52 

nineteenth   Zapotec  day  sign 

in   53 

Codex,  Cozcatzin,  figures  in   60, 

61,  63,  64,  65,  67 

Codex,  Dresden  : 

black  «'hac  in   40 

celestial  shields  in   95 

compiitation  from  zero  point 

in   35-36 

computation  of  time  in   20 

explanation  of  page  24  of   431-443 

pages  25  to  28   477 

pages  31a  to  32a   455-461 

pages  46  to  50   387-389 

pages  51  to  58  and  71 

to  73   445-453 

pages  61  to  64  and  69 

to  73   409-422 

series  of  numbers,  pages 

51  to  58   46.3-472 

glyphs  in   31.51.52.54,438-443 

initial  day  of  Mexican  year  in  26-27 

numbers  and  dates  in   397-407 

numbers  in   433-437 

page  24.  astronomic  problem 

on   431 

copy  of   432 

tenth  Zapotec  day  sign  in   45 

Codex.  Fejervary,  pictures  of  bat 

god  in   235 

Codex,  Mendoza,  tribute  of  cities 

of  Mixteca  in   144 

Codex.  Perez,  celestial  shields  in   95 

computation  of  time  in   21 

Codex  Telleriano-Remensis.  begin- 
ning of  time  cycle  in  25 
figure  of  meml)er  of  .Jalisco 

tribe  in   74 

marriage  of  Mexicafi  princess 

with  Cocijoeza  in   264 

Mexican  flag  festival  in   131 

seventeenth  Zapotec  day  sign 

in   50 

Tepeolotlec  in   291 


7238— No.  28—05  i3 


INDEX 


674 

Page. 

Codex,  Troano,  animal  traps  in   5?. 

black  Cliac  in   40 

colors  for  cardinal  points  in   32 

glyphs  in  30,  51,  52 

inversion    of    true    order  of 

glyphs  in   33 

Codex  Vaticanus  A.  Mexican  flag 

festival  in   131 

seventeenth  Zapotec  day  sign 

in   50 

Tezcatlipoca  represented  in   50 

war  dress  in   61-62 

Codex  Vaticanus  B,  demon  Xolotl 

in   46 

pictures  of  bat  god  in   235 

rain     god     in  cardinal 

points  in   38 

Codex,  Vergara,  village  statistics 

in    201,  202,  206 

Codex,  Vienna,  cited   48 

region  of   068 

Cogolludo,  on  length  of  Katun   320 

on  Maya  dress   002,  000,  611 

on  second  Zapotec  day  sign   40 

Collars,  Maya  613-617 

Commandments,  Ten,  and  Creed, 
in  fragment  XVI  of 
Humboldt  collection.  221-227 
Congress  of  Americanists  at  Ber- 
lin, exhibit  of  Hum- 


boldt collection  at__  128 
Constellations,  Mexican,  relation  of 

to  cardinal  points   356-358 

Cooking,    importance    of  among 

Mexicans   214 

Copa    pitao,    Zapotec    name  of 

ordinary  priests   276 

Copan,  architecture  at   81 

Chorti  near   81 

excavations  near   77 

prosperity  of   82 

Copenhagen,  museum  at,  clay  ves- 
sel from  I*eten  in   83 

clay  vessel  from  Tabasco 

in   83 

Coqui-Cilla,  Zapotec  deity          284,  285,  286 

Coqui-Nij,  Zapotec  deity   285 

Coqui-Xee,  Zapotec  deity   284,  285,  286 

Cordova,  Juan  de,  on  animals  in 

Zapotec  calendar   43 

on  human  sacrifice  among  Za- 

potecs   278 

on  Zapotec  calendar   37 

on  Zapotec  day  signs          271,  272-273 

on  Zapotec  expiation  of  sin   278 

on  Zapotec  omens   42 

on  Zapotec  religion   284 

on  Zapotec  time  signs  ^   267 

Zapotec  calendar  recorded  in 

grammar  of   36 

Zapotec  language  taken  up  by  41 
Cortes,  agreement  on  dates  of,  in 

Mexico   140-144 

expedition   of,   to  Honduras, 

1525   78-79 

on  Zagoatan  m  Tabasco.,.--^  83 


Page. 

Coslahan    tox,    demon    of  the 


Tzental-Zotzil   43 

Cozaana.  Zapotec  creation  deity  __  288 
Cozcaquauhtii,  Mexican  day  sign_  25,  48,  49 

Creation,  god  and  goddess  of  2S6-289 

Mixtec  legend  of   289-290 


Creed  and  Ten  Commandments  in 
fragment     XVI  of 


Humboldt  collection-  221-227 
Cronica  Frauciscana,  (xuatemalan, 

nemontemi  in   23-24 

Zapotec  day  signs  in   47,  48 

Cronica  Mexicana  of  Tezozomoc,  ad- 
monitions regarding 
the  stars  to  Motecuh- 

zoma  Xocoyotzin  in_  355 

Cuetzpalin,  Mexican  day  sign   41,  65 

Cukulcan.  Maya  god  of  light   665,  666 

Cumku,  Maya  month   26,  27,  33,  35 

Date,  normal,  in  Maya  computation  328-329 

Day,  Maya,  designation  of   399 

XIII  20,  prominence  of   477 

Day  signs,  Mexican,   in  harmony 

with  Maya   35-36 

method  of  reckoning   13 

tables   illustrating   13,  15 

Zapotec   37-54,  271-274 

relation   of,   to  Mexican 

and  Maya  signs   274 

Tzental-Zotzil    40, 43 

Days,  17  intercalated,  among  the 

xMayas   470 

origin  of  series  of  20.  among 

the  Mayas   493 

series  of  20.  first  day  of   475-476 

Deities,  female,  of  Acalan,  Ta- 
basco, and  Tixchel—  81-82 

identification  of   33-34 

minor  Zapotec   301-302 

Deity,  Zapotec  creative,  character- 
istics of-__   284-289 

names   of   284 

Del  Castillo,  Cristobal,  notes  by__  18 
Del    Rio.    Antonio,    ruins    of  Pa- 

lenque  studied  by   547 

Dieseldorff,   E.    P.,   collection  of, 

heads  of  sun  god  in_  99 

incense  spoon  handle  in_  93-94 

example  of   121 

excavations  at  La  Cueva  by   103 

excavations  at  Pancpiip  Ijy   107 

excavations  in  Alta  Vera  I'az 

under  direction  of   78 

on  meaning  of  Mol   429 

on  vessel  from  Chama   97 

researches    by,     in  Central 

America    539-540 

Dominical  letters,  Maya  _^  ^  17,  34 

Dorenberg,  Mixtec  manuscripts  in 

collection   of   64 

Dos  Piedras,  by  Leon  y  Gama.  last 
five  days  of  Mexican 

year  in   IS 

Dress  in  war  of  Mexican  kings  61-02,  09 

Maya,  characteristics  of   601- 


603,  007-613 


INDEX 


675 


Page. 

Durfln,  atlas  of,  plume  in   63 

bat  dancer  in   72 

on  cipactii   39 

on  last  live  days  of  Mexican 

year   17 

Ear  ornaments.  Maya  G13-617 

El),  Maya  day  sign   33 

Ehecatl.  ]\rexican  wind  fj:od  133-134 

(wind),  second  Mexican  day 

sign   40,  134 

Etzalqualiztli,  festival  of  Mexican 

rain  f?od  TIaloc   23, 

120,  132,  135,  136 

Excavations   near  Copan   and  in 

Alta  Vera  I*az   77-78 

Exhibition,    American  Historical, 

at  Madrid.  1S02   77,  83 

Expiation,  Zapotec  ceremony  of__  278-280 
Zapotec  symbols  of   281-283 

Exposition,  Columbian,  vessel  from 
Ecuadorian  exhibit 
at    83 

Ezanab,  Maya  day  sign___  26,  33,  34,  35,  52 

Fabrega,  on  seven  suppressed  days 
in  reckoning  Mexi- 
can time   21 

Face  masks  on  Lacandon  ves- 
sels  84-85 

Fans,  use  of,  among  Mayas  and 

Mexicans    651-654 

Feather  ornament,  Mexican,  con- 
jecture concerning   73 

bow    worn   74 

Feather  ornaments,  ancient  Mexi- 
can, paper  on,  by  Ed- 
na rd  Seler   59-74 

Feathers,  use  of,  in  holiday  dress_  172-173 

Fernandez,    Francisco,    on  Maya 

day   gods   559 

Figure    fragments,    Guatemalan__  95-99 

Figure  vessels  from  La  Cueva  103-104 

from  Vera  Paz   107 

Finger  joints  in  vessels  found  at 

La    Cueva  105-106 

Flags,  use  of,  among  Mexicans   131 

Foot  gear,  Maya   603 

Forstemann,    E.,    computation  of 

dates  by   20 

Maya  calendar  studied  by   327. 

328,  330 

on  glyph  of  planet  Venus  311,  371 

on  Mexican  computations  on 

planet  Venus   364,  375 

on  Mexican  year  signs   26-27 

on  reckoning  from  zero  point-  35 
on    tablets    in    Maya  manu- 
scripts   101 

studies  of  Maya  calendar  and 

chronology    by   596 

Gama.    Sec  Leon  y  Gama. 
Garcia,  Gregorio,  Mixtec  creation 

legend  told  by   289-290 

Gemelli  Carreri,  Siguenza's  Ciclo- 
grafia  Mexicana  re- 
ferred to  by   20 


Pago. 

(Myphs,  on  Chama  vase_  660-662,  663-664 


on  vessel  in  Castafieda  col- 
lection   114-121 

use  of,  in  Humboldt  collec- 
tion of  Mexican  pic- 
ture writings   228 

Guatemalan    88 

Zorita  on   88 

Maya,   interpretation   of  50.'',-5()4, 

505-513 

papers  on,  by  E.  Fch-ste- 

mann    499-513 

(iods,  day,  of  the  Mayas,  paper  on, 

by  E.  Forstemann__  557-572 
Maya,  and  their  respec- 
tive days__  560-569,  570-572 

pulque,    Mexican  :!47-;{52 

names  of   348 

Zapotec,  in  relation  to  cal- 
endar   290-291 

(iolfo  Dulce,  expedition  of  Cortes 

to    78 

Gomara,   on   names  of  cities,  in 

Acalan    79 

in    Mazatlan   80 

(Joupil,   Eugene.   Aubin  collection 

owned  by   20 

Goupil-Boban  atlas,  village  statis- 
tics in   201-202,  204,  206 

(Government  of  independent  Maya 

States   626,  630-632 

Grass  rope,  symbolism  of,  among 

Zapotecs   280-283 

Guatemala,   antiquities   of.  paper 

on,  by  Eduard  Seler_  75-121 

Gunckel,  L.  W.,  on  reading  Maya 

manuscripts   548 

Ilaebler,  K.,  Maya  bibliography  by  537 

Hair,  how  worn  by  Mexican  war- 
riors  162-163 

Hand  rollers,  Guatemalan   91 

Headdress  depicted  on  pottery  117-118 

Maya   617-620 

Hernandez,  on  tlaca-xolotl   94 

llerrera,  on  Maya  dress   603 

High  priest,  Zapotec   248 

house  of   249-252 

Historia  de  los  Mexicanos  por  sus 
I'inturas,  Mexican 
creation  myth  in   24 

Hochstetter,   on   Mexican  feather 

ornament   60,  68,  73-74 

on  standard  of  feather  orna- 
ment  (56 

Holmes,  W.  H.,  cited  on  Mexican 

archeology   543 

study  of  glazed  vessels  from 

Zoncuautla  by   109 

Honduras,  British,  invasion  of,  by 

Icaiche  Indians   627 

Horse   of   Cortes,    worshipped  at 

Peten   94 

Huam^ntla,  fragments  III  and  IV 
of  Humboldt  collec- 
tion found  at   178 


INDEX 


676 


Page. 

Huaxteca,  gesture  inviting  to  eat 

in   30 

Huechaana   (Huicliaana) ,  Zapotec 

creation  deity   288-289 

Humboldt,  Alexander  von,  Mexican 
picture  writings  of, 
paper  on.  hy  Eduard 

Seler   123-229 

on   fragment   II   of  Mexican 

picture  writings  154-155 

on  fragment  VI  of  Mexican 

picture  writings   190 


on  purchase  of  fragment  II  of 
collection  of  Mexi- 
can picture  writings  127-128 
on  seated  figures  in  fragment 
VI  of  Mexican  pic- 
ture writings   192-193 

on  symbolism  of  tongue   162 

theory  of  Fabrega  supported 

by    21 

Icaiche,  southern  Maya  town   02(5. 

627,  628,  629,  630,  633,  634 
Ichcanzihoo,   Spanish   victory  at, 

date  of   331 

Ik.    t^re  Ix. 

Imix,    Maya    day    sign,  meaning 

of   40 

Imperial  Museum  of  Natural  His- 
tory at  Vienna,  Mex- 
ican feather  orna- 
ment in   59 

Incense,  burning  of,  among  Zapo- 

tecs   277 

pouch  of  Mexican  priests   146-147 

spoons   92-94 

Intercalary  days,  in  Mexican  year. 

See  Year,  Mexican. 

13,  after  52  years   20-21,667 

25,  after  104  years   21 

Intercalation,  in  Maya  calendar__  328-329 
Interpretation  of  device  worn  by 
Axayacatl  and  Bili- 

mec  warrior   67-68 

Uzaex.  idolatry  of   45,  82 

Itzamna,  Maya  god   35 

Itzcouatl,    Mexicans    freed  from 

Azcapotzalco  by   61 

Ixcozauhqui,  fire  god  of  Tlatelolco_  68 
Itzcuintli,   Mexican  day  sign,  in- 
terpretation of   44 

Ix,  Maya  year  sign   24, 

26,  27,  28.  33,  34,  35,  40,  47 

Ixchebelyax,  Zapotec  goddess   50 

Ixchel,  Zapotec  earth  goddess   50,  51 

Ixkanha.  southern  Maya  town   626, 

627.  628.  629,  630,  634 

Ixtlilxochitl,  codex  attributed  to__  59 

on  population  of  Tezcuco   192 

Kakupacat,  Maya  god   40 

Kan,  Maya  year  sign   24,  26,  27, 

28,  33,  34,  35,  40,  41,  42,  45,  667 

Katuns  in  Maya  calendar   329-330 

Kayab.  Maya  tortoise  month,  im- 
portant days  in   426 

Kinchahau,  Maya  god   34,  35 


Page. 

Ivingsborough,  fragments  I  and  II 
of    Mexican  picture 
writings  in  work  of_  128 
Lacandons,     characteristics  and 

language   of   80-81 

described  by  Sapper   82 

worship  of   82 

La  Cueva,  fragments  from  103-105 

plan  of   '  103 

Lamat.  Maya  day  sign         26,  33,  34,  35,  44 

Lambat,  Chiapanec  year  sign   24 

Landa,  Diego  de,  discovery  of  man- 
uscript by   501 

on  beginning  of  Maya  year   446 

on  colors  for  cardinal  points-  31, 

32,  667 

on  initial  day  of  Maya  year__  26,  27 
on  last  five  days  of  Mexican 

year    17 

on  length  of  katun   329 

on  Maya  dress   001-602, 

603,  607,  608,  609,  611 

on  Maya  headdress   617 

on  Maya  liuman  sacrifices   276-277 

on  Maya  New  Year   22-23 

on  physical  characteristics  of 

Mayas   599 

Zac  Ziui  mentioned  by   50 

La  Serna,  Jacinto  de,  on  interca- 
lary  days   667 

Las  Pacayas.    Sec  I*anquip. 
Lawsuit    illustrated    in  fragment 
VI  of  Humboldt  col- 
lection   193-195 

Leap  year,  theory  of,  in  comput- 
ing Mexican  time   18-19 

Leg,  dress  and  ornamentation  of, 

among  Mayas   604-605 

Leon.  Nicolas.  Cordova's  grammar 

republished  by   36 

Leon  y  Gama,  Antonio  de,  frag- 
ment II  of  Mexican 
picture  writings  from 

collection    of  127-128 

on  beginning  of  Mexican  year_  17-18 
on  last  five  days  of  Mexican 

year   18 

theory  of  intercalation  in  Dos 

I'iedras  of   21 

tonalamatl    of   Aubin  collec- 
tion, pages  1  and  2, 

attributable  to   668 

Lery,  on  use  of  fire  fan  in  Bra- 
zil   652 

Lords    of    the    cycle    among  the 

Mayas   493 

Lords  of  the  night   18 

Mac,  Maya  month   43 

Macuilxochic,  buildings  at   298-300 

Maler,  Teobert,   investigations  in 

Yucatan  by   543 

Malinalli.    twelfth    Mexican  day 

sign   134 

Manik,  Maya  day  sign   30.  33 

Mars,   revolution   of,   relation  of, 

to  Maya  chronology  497 


INDEX 


Page. 

Maudslay,  A.  P.,  Central  American 

ruins  studied  by   640 

contributions  to  Central  Amer- 
ican archaeology  by_  538-539 
glazed  face  jar  from  Copan 

copied  by   109 

on  figures  on  stelae  of  Copan_  81 
on  Temple  of  Cross  No.  2  at 

Palenque   583 

Maya  investigations,  recent,  papers 

on.  by  E.  Forstemann  535-543 

Mayapan,  destruction  of   334-337 

Mayas,  custom  of,  at  feasts   109 

names    of    treatises    by  E. 

Forstemann  on   503 

nationality  preserved  by   82 

independent,  character  of   632 

Mazatl,  "  deer,"  seventh  Mexican 

day  sign   65,  134 

Mazatlan,  visited  by  Cortes   79 

Melchior    Rodriquez,  Lancandons 

met  by   80-81 

Merida,  bishop  of.    See  Carrillo  y 
Ancona. 

founding  of,  date  of   331-332 

Mexico,  last  native  rulers  of   160-170 

Miller,  Chan  Santa  Cruz  visited 

by    632-633 

Millstones,  Guatemalan,  Sapper  on_  90-91 

Miquiztli,  Mexican  day  sign   25 

Mitla,  description  of   247-257 

subjugated  by  Mexicans   262 

San  Pablo  de,  church  of   257 

Mixcuatl,  god  of  chase   669,  670 

Mixteca,  intercalary  days  in  year 

of   19 

Mizquiyauallan,  bill  from   196-200 

receipt   from   214-215 

Moan,  Maya  cloud  spirit   43,  44 

Molina,  on  last  five  days  of  Mexi- 
can year   17 

Monte  Sacro,  shrine  of  Amaqueme  154,  175 
Montejo,    P^'rancisco    de,    aid  of 

Cortes  sought  by   625 

Moon  worship,  among  Zapotecs   300 

Moquiuix  in  Aubin-Goupil  collec- 
tion   60 

Motecuhzoma,  glyphic  designation 

of  elder  and  younger  156,  668 

origin  of  name  of   157 

.  the  elder,  Mexican  dominion 

extended  by   61 

the  younger,  estate  of   155-156 

picture   of   155 

war  dress  of   62,  64,  69 

Motolinia  on  intercalary  days   19 

Mounds,  Indian  burial,  in  Guate- 
mala   77 

Miiblenpfoi'dt,  E.,  plan  of  build- 
ings at  Mitla  by   252,  256 

Muluc,  Maya  year  sign   24, 

26,  27,  28,  33,  34,  35 

Nahuas,  migration  of   112 

Nauauatzin,  "  poor  leper  "   66 


677 

Page. 

Necklaces,  collars,  and  ear  orna- 
ments, Maya__  613-617 

Nemontemi,  counting  of   136 

last    five    days    of  Mexican 

year  16,  17,  18 

variations   in   23-24 

New  Year,  Maya   22-23 

Mexican,  Clavlgoro  on   23 

Crist6bal  del  Castillo  on  23,  25,  26 

Duran  on   23,  25,  26 

February  2   22 

in  Vatican  (.'odex  A   23 

Nezaualcoyotl,  conflicts  regarding 

portrait  of   66 

drum  of   66 

N6tation     in     Mexican  picture 

writings---  192,  202-203,  208 
Numbers,   large,   in   Maya  manu- 
scripts  398- 

402,  412-414,  420-421 
series    of,    in    Maya  manu- 
scripts  410-411,  418-419 

Numerals,  encircled,  in  Maya  man- 
uscripts 411-412,419-420 
in  serpents,  in  Maya  manu- 
scripts   ___  414-417,421-422 


Nunez  de  la  Vega,  on  god  Votan_-  294-295 

at  Chiapas   45 

on  Maya  day  gods   559 

on  Tzental-Zotzil  demon   43,  44 

Nuttall,  Zelia,  attempt  by,  to  ex- 
plain away  Bilinaec  pic- 
ture   71-72 

on  Aztec  tonalamatl   532 

on  Mexican  calendar  138-139 

on  Mexican  feather  ornament 

at  Vienna   59,  60,  73-74 

on  Mexican  year   446-447,  456 

on  standard  of  feather  orna- 
ment  66, 67 

on  tortoise  in  Vienna  manu- 
script   427 

Nuundecu.    See  Achiotlan. 
Oaxaca,  feather  ornaments  of  clay 

figures  at   174 

human  sacrifice  in   277-278 

origin  of   260 

Ocelotl.  Mexican  day  sign   47 

Ochpaniztli,    festival   of  Mexican 

earth  goddess  130,  131 

human  sacrifice  at   174 

Mexican  broom  festival   23 

Ocna,    Maya   feast   of    the  New 

Year    22 

Olin,    seventeenth    Mexican  day 

sign   133 

01  vera,  Manuel  de — 

receipt  for  cooking  done  for   214- 

215,  216 

receipt  for  provisions  given  to_  199 
Ometecutli     Omeciuatl,  Mexican 

creation  deities   286 

Ornament,   wheel-shaped,   in  Coz- 

catzin  Codex   74 


678 


INDEX 


Page. 

Orozco  y  Berra,  M.,  Father  Burgoa 

quoted  by   19 

on  acompafiados   18 

on  agreement  between  Mexi- 
can   and  European 

chronologies  139-140 

on  beginning  of  time  cycle   25 

Pineda  quoted  by   23 

Osuna,  Duke  of,  Pintura  del 
Gobernador,  Alcaldes 
y  Regidores  de  Mex- 
ico preserved  by  188,  190 

Ozomatii,  Mexican  day  sign   25 

I'ainting  among  Mexican  warriors.  180 

Palenque,  architecture  of   81 

Chols  near   81 

Cross  of,  dates  on   420,  480 

inscription    on,  investi- 
gated   548-555 

paper     on,     l)y  E. 

FOrstemann   545-555 

prosperity  of   82 

Temple  of  Cross  at   583 

Temple  of  Cross  No.  2  at   583 

Temple  of  inscriptions  at, 
paper     on,     by  E. 

Forstemann   573-580 

Temple  of  Sun  at   583 

three  inscriptions  of,  paper 
on,  by  E.  Forste- 
mann   581-580 

Panquetzaliztii,  festival  of  Mexi- 
can god  of  war  Uit- 

zilopochtli    131 

Panquip,  lance  points  and  pottery 
from,  in  Royal  Mu- 
seum   107 

Parker,  Miss  A.  M.,  assistant  in 

translations   10 

PatecatI,  Mexican  pulque  god   49 

Pax,  Maya  month,  war  dance  in   40 

Peabody  Museum  in  Boston,  exca- 
vations  near  Copan 

under  direction  of   78 

Pefiafiel  on  glyph  of  King  Nezaual- 

pilli   157 

on  mural  paintings  at  Mitla_  250 

Perez,  Pio,  on  length  of  Katun   330 

on  Maya  calendar   427 

Peten,  clay  vessel  from,  in  Museum 

at   Copenhagen   83 

island  city  of  Lagoon  of  Itza_  78 
Philadelphia   University  Museum, 

vessel  in   111 

Picture  manuscript,  Maya   25 

Picture  writings,  Mexican,  col- 
lected by  H  u  m  - 
boldt,  chronology 

of    228 

fragment  I  128-154 

entries  in  143-154 

fragment  II  127,  128,  154-170 

meaning  of   155 

fragments  III  and  IV  170-187 

fragment  V  187-190 

fragment  VI___  128,  190-190 


Page. 

Picture  writings,  Mexican,  col- 
lected by  H  u  m  - 
boldt,  fragment  VII_  190-200 

fragment  VIII   200-209 

meaning  of   202 

fragments  IX,  X,  XI, 

XII    209-212 

fragment  XIII  212-217 

fragment  XIV  217-220 

fragment  XV   221 

fragment  XVI   221-228 

paper  on,  by  Eduard 

Seler   123-229 

presented      to  the 
Royal   Library  at 

Berlin   127 

Pije-Tao,  Zapotec  deity   284,  285,  280 

Pije-Xoo,  Zapotec  deity   284,  285,  280 

Pineda,  cited  on  Zotzil  New  Year_  23 

Pinopiaa,  goddess  of  Xalapa   301 

Pipes,  pottery  figure,  in  Sarg  col- 
lection   101-103 

in  Strebel  collection   101 

Pipils,  region  settled  1)y   112 

Pitao,  Zapotec  name  of  signs  of 
four  tonalamatl  di- 
visions   207 

Pitao-Cozobi,  Zapotec  god  of  har- 
vests   300 

Pixana,  Zapotec  ceremony   278-280 

Pleiades  among  the  Mayas,  paper 

on,  by  E.  Forstemann  521-524 
Poinsett,  J.  R.,  collection  of  Mexi- 
can manuscripts  of_  200,  212 
I'omar,  Juan  Bautista  de,  on  Neza- 
ualcoyotl's  palace  at 


Tezcuco    191 

Popol  Vuh,  Quiches  and  Toltecs  in_  234 

Zotzil  traditions  in   233 

Pottery,    Guatemalan  91,  95-97 

heads  from  Saculeu   110 

Powell,  J.  W.,  publication  of  pa- 
pers on  native  Amer- 
ican writing  ar- 
ranged for  by   9 

Preuss,  Doctor,  on  "  eye  of  light  " 
at  Santa  Lucia  Coz- 

umalhuapa   008-009 

Priest  pupils  among  Mexicans  and 

Zapotecs    277 

Priesthood  and  ceremonials,  Za- 
potec   275-283 

Priests,  Maya,  costume  of   002 

Zapotec,  ordinary   270-277 

Pulque,  Mexican  drink   210 

Quauhtemoc,  king  of  Mexico  158-100 

glyph  of  158,  100 

Quauhtemoctzin,  date  of  capture 

of.  Chimalpahin  on_  139 

Cortes  on   139 

Gomara  on   139 

Sahagun  on   139 

Quauhtli,  Mexican  day  sign   48 

Quauitleua,  feast  of  the  rain  god 
and  Mexican  New 
Year    22,23 


INDEX 


679 


raj?p. 

Qirokcln  rosion.  central,  pottery 
from,   ill   Royal  Mu- 

seu  m    no 

eastern  provinces  of   88-90 

Quetzalcoiiatl  as  synonym  of  I'ije- 

Tao,  I'ije-Xoo   28G 

(lea 111  of  •  UoD-aOO.  364-305 

Mexican  name  of  hisli  priests-  275-270 

priest  sod  of  Toltecs   270 

wind    fi^od   40, 

48,  118,  133-134 

ornaments    of   00 

Quiches  identified  with  Toltecs  in 

ropiil    Vuh   234 

Quiecolani,  harvest  ceremony  at__  300-301 

Qiiiri'.mia,  architecture  at   81 

prosperity   of   82 

Kain  sod.  dwarfs  of   208 

four  water  casks  of   207-208 

in  Borsian  Codex   209-270 

Ramirez  de  Quifiones.  I*.,  expedi- 
tion of   80 

Ran.  Charles,  cited  547-548 

Rehellions.    Maya   025-020.  027 

Receipt   from   village   of  Mizqui- 

yauallan    214-215 

Reliefs  at  Copan.  hat  in   239 

from  Chiapas  in   Museo  Na- 

cipnal  de  Mexico  _  112,  008 

in'Sarg  collectio;:   97-99 

Religion,  Zapotec,  similar  to  that 
of      Mexicans  and 

Mayas   275 

Rings,  red,  numerals  inclosed  in, 
in  Maya  manu- 
scripts  .397-398 

Rockstroh,  Prof.,  on  Cahahon   88 

Rodriguez,  Francisco,  on  i)yramid 

of  Tepoxtlan   343-344 

Rosetta   stone   9 

Rosny,     Leon     de.     on  cardinal 

points   29,  31.  501 

Royal  family  of  Mexico,  extinc- 
tion of   100-102.  105-108 

Royal  Lihrary  at  Berlin,  frag- 
ments of  Mexican 
picture  writing  pre- 
sented hy  Ilumholdt 

to    127 

Royal  Museum  at  Berlin,  glazed 
vessels  from  Karwin- 
ski  and  Uhle  collec- 
tions in  107-108 

Cuatemalan  antiquities  from 

Vera  Paz  region  in_  77.  78,  83 

hand  rollers  in   91 

lance  points  and  pottery  from 

I'anquip   in   107 

ornamented   (liiatemalan  ves- 
sels   in  107-108 

vessel    from    Ecuadorian  ex- 
hibit   at  Columbian 

Exposition    in   83 

Sacrifices,   among  Chols  and  La- 

candons    83 

animal,  among  Zapotecs   277 


Sacrifices,  human,  among  Mayas__ 


among  Zapotecs   270, 

in  Mexico--  174,  278,  307- 
Sahagun,  B.,  de,  on  beginning  of 

Mexican  year  

on  Cipactli  

on  date  of  Cortes's  entrance 

into  Mexico  .- 

on  intercalary  days  

on  last  live  days  of  Mexican 

year  

Mexican  astronomv  


on 


on 


on 


orna 


Mexican  feather 

ments   

ornaments    of  Quetzal- 

couatl   

on  Quetzalcouatl  

on  tlac.-i-xolotl  

on   war  dress  

shield  in  manuscript  of  

Saint  Katharine  of  Siena,  con- 
fused   with  goddess 

IMnopiaa  

SalamA.  tradition  regarding  

Salinas  de  los  Nneve  Cerros, 
pottery,    etc.,  from 

mound  at  

ruins  of  

San  Cristobal  de  Chiapas.  Zotzil 

settled  near  

San  Francisco  Teuetz(]uititzin, 
Diego  de,  head  and 

glyph  of  

Santa  Lucia  Cozumalhuapa.  mon- 
uments of  __4  

relief  slab  of,  deity  on__  312 
sculpture  from,  in  Royal  Mu- 
seum   

Santa  Maria  Nanacacipactzin, 
Luis    de.    death,  in 

1505.  of  

Sapper,  Karl,  contribution  to  Cen- 
tral American  arche- 
ology by  

example  of  

excavations  by.  at  La  Cueva_ 

at  Panquip  

in  Alta  Vera  Paz  

on  caves  in  eastern  Qu'eckchi 

region  

on  Choi  language  in  CahaI)on_ 

on  Chols  and  Chorti  

on  Guatemalan  millstones  

on  liacandons  

on  ruins  in  Chixoy  valley  

Sarg.  F.  C.  Guatemalan  antiqui- 
ties collected  by  

j  Saville.  M.  H.,  Maya  bibliography 


Page, 
044, 
049. 054 
277-278 
-3(>9.  370 


39 

140 

18-19 

10,  17 

:555-35e, 
357.  358 

71,  74 

00 

310-317 
94 


01 
04 


301 
112 


80 
80 


233 


by. 

report    on    pyramid    of  Te- 
poxtlan by  

Scarab.neus.  Egyptian,  in  collection 
of  Sociedad  Econom- 
ica  


108.  173 

112 
. 008-000 

94 

100 

537-538 
121 
103 
107 
78 

88-90 
88 
81 
90-91 
80,  82,  83 
80 

77 

537 
343-344 


680 


INDEX 


Page. 

Schellhas,    Paul,    on  Dieseldorff's 
paper  on  pottery  vase 


from  Chama  _______  645 

on  glyph  of  month  Kayab   428 

on  glyph  of  snail   429 

on  glyphs  for  cardinal  points_  31 

on  Maya  day  gods   560 

on  Maya  glyph  of  Cahan   565 

studies  of  Maya  glyphs  by   502-50?, 

Schultz-Sellack,  on  cardinal  points  27. 


Segura  de  la  Frontera.  Sec  Ante- 
quera. 

Seler,  Eduard,  contribution  to 
Central  American 

archeology  by   588 

contribution  to  Maya  studies 

of   596 

on  beginning  of  years  in  Dres- 
den codex   477 

oh  Maya  day  gods   559 

on   relation   of  sea   snail  to 

deities  of  death   428 

Serpent  as  Maya  year  symbol   477-478 

Shield  in  Sahagun  manuscript   (>4 

Shoe  vessel,  from  Quiche  territoi\v  110 

in  Sarg  collection   91 

Sickness,  eruptive,  epidemic  of   884 

Siguenza  y  (J/^ngora,  Carlos,  fate 

of  papers  of   20 

on  intercalary  days   22,  667 

Skin,  human,  drawing  of   173 

Snail,  tortoise  and,  in  Maya  litera- 
ture   428-480 

Sociedad  Economica.  Guatemalan 
antiquities  belonging 

to   77 

Soldiers,  Maya  and  Mexican,  de- 
scription of   656-657 

Solstice,     summer,     assigned  by 

Mayas  to  tortoise   428-427 

winter,  assigned  by  Mayas  to 

snail   423,  427 

Spaniards,  appearance  of,  in  Yuca- 
tan, date  of   383-884 

Mexican  glyphs  of   195 

Standard  for  feather  ornament   66-67 

Star,  morning,  divinity  of   860-363, 

866,  882 

worship  of,  in  Mexico   858-860 

symbols,   Maya   504 

Stars,  worship  of,  in  Mexico   358 

Stephens,  J.  L.,  cited   547 

on  tortoise  on  monument  at 

Copan   427 

Stoll,  Otto,  on  Indian  burial 
mounds  in  Guate- 
mala  77 

on  Lacandons   80 

on  Nahuatls  in  Central  Amer- 
ica   662 

on  Salama   112 

on    uniformity    of  religious 

ideas   275 

Stones,  precious,  among  the  Mexi- 
cans   150 


Page. 

Strange,  Chan  Santa  Cruz  visited 

by   633 

Strebel,  glazed  fragments  found  at 

Zoncuautla  by   109 

on  varnished  vessel  of  .Taina_  117 
vessel  from  region  of  Atoto- 
nilco  and  Quimistlan 

in  collection  of   109 

Stuttgart  Museum,  Mexican  shields 

in    182-188 

Sun,  eclipse  of,  Zapotec  ideas  re- 
garding  .300 

god,  Kinich  Ahau,  heads  of__  99-101 
worship  in  Mexico  and  Cen- 
tral America   295-296 

of  Lacandons   82 

Tabasco,  as  commercial  center   110 

female  deity  worshiped  in   81 

traffic  with  Acalan   78 

Tablets,  red  pottery,  in  Sapper 
and  DieseldorfC  col- 
lections   101 

Tahitza   79 

Tattooing  in  Maya  inscriptions   600-601 

Tecpatl,  Mexican  year  sign__   24. 

25,  26,  27,  33,  52 

Tehuantepec,  idol  near   293 

intercalary  days  in  year  of   19 

oracle  near   293 

Tenanco,  chieftain  of,  in  fragment  ' 
I   of  Humboldt  col- 
lection   145 

Tenochca,     Tlatelolca  conquei-ed 

by   61 

Tenochtitlan,  war  with  Tlatelolco_  61 
Teotihuacan,  pyramids  of  sun  and 

moon  at   296 

Teotitlan  del  Camino,  worship  of 

Xipe  at   296-297 

Teotitlan  del  Valle,  buildings  at__  298-300 

idol  and  oracle  at   296-298 

Teotleco,  twelfth  feast  of  Mexican 

year   59 

Tepeolotlec,  Zapotec  god   291-294,  668 

Tepoxtecatl,    god    worshiped  at 

Tepoxtlan   349-852 

glyph  of   850 

images  of   350-352 

Tepoxtlan,  history  of   342-348 

location  of   841-342.  669 

temple  pyramid  of,  date  of   847 

deity  worshiped  at   347-352 

description  of   844-847,  669 

paper     on,     by  Eduard 

Seler   339-352 

Teteo  innan,  Mexican  earth  god- 
dess   130 

Tezcatlipoca,  feather  basket  worn 

by   67 

forms  of   68-69 

god  of  the  Chalcas   59,  670 

Mexican  god  who  eradicates 

sin   281 

Tezcuco,  palace  at  190-191 

plan  of   190-192,  196 

population    of   192 


INDEX 


681 


Page. 

Tezontepec,  places  of  that  name  in 

Mexico    188 

'J'ezozomoc,  Cronica  Mexicana  of, 
Mexican  astron- 
omy in__  .355,  .356,  357,  858 
Motecuhzoma's  armor  in_  69 

*  war  dress  in   61,  62 

Tliomas.  Cyrus,  acknowledgment  to  10 

cited   29,  266,  411,  418, 

496,  497,  501,  527.  548.  .596 
signs  of  cardinal  points  inter- 
preted by   501 

Time,  computation  of,  in  Mexico__  15 
Time  periods  of  the  Mayas,  paper 
on,    by    E.  F^orste- 

mann   491-498 

Time  unit  of  20  days,  Mexican   13 

dedication  of   16 

Tititl,  Mexican  feast   23 

Tizoc,  Tizocic,  giyphic  representa- 
tion of   1.56 

Tlacauepan,   brother   of  Motecuh- 

zoraa  the  younger   62 

Tlacaxipeualiztli,  Mexican  feast__    23,  132 

Tlacotzin,  glyphs  of  164-165 

Tlaelquani,    Mexican    earth  god- 
dess as  eradicator  of 

sin   281 

TIaloc,  Mexican  rain,  thunder,  and 

mountain  god'___  22,  129,  669 
Tlaltelolco,    conference    to  decide 

beginning  of  year  at_  22 

conquered  by  Tenochca   61 

Moquiuix,  king  of   60 

war  with  Tenochtitlan   61 

Tlauitol  family  in  Tezcuco  194-195 

Tlauitoltzin,  San  Antonio  Pimen- 

tel,  Chimalpahin  on_  194 

Pomar  on   194-195 

Sahagun  on   194 

Torquemada  on   194 

Tlauizcalpan  Tecutli,  as  synonym 
of  Coqui-Xee.  Coqui- 

Cilla    286,  669 

Tlaxcala.  clay  vessel  found  near_  64 

Tochtli,  Mexican  year  sign   24, 

25,  26,  27,  33,  44 

Toci,  Mexican  earth  goddess  129,  131 

Tollan,  legend  cycle  of   60 

Toltecs,  antiquity  of   327 

explanation  of   542 

identified    with    Quiches  in 

Popul   Vuh   234 

Tonacaciuatl,     Mexican  creation 

goddess    286 

Tonacatecutli,    Mexican  creation 

god    286 

Tonalamatl,  as  horoscope   532 

Central  American,  paper  on, 

by  E.  F()rstemann__  525-533 

Maya  name  of   14 

Maya,  divisions  of   527 

origin  of   494 

Mexican  time  period   14,  134 

referred  by  Zapotecs  to  car- 
dinal points   267 


I'age. 

Tonalamatl,  represented  in  Aubin- 

Goupil  collection   64 

Tonantzin,  Maya  goddess   48,  50,  51 

Torquemada,  .Tuan  de,  on  inter- 
calary days   19 

on  temples  at  Mitla   249 

Tortoise  and  snail  in  Maya  liter- 
ature   42.3-430 

in  Codex  Cortesianus   423-426 

in  Troano  Codex   426 

Trade,  pottery  distributed  by  107-109 

Trading  expeditions,  Mexican,  into 

Zapotec    country   258-259 

Treaty  with  Mayas  in  1853   626 

Trocadero   Museum,   vessels  from 

Tabasco    in   90 

Tzimin-Chac,  Itzaex  idol,  god  of 
thunder  and  light- 
ning   45 

Tzinacantan,    Guatemala   233 

Uaxtec   cap   67,  71 

Uaxtepec,  "  .Tardin  d'acclimation  " 

of  Mexican  kings   171 

llaxyacac,  settled  by  Mexicans  un- 
der   elder  Motecuh- 

zoma   261 

T'exotzinco,  enterprise  against   62 

Ueza-eche,  Zapotec  name  of  ordi- 
nary priests   276 

Uhde,    collection    of.    Royal  Mu- 
seum of  Ethnology-  64 
Mrs  Nuttall's  views  defended 

by    60 

on     Mexican     feather  orna- 
ment   71,  72 

on  standard  of  feather  orna- 
ment   66 

Uija-tao,  Zapotec  high  priest   248,  275 

Uitzilopochtli,    Mexican    god  of 

war    131 

Mexican     tribal     god,  head- 
dress of   59 

shield    of   181-182 

Uixachtepec,  periodic  fire  on   20 

Usumacinta,  sacrificial  vessels  of 

the    77,83 

Utensils  in  Maya  inscriptions   620 

TTuayayab,  Maya  demon  of  evil   17 

Valentini,  P.  .T.  .T..  cited   59,  540,  548 

Vampire  god,  Maya   66.5-666 

Vase,  pottery,  with  figure  paint- 
ing, from  a  grave  in 
Chama,  paper  on,  by 

E.  P.  Dieseldorfif   6.39-645 

Vase  of  Chama,  paper  on,  by  E. 

Forstemann   647-650 

paper  on,  by  Eduard  Seler   651-664 

resemblance    of,    to  Dresden 

Codex,  page  60   647 

Venus,  planet,  glyph  of   371-373 

human  sacrifices  to   370 

light  or   383-386 

Mexican  observations  of_  363-367, 
37.5-384 

revolution  of,  length  of   496 

worship  of,  in  Mexico   358 


682 


INDEX 


Page. 

Venus   period,    analogies  between 

Maya    and  Mexican 

manuscripts  regard- 

ing 

.376-382 

assignment  of,  to  five  cardinal 

points 

307 

compared  with  solar  year  

380-391 

initial  davs  of.  table  of 

374 

paper  on,  by  Kduard  Seier  

3.-).3-391 

relation  of,  to  tonalamatl.  :i05- 

-3G7,  380 

Vessel  with  vampire-headed  deity. 

Dieseldorff  on 

OG.j-600 

Vessels,  glazed 

107,  110 

Guatemalan,  at  American  His- 

torical Exhibition 

77 

juglike,  in  Sapper  collection  

92 

of  the  Mava  type 

77 

representing  toad  and  monkey. 

in  Sarg  coMection  __ 

108 

sacrificial 

8.3-85 

sketches  of,   from  Castaneda 

collection 

11.3-121 

toothed,  obtained  by  Sarg  in 

Nebah 

110 

Vienna,    Mexican    feather  orna- 

ment in  museum  at_ 

.">9 

Villagutierre  y  Sotomayor  on  Que- 

hache  (Mazatlan)  __ 

79-80 

Votan,  Chiapanec  year  sign 

24 

Mexican  god 

4.5 

Tzental  god   

294-29.5 

Vues    des    Cordilleres,    by  Hum- 

boldt,  fragments  TI 

and   VI   of  ^lexican 

jiicture  writings  in__ 

127-128 

Wall  paintings  at  Mitla  

2,50-2:57 

explanation  of 

300-324 

importance  of 

324 

paper     on,     by  Ednard 

Wesselhoeft,  Selma,  papers  trans- 

lated by 

10 

Whip,  use  of.  in  Central  America- 

0.57 

Wilken,  Friedrich,  on  Mexican  pic- 

ture writing  in  Hum- 

boldt collection  

127 

Worship   of   Acalans,  Lacandons, 

and  Chols 

82-83 

Xahila,  Zotzil  traditions  in 

233 

Xipe,  red  god.  Mexican  182 

009,  970 

of  the  Yopi,  dress  of-  01,  02,  03,  07 

forms    of   08-09 

shield  of   03-04,  00,  07 

Xiuhtecutli,  Mexican  fire  god   18 

Xochitl,  Mexican  day  sign   35,  30,  54 

Xochiquetzal.  goddess   50 

Xolotl,  Mexican  and  Zapotec  god-  40 
65-60,  74,  94-95,  118 


Page. 

Year,  Maya,  assigned  to  cardinal 

points   27 

beginning  of   440 

last  five  days  of   17 

length  of   402 

symbols    of   477-489 

Mexican,  assigned  to  cardinal 

points   24 

beginning   of,  variations 

in   21-24,  20 

first   month  of  139-140 

initial  day  of   14,  25 

intercalary  days  in   18-21 

last  five  days  of   15-18 

length  of   14,  15 

named  from  initial  days_  15 

names  of   130-1.39 

table  illustrating   137 

ritual,  ]\Inya   447 

Year  signs,  Chiapanec   24 

in  Y'ucatan   24 

Mexican   24 

Years,  order  of   33 

period  of  24,  Maya  computa- 

•  tion  of  :   470 

Yokes,  stone,  in  Royal  INIuseum 
from  Seebach  collec- 
tion   111 

Y''ucatan.     belief     regarding  the 

P>alam  in   52 

frontier  tracts  near,  charac- 
teristics of   78-79 

independent  Indian  states  of, 

geography  of   033-034 

paper  on,  by  Karl  Sai)i)er_  023-034 

last  five  days  of  year  in   10-17 

Zacatlan,  chieftain  of,  in  fragment 
I  of  Humboldt  col- 
lection   145 

Zapotec  country,  ancient   258-265 

authority  of  Mexicans  in-  260 

estate  of  Cortes  in   265 

isolation  of   258 

Mexican  conquests  in  201-2p4 

settlement    of  Mexicans 

in   259 

Zapotecs,    deities    and  religious 

conceptions  of   284-305 

relation  of,  to  Mexicans  and 

Mayas   206 

submission  of,  to  Cortes   204-205 

Zero  point,  among  Cakchikels   35 

among  Mayas   35 

days  reckoned  by  Mayas  from_  35 

Zotz,  Maya  for  bat   233 

name  of  Maya  time  period   237 

Zotzihia,  "  bat's  house  '   234 

Zotzil,  tribes  so  named   233 


o 


4 


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